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CAMPAIGN OF '84. 



BIOGRAPHIES 

OF 



TAMES a. BLAINE, 

THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDA TE FOR PRESIDENT, 
AND 

JOHJSr A. LOGAN, 

THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDA TE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 

WITH A 

DESCEIPTION OF THE LEADING ISSUES 



AND THE 



Proceedings of the National Convention. 



TOGETHER WITH A 



•listory of the Political Parties of the United States. 

COMPARISONS OF PLATFORMS ON ALL 
IMPORTANT QUESTIONS, 

AND 

Political Tables for Ready Reference. 



BY HON. THOS. V. COOPER, 



Author of "American Politics," and Chairman of Pennsylvania * Tr^^ 

Republican State Committee 1881-82-83-84. 






PHILADELPHIA . 

FIRESIDE PUBLISHING COMPANY, 

No. 20 North Seventh Street. 
1884. 



1 



Bntered according to Act of Congress In the year 1884. hy th« 
FIRESIDE PUBLISHING COMPANY, 
ia the OflSce of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. CI , i 



t| 



Bound by 

BKNRY ALTKMUS, 

Mb aod Cberr; StrMt^ 

rkiladelpUia. 






a 



XT 



CONTENTS. 



Biof2,rax)hLies, etc. 



PAGB 

James G. Blaine, 1 

John A. Logan, 50 

Proceedings of National Republican Convention at Chicago, June 3, 1884 . 71 
Issues of Presidential Campaign of 1884 80 



HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES. 



page. 

Colonial Parties— Whig and Tory 3 

Particularists and Strong Government Whigs 5 

Federals and Anti Federals 7 

Republicans and Federals 9 

Downfall of the Federals 13 

Democrats and Federals 17 

Jefferson Democrats 19 

Hartford Convention 20 

Treaty of Ghent 20 

Congressional Caucus 21 

Protective Tariff 21 

Monroe Doctrine 23 

Missouri Compromise 24 

Tariff — American System • • 25 

Tenure of Office — Eligibility 27 

Nullification — Democrats and Federals 29 

United States Bank 31 

Jackson's Special Message on the United States Bank 33 

Conception of Slavery Question 35 

Democrats and Whigs 37 

The Hour Rule 39 

National Bank Bill — First 41 

Second 43 

Oregon Treaty of 1846 47 

Treaty of Peace with Mexico 49 

Clay's Compromise Resolutions 51 

Abolition Party — Rise and Progress of 53 

Kansas-Nebraska Bill 55 

Ritual of the American Party 57 

Kansas Struggle 71 

Lincoln and Douglas Debate 73 

Charleston Convention — Democratic, 18G0 81 

Douglas Convention, 18G0, Baltimore 86 

Breckinridge Convention, 1860, Baltimore 86 

Chicago Republican Convention, 1860 86 

American Convention, 1860 87 

Secession — Pkeparing_ foe 87 

vii 



viii . TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

Secession — Virginia Convention, 1861 91 

" Inter-State Commissioners 96 

" Southern Congress, Proceedings of : 97 

" Confederate Constitution 97 

" Confederate States 98 

Buchanan's Views 99 

Crittenden Compromise 104 

Peace Convention 1C6 

Actual Secession 109 

" " Transferring Arms to the South 109 

Fernando Wood's Secession Message 112 

Congress on the Eve of the Kebellion 113 

Lincoln's Views 115 

Judge Black's Views 115 

Alexander H. Stephens' Speech ok Secession 116 

Lincoln's First Administration 120 

Confederate Military Legislation 128 

Guerrillas 129 

Twenty-Negro Exemption Law 130 

Douglas on the Rebellion 130 

Political Legislation Incident to the War 130 

Thirty-Seventh Congress 131 

Compensated Emancipation 135 

Lincoln's Appeal to the Border States 137 

P«,eply of the Border States 138 

Border State Slaves 139 

Emancipation 141 

" Preliminary Proclamation of 141 

" Proclamation of 143 

Loyal Governors, the Address of 144 

Fugitive Slave Law, Repeal of 145 

Financial Legislation 149 

Seward as Secretary of State 149 

Internal Taxes 151 

Confederate Debt 152 

Confederate Taxes 153 

West Virginia — Admission of 158 

Color in War Politics 159 

Thirteenth Amendment — Passage of 167 

Louisiana — Admission of Representatives . . •. 168 

Reconstruction . 169 

Arkansas — Admission of 170 

Reconstruction Measures— Text of 171 

Fourteenth Amendment " 174 

McClellan's Political Letters 175 

Lincoln's Second Administration 177 

Andrew Johnson and his Policy 178 

" " — Impeachment Trial 179 

Grant 191 

Enforcement Acts • 193 

Readmission of Rebellious States 193 

Legal Tender Decision 194 

Greenback Party 194 

Prohibitory Party -. 196 

San Domingo — Annexation op 196 



TABLE OF CUNTENT8. 



IX 



PAGE. 

Alabama Claims 197 

Force Bill I97 

Civil Seevice — Order of President Hayes 198 

Amnesty I99 

Liberal Republicans I99 

Reform in the Civil Service 200 

Credit Mobilier 200 

Salary Grab 214 

Returning Boards 217 

Grangers 21S 

— Illinois Railroad Act of 1873 218 

Civil Rights Bill — Supplementary 221 

Morton Amendment 222 

Whisky Ring 222 

Belknap Impeached 223 

White League 223 

Wheeler Compromise — Text of 226 

Election op Hayes and Wheeler 228 

Electoral Count 229 

Title of President Hayes 233 

Cipher Despatches 234 

Thb Hayes Administration 239 

Negro Exodus 240 

Campaign of 1880 242 

Three Per Cent. Funding Bill 244 

History of the National Loans 245 

Garfield and Arthur — Inauguration of 253 

Republican Factions 253 

The Caucus 256 

Assassination of Garfield 260 

Arthur, President 261 

Boss Rule 261 

Readjusters 263 

MoRMONiSM — Suppression of 264 

" Text of the Bill 265 

South American Question 269 

Star Route Scandal 277 

The Coming States 278 

Chinese Question 281 

'• " — Speech of Senator Miller on 281 

" " — Reply of Senator Hoar 285 

Merchant Marine 296 

Current Politics 298 

Political Changes in 1882 304 



BOOK II.— POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



Virginia Resolutions, 1798 3 

Virginia Resolutions, 1798— Answers of the State Legislatures 6 

Resolutions of 179S and 1799 10 

Washington's Farewell Address 1-i 

All National Platforms from 1800 to 1880 21-63 

_ T>, . ^,.^^^, -Dt i-Kirra nw ftliWAT PflT.TTTCAT, OuFSTIONS 69-79 



*•■ 



PART I. 



BIOGRAPHIES OF 



JAMES G. BLAINE 



AND 



JOHN A. LOGAK 



> 



JAMES G. BLAII^E. 



Hon. Jaaies G. Blaine, the Republican 
nominee for President of the United States, 
is so well and favorably known to the 
people of the country, that he needs no 
introduction to his fellow-citizens. During 
his eventful life he has taken such a pro- 
minent part, and has been such a con- 
spicuous figure in the history of the coun- 
try as to bring him into every community 
and every household. 

Revolutions, exciting events, questions 
of municipal, state and national impor- 
tance, bring men to the surface and place 
them for the time prominently before the 
people ; but when quiet is restored, when 
the issues have been decided and passed 
into history, a great majority of the pro- 
minent figures sink to the level from which 
they arose, and are almost forgotten. 
Men elevated to political prominence and 
power, wielding the patronage and dis- 
tributing the favors of official position, 
are followed by the public eye, heralded 
by the public press, cajoled and flattered 
by the myriads of sycophants who bask 
in the sunshine of power and exist on the 
gifts of patronage. They are exalted by 
their office unto greatness, and their 
names are sounded in the ears of the 
world through the trumpet of praise until 
they appear to have attained the summit 
of human ambition. But when they are 
stripped of their official position, when 
they cease to perform in their official role, 
when they are succeeded by others, and 
retire to the shades of private life, their 
followers leave them, their satellites re- 
volve around another centre, and they 
find that it was the position and not the 
man that people worshipped, and flattered, 
and they realize that couplet of Pope: 

"Imperious Caesar, dead and turned to 

clay, 
May stop a hole to keep the wind away." 

Yet while this may be termed the " com- 



mon lot" of those who are placed in high 
positions by their countrymen, yet there 
are exceptions to the rule. Where honor, 
love, confidence and fame follow men, 
and continue as abiding when devoid of 
power and patronage as when they were 
at the summit of political power, it shows 
the worth of the man. " The survival of 
the fittest" holds true even on the camp- 
ing ground of honor and fame. How 
many are unable to name the succession 
of Presidents and Vice-Presidents. How 
few can name the cabinets of distinguished 
men frpm Washington to Arthur. What 
a small percentage of the Continental 
Congress has lived in names familiar to 
the present generation. 

It is a very severe, but an excellent test 
of innate greatness, worth, ability and 
character, as it separates the man from 
the office, and gives him to posterity 
stripped of all extraneous trappings. The 
man survives as a man ; he lives on his 
intrinsic value, or becomes lost for the 
want of it. 

Judged by this standard, James G. 
Blaine is, in the true sense of the word, a 
great man. His brilliant intellect and in- 
spiring genius are as fully recognized by 
the people of the nation as his services as 
statesman and legislator have been ac- 
knowledged. In all the positions he has 
held, from his first office to that of Prime 
Minister of the Government, he has been 
an honor to the position, and hence when 
he left them he retained that nobility of self 
which kept him prominent and potential. 
James G. Blaine has passed through more 
crucial tests than perhaps any other public 
man living. His acknowledged intellectual- 
ity, his brilliant and magnetic style, his fo- 
rensic power, and his native genius all tend 
to place him on so high a pinnacle that no 
man, unless he be great, can sustain him- 
self in all. Yet in public and private life 
he has added to his renown, and never 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



dazed by the giddy height he has reached, 
he still has a higher aim, and an upward 
march. 

In all the positions he has filled, as well 
as during his short rests within the quiet 
of private lite, he has kept himself close to 
the people, and been a ready champion 
for their rights. As a leader of men he is 
brave to a fault. As a party man he has 
been one of its most able expounders and 
supporters — and as a statesman he has 
shown an unflinching devotion to our 
institutions, and he has throughout ad- 
vocated a policy as broad as our na- 
tion. Outspoken in his faith, and zea- 
lous for the principles of Freedom, he has 
stood by the people of his country at home, 
and wherever our flag covered them abroad. 
In the House, in the Senate, at the head of 
the Nation's Cabinet alike he has won the 
love of the people by his devotion to their 
personal interest and the national honor. 
For a quarter of a century he has been iden- 
tified with the people, and his wonderful 
popularity with the masses is the highest 
eulogium that he can receive. Next to the 
immortal Lincoln he is held to the people 
by the strongest bonds, and for the same 
reason — that he has been so closely allied 
to the masses. ^ James G. Blaine has not 
been the pet of politicians, and been 
elevated from place to place by political 
manoeuvering. On the contrary, his ad- 
vancement, and brilliant career has often 
excited the jealousy and envy of his fel- 
low leaders, who have endeavored to 
retard his rapid march in the path of 
greatness. It is nothing derogatory to 
Blaine, that he has his enemies — on the 
contrary, it is the best of proof that he has 
positiveness and decision of character. It 
is no compliment to say that a man has 
no enemies. The friction of life naturally 
makes them, when men are the exponents 
of ideas, the zealous advocates of prin- 
ciples, and the acknowledged leaders of 
men and of party. The genius of a man 
like Blaine naturally makes him aggressive. 
The comprehensive grasp of such a mind 
can find no rest in our age and country, 
and he who is brave enough to grasp the 
issues of the hour must always expect to 
meet with opposition. Such a character 
cannot float quietly down the stream of 



i time with the current, content to wait for 
I time and tide, but will trust to its own 
propelling powers, rather than to others, 
I and will, if necessary, stem the current in- 
stead of being carried by it. 

Even to those who know Mr. Blaine 
best, his wonderful magnetism is a mystery. 
He does not act as though he was aware 
of this power, and he shows nothing m 
his manners or general conversation to lead 
a stranger to suspect his real greatness. 

He is now in the prime of a well-pre- 
served life, which has given him such a 
knowledge of men and measures as but 
few persons possess. For twenty-five years 
he has been brought in personal contact 
with all the leading politicians, statesmen 
and diplomats, besides being a close stu- 
dent and a great reader. His record in 
the House of Representatives, both as a 
member and as its presiding officer, 
shows that he possesses vast resources, 
and is always ready to apply them. This, 
and not any oratorical display gave 
him his prestige as a debater and leader. 
According to the accepted definition of 
oratory, James G. Blaine is not an orator, 
although the experience and practice of his 
official life has proven him to be a pro- 
found and almost irresistible speaker. It 
is the earnestness of his style, joined to 
his personal magnetism, and not the dis- 
play of oratorical sentences, that gives 
him his power. Indeed, his early life 
showed an actual dearth of oratorical 
ability, and during the period when he 
was at Washington College, he gave no 
evidence in that direction. The different 
literary societies to which he belonged 
never selected him to represent them on 
the platform on gala occasions. He was 
far from being the brightest boy, and his 
college days gave but little indication of 
his reserved powers, or of the prominence 
to which he has arrived in after life. 

James Gillespie Blaine was born at what 
was known as the Indian Hill Farm, in 
Washington County, Pennsylvania, just 
opposite Brownsville, January 31, 1830, 
and hence is now in the fifty-fifth year of 
his age. The stone house in which he 
first drew the breath of life, dingy with 
time, and tottering with its age, still re- 
mains. It is now included within the 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



limits of West Brownsville. It was erected 
by Neal Gillespie, the great-grandfather 
of Mr. Blaine, in 1778, so that it has stood 
intact for more than a century. Indian 
Hill Farm was then on the very borders 
of civilization ; now that civilization has 
extended from ocean to ocean. Mr. Neal 
Gillespie was evidently a pioneer in those 
days, as it is believed that this was the 
first stone house erected on that side of 
the Mononghela river. 

His Family Hlstor}'. 

Colonel Ephraim Blaine of Carlisle, 
Pennsylvania, great-grandfather of Mr. 
Blaine, was one of the " patriots of 76," 
and took an active part in the revolu- 
tionary struggle from the time when Inde- 
pendence Bell rang out the birth of a new 
nation, until the United States were ac- 
knowledged by the nations of the earth. 
He was appointed Commissary General 
by Washington in 1778 and held his com- 
mission until 1783. 

The Blaines were Scotch-Irish, the race 
from which sprang James Buchanan, Si- 
mon Cameron, John Stewart, Wayne Mac- 
Veagh. The race has been remarkably 
productive of the qualities of heart and 
mind which win the regard and admiration 
of mankind. Courage, quickness and a 
brilliancy of intellect which flashes into 
dark places like a wave of the electric light 
are common to great Scotch-Irishmen. 

Mr. Blaine's father was born in the fam- 
ily mansion at Carlisle. He made a tour 
of Europe, spent some time in South 
America and the West Indies, and on his 
return, he settled in Washington County, 
where he died before his son had reached 
his manhood. 

Colonel Ephraim Blaine's son, " Squire 
Blaine," as he was known in the commu- 
nity, was married to Miss Gillespie, a de- 
vout member of the Roman Catholic 
Church, but their seven children— five 
boys and two girls — adhered to the tradi- 
tional faith of the Blaines. The second of 
these five sons is the subject of this sketch, 
James Gillespie Blaine, just selected by the 
people for its highest honors. 

Concerning the religious faith of his 
family and his own attitude in religious 



matters, Mr. Blaine wrote in later life — 
March 10, 1876— as follows : 

My ancestors on my father's side were, 
as you know, always identified with the 
Presbyterian Church, and they were prom- 
inent and honored in the old colony of 
Pennsylvania. But I will never consent 
to make any public declaration upon the 
subject, and for two reasons : First, be- 
cause I abhor the introduction of anything 
that looks like a religious test or qualifica- 
tion for office in a republic where perfect 
freedom of conscience is the birthright of 
every citizen ; and, second, because my 
mother was a devoted Catholic. I would 
not for a thousand Presidencies speak a 
disrespectful word of my mother's religion, 
and no pressure will draw me into any 
avowal of hostility or unfriendliness to 
Catholics, though I have never received, 
and do not expect any political support 
from them. 

The Kennebec Journal [Augusta, Me., 
about this time said on the same subject 
that "Mr. Blaine has been for nearly 
twenty years a consistent member of the 
Orthodox Congregational Church in this, 
the city of his home. Orthodox Congre- 
gationalism in Maine is precisely the same 
creed as Presbyterianism in Pennsylvania." 
His father emigrated (as it was termed 
at that day) west in 1817, and was the lar- 
gest landholder of any man in Western 
Pennsylvania. The tract forming this es- 
tate is now worth many millions. In 1825 
Mr. Blaine's father sold to the Economites 
a large tract of his land, for $25,000, on 
which their town with all its industry and 
wealth now stands. 

There were also timber tracts on the Al- 
legheny and coal tracts on the Mononga- 
hela, at that day of no special value, which 
now represent large fortunes in the hands 
of those lucky enough to hold them. Very 
near the large tracts owned by his fathet 
and grandfather, Senator Blaine is now 
the possessor of one of the most valuable 
coal properties in the Monongahela val- 
ley. In area it is but a fraction of that 
which he might have hoped to inherit, but 
in value it is manifold greater than the 
whole landed estate of his father fifty years 
ago. 

Mr. Blaine the elder was fairly educated, 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



had good business qualities, and was suc- 
cessful in his undertakings. He had a 
" push " about him which while it is com- 
mon in these days of steam and telegraphs, 
was not as general then. He was a quiet 
worker, with a slow but sure judgment, 
and in addition to being a fair scholar of 
his day, he was a constant and careful 
reader. With a desire that his son might 
be well educated he spared no pains to 
give him an intellectual training. As soon 
as he had attained sufficient age he was 
put to school and in 1841, when only 
eleven years old he was sent to Lancaster, 
Ohio, and placed in the family of a rela- 
tive, Hon. Thomas Ewing, a gentleman of 
note in that State, and at that time Secre- 
tary of the department of the Treasury at 
Washington. 

General Thomas Ewing, at present in 
Congress, is his cousin, and of the same 
age ; was his classmate, under the tuition 
of an Englishman named Wm. Lyons, a 
brother of the elder Lord Lyons and uncle 
of the late British Minister at Washing- 
ton. 

Here he continued at school preparing 
himself for entering college for two years, 
and in 1843 he returned to his native 
place. In November of that year he was 
admitted to the freshmen's class of Wash- 
ington College, where he remained until 
September, 1847, when he graduated in 
his eighteenth year. 

There is a tradition that when Mr. Ew- 
ing was Secretary of the Interior Blaine 
applied to him for a clerkship and the 
old man sent him to Kentucky to earn 
an honest living teaching school. This 
association of the name of Ewing with 
that of Blaine has given rise to the story 
that the Ewing family of Ohio helped 
James G. Blaine to an education, but this 
is only a fiction. 

Not a Lieader at College. 

During his college days Blaine was but 
the chrysalis of what he has now become. 
The growth of his body and the extra- 
ordinary expansion of his mind through 
his continuous reading so drew on the 
vital strength and imagination that he 
seemed dull from the effect of his rapid 
growth. This no doubt accounts for his 



lack of popularity among the boys — not 
that he was unpopular, but retiring, and 
seemingly unwilling to make himself pro- 
minent among the rest. From present 
recollections I do not think he was known 
as of a decided character in any way 
among his fellow-students. He seemed 
to be content to drift along reading, study- 
ing and growing, with never a thought of 
prominence or supremacy in any way. 
The newspaper accounts which claim that 
Blaine was a leader among the boys are 
incorrect. He was a remarkably quiet 
and unassuming youth. He was so extra- 
ordinarily quiet in his relations at college 
that I fail to recall one single anecdote of 
his college days. He was neither noted 
for unruliness of conduct nor saintliness: 
never engaged in any college pranks nor 
yet gained a reputation for being super- 
naturally virtuous. A plain, quiet, good- 
tempered, studious boy is what James G. 
Blaine was in his college days. He was 
the last young man in the college for 
whom such a future as he has already dis- 
played would have been predicted. 
Everyone |thought and said that Blaine 
would go through the world quiet, studious 
and the quintessence of mediocrity. He 
gave not the slightest hint of his great 
career, and he then seemed but the raw 
material of the present statesman. His 
youth was singularly without honors ; he 
neither sought nor received them. 

At the quarter-centennial of the class, 
held in 1872, twenty-nine of the thirty- 
three were living, and every one of them 
was a man of position and character in 
his community. John H. Hampton, Esq., 
of this city, A. M. Gow, of Washington, 
Pa., John V. LeMoyne, of Chicago, were 
members of the class. 

Dr. Sniltli's description of Ittni as a College 
Boy. 

Said Dr. Smith : " Yes, I knew Blaine at 
Washington College, he being in the next 
class below me. Blaine's parents lived at 
Washington during their son's college 
course, and on that account the students 
saw less of Jim Blaine, as he was familiarly 
called, than if he had boarded at the col- 
lege instead of at home. Young Blaine 
was a sturdy, heavy set, matter-of-fact 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



looking young fellow, not at all prepos- 
sessing in appearance, and exceedingly 
awkward at times, and giving no hint of 
the elegant gentleman he has grown to 
be. He was never seen on the street or 
playground and but rarely mingled in the 
customary sports of the boys. I remem- 
ber we had a very fine foot-ball ground, 
but I never remember to have seen young 
Blaine on it. In fact, I cannot say for 
certain that I ever saw him engaged in any 
kind of sport during the entire time I was 
at college. It is my impression that he 
passed all his leisure at home or in one of 
the college halls with a book. He was a 
great reader, almost a bookworm, and 
would become absorbed to a wonderful de- 
gree in his books. 

A friend and acquaintance of Mr. 
Blaine, in speaking of his early life, and 
of the utter lack of any precociousness 
says : 

"As a remarkable contrast to Blaine, I 
remember Nicholas Watterman, of Blaine's 
class. He was the brightest and smartest 
in his class, receiving every prize and honor 
that was offered. Brilliant in debate and 
oratory, he never failed to represent his 
class in oratorical contests and invariably 
won every debate he engaged in. On 
commencement day he graduated with 
the very highest honors of his class, and 
seemed to have every assurance of future 
renown, while Blaine was some dis- 
tance from the head. Strange to say, after 
leaving college he went into the commis- 
sion business, made a fortune, squandered 
it and died a miserable death, while Blaine, 
his humble rival, went on and developed 
into the superb orator and statesman he is 
now. It seemed to be the universal rule 
in those days at Washi ngton College that 
the brightest pupils never rose above 
mediocrity, while some of the dullest pupils 
made a name and position for them- 
selves. " 

Mr. Blaine's college guardian was Hon. 
John H. Ewing, who was at that time 
the member of Congress from that dis- 
trict, and who still lives and will cast his 
vote for his distinguished ward. 

The graduating class consisted of thirty- 
three members, and Mr. Blaine divided 
the honors of the class with John C. Har- 



vey, who is now superintendent of Public 
Instruction in Wheeling, West Virginia. 
During his college life he was noted for 
excellence in Latin and mathematics, and 
also in logic and political economy. 



Robert G. Ingersoll, of Illinois, 

In the National Republican Convention at Cincinnati, 

June, 187b, in nominating James G. Blaine, 

for the Presidency. 

" Massachusetts may be satisfied with 
the loyalty o^ Benjamin H. Bristow ; so 
am I ; but if any man nominated by this 
convention cannot carry the State of Mas- 
sachusetts, I am not satisfied with the 
loyalty of that State. If the nominee of 
this convention cannot carry the grand old 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts by 
seventy-five thousand majority, I would 
advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a 
Democratic headquarters. I would advise 
them to take from Bunker Hill that old 
monument of glory. 

" The Republicans of the United States 
demand as their leader in the great con- 
test of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man 
of integrity, a man of well-known and ap- 
proved political opinions. They demand 
a reformer after as well as before the elec- 
tion. They demand a politician in the 
highest, broadest and best sense — a man 
of superb moral courage. They demand a 
man z.cquainted with public affairs, with 
the wants of the people ; with not only the 
requirements of the hour, but with the 
demands of the future. They demand a 
man broad enough to comprehend the re- 
lations of this government to the other 
nations of the earth. They demand a man 
well versed in the powers, duties, and pre- 
rogatives of each and every department of 
this Government. They demand a man 
who will sacredly preserve the financial 
honor of the United States ; one who knows 
enough to know that the national debt 
must be paid through the prosperity of this 
people ; one who knows enough to know 
that all the financial theories in the world 
cannot redeem a single dollar ; one who 
knows enough to know that all the money 
must be made, not by law, but by labor ; 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



one who knows enough to know that the 
people of the United States have the in- 
dustry to make the money and the honor 
to pay it over just as fast as they make it. 

'• The Republicans of the United States 
demand a man who knows that prosperity 
and resumption, when they come must 
come together ; that when they come, they 
will come hand in hand through the 
golden harvest fields ; hand in hand by 
the whirling spindles and the turning 
wheels ; hand in hand past the open 
furnace doors ; hand in hand by the 
flaming forges ; hand in hand by the 
chimneys filled with eager fire — greeted 
and grasped by the countless sons of 
toil. 

" This money has to be dug out of the 
earth. You cannot make it by passing 
resolutions in a political convention. 

" The Republicans of the United States 
want a man who knows that this Govern- 
ment should protect every citizen, at home 
and abroad ; who knows that any govern- 
ment that will not defend its defenders, 
and protect its protectors, is a disgrace to 
the map of the world. They demand a 
man who believes in the eternal separation 
and divorcement of Church and School. 
They demand a man whose political repu- 
tation is spotless as a star ; but they do not 
demand that their candidate shall have a 
certificate of moral character signed by a 
Confederate Congress. The man who has, 
in full, heaped and rounded measure, all 
these splendid qualifications, is the present 
grand and gallant leader of the Republi- 
can party — James G. Blaine. 

" Our country, crowned with the vast 
and marvelous achievements of its first 
century, asks for a man, worthy of the past 
and prophetic of her future ; asks for a 
man who has the audacity of genius ; asks 
for a man who is the grandest combination 
of heart, conscience and brain beneath 
her flag. Such a man is James G. 
Blaine. 

" For the Republican host, led by this 
intrepid man, there can be no defeat. . 

" This is a grand year — a year filled with 
the recollections of the Revolution ; filled 
with proud and tender memories of the 
past ; with the sacred legends of liberty ; 
a year in which the sons of freedom will 



drink from the fountains of enthusiasm ; 
a year in which the people call for a man 
who has preserved in Congress what our 
soldiers won upon the field ; a year in 
which they call for the man who has torn 
from the throat of treason the tongue of 
slander ; for the man who has snatched 
the mask of Democracy from the hideous 
face of rebellion ; for the man who, like an 
intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena 
of debate and challenged all comers, and 
who is still a total stranger to defeat. 

" Like an armed warrior, like a plumed 
knight, James G. Blaine marched down 
the halls of the American Congress, and 
threw his shining lance full and fair against 
the brazen foreheads of the defamers of 
his country and the maligners of his 
honor. 

" For the Republican party to desert this 
gallant leader now, is as though an army 
should desert their general upon the field 
of battle. 

"James G. Blaine is now and has been 
for years the Nearer of the sacred standard 
of the Republican party. I call it sacred, 
because no human being can stand beneath 
its folds without becoming and without re- 
maining free. 

"Gentlemen of the convention, in the 
name of the great Republic, the only Re- 
public that ever existed upon the earth ; 
in the name of all her defenders and of all 
her supporters ; in the name of all her sol- 
diers living ; in the name of all her soldiers 
dead upon the field of battle, and in the 
name of those who perished in the skeleton 
clutch of famine at Andersonville and 
Libby, whose sufferings he so vividly re- 
members, Illinois — Illinois nominates for 
the next President of this country, that 
prince of parliamentarians — that leader of 
leaders — James G Blaine." 

Maine sent us to this magnificent Con- 
vention with a memory of her own salva- 
tion from impending peril fresh upon her. 
To you representatives of 50,000,000 of the 
American people who have met here to 
counsel how the Republic can be saved, 
she says, " Representatives of the people, 
take the man, the true man, the staunch 
man, for your leader, who has just saved 
me, and he will bring you to safety and 
certain victory." 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



Frye Nominating Blaine. 

In the Chicago Convention, /SSo. 

" I once saw a storm at sea in the night- 
time ; an old ship battling for its life with 
the fury of the tempesf ; darkness every- 
where ; the winds raging and howling ; 
the huge waves beating on the sides of the 
ship, and making her shiver from stem to 
stern. The lightning was flashing, the 
thunders roUing ; there was danger every- 
where. I saw at the helm, a bold, coura- 
geous, immovable, commanding man. In 
the tempest, calm ; in the commotion, 
quiet ; in the danger, hopeful. I saw him 
take the old ship and bring her into her 
harbor, into still waters, into safety. That 
man was a hero. [Applause.] I saw the 
good old ship of State, the State of Maine, 
within the last year, fighting her way 
through the same waves, against the 
dangers. She was freighted with all that 
is precious in the principles of our repub- 
lic ; with the rights of the American citi- 
zenship, with all that is guaranteed to the 
American citizen by our Constitution. The 
eyes of the whole nation were on her, and 
intense anxiety filled every American 
heart lest the grand old ship, the " State 
of Maine," might go down beneath the I 
waves forever, carrying her precious freight : 
with her. But there was a man at the 
helm, calm, deliberate, commanding, sa- 
gacious ; he made even the foolish man 
wise ; courageous, he inspired the timid | 
with courage ; hopeful, he gave heart to 1 
the dismayed, and he brought that good i 
old ship safely into harbor, into safety ; 
and she floats to-day greater, purer, stronger 
for her baptism of danger. That man too, 
was heroic, and his name was James G. \ 
Blaine. [Loud cheers.] 



Judge West ?fominates Blaine 

At Chicago, June s, 1884. 

After the chairman had succeeded in 
producing comparative quiet. Judge West, 
of Ohio, was introduced. The sensation 
was intense and the interest in Mr. West 
on account of his commanding presence, 
and sympathy for his infirmity, brought all 
to silence throughout the vast hall. Judge 
West said : 

As a delegate in the Chicago Conven- 
tion of i860, the proudest service of my 



life was performed by voting for the nom- 
ination of that inspired emancipator, the 
first Republican President of the United 
States. [Applause.] Four and twenty 
years of the grandest history of recorded 
times has distinguished the ascendency of 
the Republican party. The skies have 
lowered and reverses have threatened, but 
our flag is still there, waving above the 
mansion of the Presidency, not a stain on 
its folds, not a cloud on its glory. Whether 
it shall maintain that grand ascendency 
depends upon the action of this council. 
With bated breath a Nation awaits the 
result. On it are fixed the eyes of twenty 
millions of Republican freemen in the 
North. On it, or to it, rather, are stretched 
forth the imploring hands of ten millions 
of political bondsmen of the South [ap- 
plause], while above, from the portals of 
light, is looking down the immortal spirit 
of the immortal martyr who first bore it to 
victory, bidding to us Hail and God speed. 
[Applause.] Six times in six campaigns 
has that banner triumphed — that symbol 
of union, freedom, humanity and progress 
— sometime borne by that silent man of 
destiny, the Wellington of American arms 
[wild applause], last by him at whose un- 
timely taking off a Nation swelled the 
funeral cries and wept above great Gar- 
field's grave. [Cheers and applause]. 
Shall that banner triumph again ? 

Commit it to the bearing of that chief 
[a voice, " James G. Blaine of Maine," 
cheers] — commit it to the bearing of that 
chief, the inspiration of whose illustrious 
character and great name will fire the 
hearts of our young men, stir the blood of 
our manhood and rekindle the fervor c f 
the veterans, and the closing of the seventh 
campaign will see that holy ensign span- 
ning the sky like a bow of promise. 
[Cheers.] Political conditions are changed 
since the accession of the Republican party 
to power. The mighty issues of the free- 
dom and bleeding humanity which con- 
vulsed the continent and aroused the 
Republic, rallied, united and inspired the 
forces of patriotism and the forces of hu- 
manity in one consolidated phalanx, have 
ceased their contentions The subordinate 
issues resulting therefrom are settled and 
buried away with the dead issues of the 



8 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



past. The arms of the Solid South are 
against us. Not an electoral gain can be 
expected from that section. If the triumph 
come, the Republican States of the North 
must furnish the conquering battalions 
from the farm, the anvil and the loom, 
from the mines, the workshop and the 
desk, from the hut of the trapper on the 
snowy Sierras, from the hut of the fisher- 
man on the banks of the Hudson. The 
Republican States must furnish these con- 
quering battalions if triumph comes. 

"What Political Wisdom Dictates. 

Does not sound political wisdom dic- 
tate and demand that a leader shall be 
given to them whom our people will fol- 
low, not as conscripts advancing by fu- 
nereal marches to certain defeat, but a 
grand civic hero, whom the souls of the 
people desire, and whom they will follow 
with all the enthusiasm of volunteers, as 
they sweep on and onward to certain vic- 
tory [Cheers], a representative of Ameri- 
can manhood [applause], a representative 
of that living Republicanism that de- 
mands the amplest industrial protection 
and opportunity whereby labor shall be 
enabled to earn and eat the bread of in- 
dependent employment, relieved of men- 
dicant competition with pauper Europe or 
pagan China? [Loud applause.] In this 
contention of forces, to whose candidate 
shall be intrusted our battle flags ? Citi- 
zens, I am not here to do it, and may my 
tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth if 
I do abate one tithe from the just fame, 
integrity and public honor of Chester A. 
Arthur, our President. [Applause.] I 
abate not one tithe from the just fame and 
public integrity of George F. Edmunds 
[applause], of Joseph R. Hawley [ap- 
plause], of John Sherman [applause], of 
that grand old black eagle of Illinois. 
[Here the speaker was interrupted several 
moments by prolonged applause.] And I 
am proud to know that these distinguished 
Senators whom I have named have borne 
like testimony to the public life, the public 
character, and the public integrity of him 
whose confirmation brought him to the 
highest office — second in dignity to the 
office of the President only himself — the 
first premiership in the administration of 



James A. Garfield. [Applause.] A man 
for whom the Senators and rivals will vote, 
the Secretary of State of the United States 
is good enough for a plain flesh and blood 
God's people to vote for President. [Loud 
applause.] 

Who shall be our candidate ? [Cries of 
"Blaine," "Arthur" and "Logan." A 
loud voice yelled above the tumult, Give 
us " Black Jack," and we will elect him. 
When quiet was somewhat restored the 
speaker continued.] Not the representa- 
tive of a particular interest of a particular 
class. Send the great proclamation to the 
country labelled " The Doctor's Candi- 
date," " The Lawyer's Candidate,'' " The 
Wall Street Candidate,'' and the hand of 
resurrection would not fathom his Novem- 
ber grave. [Applause.] 

Gentlemen, he must be a representative ot 
that Republicanism that demands the ab- 
solute political, as well as personal, eman- 
cipation and enfranchisement of mankind 
— a representative of that Republicanism 
which recognizes the stamp of American 
citizenship as the passport to every right, 
privilege and consideration at home or 
abroad, whether under the sky of Bis- 
marck, under the Palmetto, under the 
Pelican or on the banks of the Mohawk, 
that Republicanism that regards with dis- 
satisfaction a despotism which under the 
"sic semper tyrannis" ofthe old Dominion 
emulates, by slaughter, popular majorities 
in the name of Democracy — a Republi- 
canism as embodied and stated in the 
platform of principles this day adopted by 
your Convention, 

Gentlemen, such a representative Re- 
publican is James G. Blaine, of Maine. If 
nominated to-night his campaign would 
commence to morrow and con'inue until 
victory is assured. [Cheers.] There would 
be no powder burned to fire into the backs 
of his leaders. It would only be exploded 
to illuminate the inauguration. The brazen 
throats of the cannon in yonder square, 
waiting to herald the result of the conven- 
tion, would not have time to cool before 
his name would be caught up on ten 
thousand tongues of electric flame. It 
would sweep down from the Old Pine Tree 
State. It would go over the hills and 
valleys of New England. 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



IN MESIORIAM. 



Hou. James G, Blaine's Oration on Presi- 
dent Garfleld. 

THE GRAND MORAL OF HIS CAREER. 

An Elaborate, Polished and Scholarly Tribute by an 

Accomplished Orator, in the Hah of the House of 

Representatives, on Monday, Feb. 2-], 18S2. 

At ten o'clock the doors of the House of 
Representatives were opened to holders of 
tickets for the memorial services, and in 
less than half an hour the galleries were 
filled, a large majority of the spectators 
being ladies, mostly in black. There were 
no signs of mourning in the hall, even the 
full-length portrait of the late President, 
James Abram Garfield, painted by E. F. 
Andrews, of Washington, being undraped. 
The three front rows of desks had been re- 
placed by chairs to accommodate the in- 
vited guests, and the Marine Band was 
stationed in the lobby, back of the Speak- 
er's desk. 

Among the distinguished guests first to 
arrive were George Bancroft, W. W. Cor- 
coran, Cyrus Field and Admiral Worden, 
who took seats directly in front of the 
clerk's desk. Among the guests who oc- 
cupied seats upon the floor were General 
Schenck, Governor Hoyt, of Pennsylva- 
nia; Foster, of Ohio; Porter, of Indiana; 
Hamilton, of Maryland, and Bigelow, of 
Connecticut, and Adjutant General Har- 
mine, of Connecticut. 

At 1 1:30, Generals Sherman, Sheridan, 
Hancock, Howard and Meigs, and Admirals 
Ammen and Rodgers entered at the north 
door of the chamber and were assigned 
seats to the left of the Speaker's desk, 
and a few moments later, the mem- 
bers of the Diplomatic Corps, in full 
regalia, were ushered in, headed by the 
Hawaiian Minister, as dean of the Corps. 
The Supreme Court of the District, headed 
by Marshal Henry, arrived next. Mrs. 
Blaine occupied a front seat in the gallery, 
reserved for friends of the President. At 
twelve o'clock the House was called to 
order by Speaker Keifer, and prayer was 
offered by the Chaplain. The Speaker 
then announced that the House was as- 
sembled and ready to perform its part in 
the memorial services, and the resolutions 
to that effect were read by Clerk McPher- 
son. At 12:10, the Senate was announced, 



and that body headed by its officers, en- 
tered and took their assigned seats. The 
Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the 
Supreme Court, in their robes of ofifice, 
came next, and were followed by Presi- 
dent Arthur and his Cabinet. The Presi- 
dent took the front seat on the right of the 
Presiding Ofificer's chair, next to that oc- 
cupied by Cyrus W. Field. 

Senator Sherman and Representative 
McKinley (Ohio) occupied seats at the 
desk on the right and left of the orator of 
the day. Mr, West, the British Minister, 
was the only member of the Diplomatic 
Corps who did not wear the court uni- 
form. 

A delegation of gentlemen from the 
Society of the Army of the Cumberland 
acted as ushers at the main entrance to 
the Rotunda and in the various corridors 
leading to the gallery. 

At 12:30 the orator of the day was an- 
nounced, and after a short prayer by the 
Chaplain of the House, F. D. Power, pres- 
ident Davis said: "This day is dedicated 
by Congress for memorial services of the 
late President of the United States, James 
A. Garfield. I present to you the Hon. 
James G. Blaine, who has been fitly chosen 
as the orator for this historical occasion." 

Mr. Blaine then rose, and standing at 
the clerk's desk, immediately in front of 
the two presiding officers, proceeded, with 
impressiveness of manner and clearness 
of tone, to deliver his eulogy from manu- 
script, as follows : 

Mr. Blaine's Oration. 

Mr, President : For the second time 
in this generation the great departments 
of the Government of the United States 
are assembled in the Hall of Representa- 
tives to do honor to the memory of a 
murdered President. Lincoln fell at the 
close of a mighty struggle in which the 
passions of men had been deeply stirred. 
The tragical termination of his great life 
added but another to the lengthened suc- 
cession of horrors which had marked so 
many lintels with the blood of the first- 
born. Garfield was slain in a day of peace, 
when brother had been reconciled to 
brother, and when anger and hate had 
been banished from the land. "Whoever 



10 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



shall hereafter draw the portrait of mur- 
der, if he will show it as it has been ex- 
hibited where such example was last to 
have been looked for, let him not give it 
the grim visage of Moloch, the brow knit- 
ted by revenge, the face black with settled 
hate. Let him draw, rather, a decorous, 
smooth-faced, bloodless demon ; not so 
much an example of human nature in its 
depravity and in its paroxysms of crime, 
as an infernal being, a fiend in the ordi- 
nary display and development of his 
character." 

Garfield's Ancestors. 

From the landing of the Pilgrims at 
Plymouth till the uprising against Charles 
First, about twenty thousand emigrants 
came from old England to New England. 
As they came in pursuit of intellectual 
freedom and ecclesiastical indepexidence 
rather than for worldly honor and profit, 
the emigration naturally ceased when the 
contest for religious liberty began in ear- 
nest at home. The man who struck his 
most effective blow for freedom of con- 
science by sailing for the colonies in 1620 
would have been accounted a deserter to 
leave after 1640. The opportunity had 
then come on the soil of England for that 
great contest which established the au- 
thority of Parliament, gave religious free- 
dom to the people, sent Charles to the 
block, and committed to the hands of 
Oliver Cromwell the Supreme Executive 
authority of England. The English emi- 
gration was never renewed, and from these 
twenty thousand men with a small emigra- 
tion from Scotland and from France are 
descended the vast numbers who have 
New England blood in their veins. 

In 1685 the revocation of the edict of 
Nantes by Louis XIV. scattered to other 
countries four hundred thousand Protes- 
tants, who were among the most intelli- 
gent and enterprising of French subjects ; 
merchants of capital, skilled manufac- 
turers, and handicraftsmen superior at the 
time to all others in Europe. A consider- 
able number of these Huguenot French 
came to America ; a few landed in New 
England and became honorably promi- 
nent in its history. Their names have in 
large part become anglicised, or have dis- 



appeared, but their blood is traceable in 
many of the most reputable families, and 
their fame is perpetuated in honorable 
memorials and useful institutions. 

From these two sources, the English- 
Puritan and the French-Huguenot, came 
the late President — his father, Abram Gar- 
field, being descended from the one, and 
his mother, Eliza- Ballou, from the other. 

It was a good stock on both sides — none 
better, none braver, none truer. There 
was in it an inheritance of courage, of 
manliness, of imperishable love of liberty, 
of undying adherence to principle. Gar- 
field was proud of his blood ; and, with as 
much satisfaction as if he were a British 
nobleman reading his stately ancestral 
record in Burke's Peerage, he spoke of 
himself as ninth in descent from those who 
would not endure the oppression of the 
Stuarts, and seventh in descent from the 
brave French Protestants who refused to 
submit to tyranny even from the Grand 
Monarque. 

General Garfield delighted to dwell on 
these traits, and during his only visit to 
England, he busied himself in discovermg 
every trace of his forefathers in parish 
registries and on ancient army rolls. Sit- 
ting with a friend in the gallery of the 
House of Commons one night after a long 
day's labor in this field of research, he said 
with evident elation that in every war in 
which for three centuries patriots of Eng- 
lish blood had struck sturdy blows for 
constitutional government and human 
liberty, his family had been represented. 
They were at Marston Moor, at Naseby, 
and at Preston ; they were at Bunker Hill, 
at Saratoga, and at Monmouth, and in his 
own person he had battled for the same 
great cause in the war which preserved 
the Union of the States. 

Losing his father before he was two 
years old, the early life of Garfield was one 
of privation, but its poverty has been made 
indelicately and unjustly prominent. 
Thousands of readers have imagined him 
as the ragged, starving child, whose reality 
too often greets the eye in the squalid sec- 
tions of our large cities. General Garfield's 
infancy and youth had none of their des- 
titution, none of their pitiful features ap- 
pealing to the tender heart and to the 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



11 



open hand of charity. He was a poor boy 
in the same sense in which Henry Clay 
was a poor boy ; in which Andrew Jack- 
son was a poor boy ; in which Daniel Web- 
ster was a poor boy ; in the sense in which 
a large majority of the eminent men of 
America in all generations have been poor 
boys. Before a great multitude of men, in 
a public speech, Mr. Webster bore this 
testimony : 

His Early Days, 

'' It did not happen to me to be born in 
a log cabin, but my elder brothers and sis- 
ters were born in a log cabin raised amid 
the snow-drifts of New Hampshire, at a 
period so early that when the smoke rose 
first from its rude chimney and curled over 
the frozen hills there was no similar evi- 
dence of a white man's habitation between 
it and the settlements on the rivers of 
Canada. Its remains still exist. I make 
to it an annual visit. I carry my children 
to it to teach them the hardships endured 
by the generations which have gone before 
them. I love to dwell on the tender re- 
collections, the kindred ties, the early 
affections and the touching narratives and 
incidents which mingle with all I know of 
this primitive family abode." 

With the requisite change of scene the 
same words would aptly portray the early 
days of Garfield. The poverty of the 
frontier, where all are engaged in a com- 
mon struggle and where a common sym- 
pathy and hearty co-operation lighten the 
burdens of each, is a very different pov- 
erty, different in kind, different in influ- 
ence and effect from that conscious and 
humiliating indigence which is every day 
forced to contrast itself with neighboring 
wealth on which it feels a sense of grind- 
ing dependence. The poverty of the 
frontier is indeed no poverty. It is but 
the beginning of wealth, and has the 
boundless possibilities of the future always 
opening before it. No man ever grew up 
in the agricultural regions of the West, 
where a house-raising, or even a corn- 
husking, is a matter of common interest 
and helpfulness, with any other feeling 
than that of broad-minded, generous inde- 
pendence. This honorable independence 
marked the youth of Garfield as it marks 



the youth of millions of the best blood 
and brain now training for the future citi- 
zenship and future government of the re- 
public. Garfield was born heir to land, to 
the title of free-holder which has been the 
patent and passport of self-respect with 
the Anglo-Saxon race ever since Hengist 
and Horsa landed on the shores of Eng- 
land. His adventure on the canal — an 
alternative between that and the deck of a 
Lake Erie schooner — was a farmer boy's 
device for earning money, just as the New 
England lad begins a possibly great career 
by sailing before the mast on a coasting 
vessel or on a merchantman bound to the 
farther India or to the China Seas. 

No manly man feels anything of shame 
in looking back to early struggles with ad- 
verse circumstances, and no man feels a 
worthier pride than when he has con- 
quered the obstacles to his progress. But 
no one of noble mould desires to be looked 
upon as having occupied a menial position, 
as having been repressed by a feeling ot 
inferiority, or as having suffered the evils 
of poverty until relief was found at the 
hand of charity. General Garfield's youth 
presented no hardships which family love 
and family energy did not overcome, sub- 
jected him to no privations which he did 
not cheerfully accept, and left no memo- 
ries save those which were recalled with 
delight, and transmitted with profit and 
with pride. 

Garfield's early opportunities for secur- 
ing an education were extremely limited, 
and yet were sufficient to develop in him 
an intense desire to learn. He could read 
at three years of age, and each winter he 
had the advantage of the district school. 
He read all the books to be found within 
the circle of his acquaintance ; some of 
them he got by heart. While yet in child- 
hood he was a constant student of the 
Bible, and became familiar with its litera- 
ture. The dignity and earnestness of his 
speech in his maturer life gave evidence of 
this early training. At eighteen years ot 
age he was ableto teach school, and thence- 
forward his ambition was to obtain a col- 
lege education. To this end he bent all 
his efforts, working in the harvest field, at 
the carpenter's bench, and, in the winter 
season, teaching the common schools of 



12 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



the neighborhood. While thus laborious- 
ly occupied he found time to prosecute his 
studies and was so successful that at twenty- 
two years of age he was able to enter the 
junior class at Williams College, then un- 
der the presidency of the venerable and 
honored Mark Hopkins, who, in the full- 
ness of his powers, survives the eminent 
pupil to whom he was of inestimable ser- 
vice. 

The history of Garfield's life to this 
period presents no novel features. He 
had undoubtedly shown perseverance, 
self-reliance, self-sacrifice, and ambition — 
qualities which, be it said for the honor of 
our country, are everywhere to be found 
among the young men of America But 
from his graduation at Williams onward, 
to the hour of his tragical death, Garfield's 
career was eminent and exceptional. 
Slowly working through his educational 
period, receiving his diploma when twenty- 
four years of age, he seemed at one bound 
to spring into conspicuous and brilliant 
success. Within six years he was success- 
ively president of a college. State Senator 
of Ohio, Major General of the Army of 
the United States and Representative- 
elect to the National Congress. A com- 
bination of honors so varied, so elevated, 
within a period so brief and to a man so 
young, is without precedent or parallel in 
the history of the country. 

In the Army-. 

Garfield's army life was begun with no 
other military knowledge than such as he 
had hastily gained from books in the few 
months preceding his march to the field. 
Stepping from civil life to the head of a 
regiment, the first order he received when 
ready to cross the Ohio was to assume 
command of a brigade, and to operate as 
an independent force in Eastern Kentucky. 
His immediate duty was to check the ad- 
vance of Humphrey Marshall, who was 
marching down the Big Sandy with the 
intention of occupying in connection with 
other Confederate forces the entire terri- 
tory of Kentucky, and of precipitating the 
State into secession. This was at the close 
of the year 1861. Seldom, if ever, has a 
young college professor been thrown into 
a more embarrassing and discouraging 



position. He knew just enough of mili- 
tary science, as he expressed it himself, to 
measure the extent of his ignorance, and 
with a handful of men he was marching, 
in rough wmter weather, into a strange 
country, among a hostile population to 
confront a largely superior force under the 
command of a distinguished graduate of 
West Point, who had seen active and im- 
portant service in two preceding wars. 

The result of the campaign is a matter 
of history. The skill, the endurance, the 
extraordinary energy shown by Garfield, 
the courage imparted to his men, raw and 
untried as himself, the measures he adopt- 
ed to increase his force and to create in the 
enemy's mind exaggerated estimates of 
his numbers, bore perfect fruit in the rout- 
ing of Marshall, the capture of his camp, 
the dispersion of his force, and the eman- 
cipation of an important territory from the 
rebellion. Coming at the close of a long 
series of disasters to the Union arms, Gar- 
field's victory had an unusual and extra- 
neous importance, and in the popular 
judgment elevated the young commander 
to the rank of a military hero. With less 
than two thousand men in his entire com- 
mand, with a mobilized force of only 
eleven hundred, without cannon, he had 
met an army of five thousand and defeat- 
ed them — driving Marshall's forces suc- 
cessively from two strongholds of their 
own selection, fortified with abundant ar- 
tillery. Major General Buell, command- 
ing the Department of the Ohio, an expe- 
rienced and able soldier of the regular 
army, published an order of thanks and 
congratulation on the brilliant result of the 
Big Sandy campaign which would have 
turned the head of a less cool and sensible 
man than Garfield. Buell declared that 
his services had called into action the 
highest qualities of a soldier, and Presi- 
dent Lincoln supplemented these words of 
praise by the more substantial reward of 
a brigadier general's commission, to bear 
date from the day of his decisive victory 
over Marshall. 

The subsequent military career of Gar- 
field fully sustained its brilliant beginning. 
With his new commission he was assigned 
to the command of a brigade in the Army 
of the Ohio, and took part in the second 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



13 



and decisive day's fight in the great battle 
of Shiloh. The remainder of the year 
iS6i was not especially eventful to Gar- 
field, as it was not to the armies with 
which he was serving. His practical sense 
was called into exercise in completing the 
task, assigned him by General Buell, of 
reconstructing bridges and re-establishing 
lines of railway communication for the 
army. His occupation in this useful but 
not brilliant field was varied by service on 
courts-martial of importance, in which de- 
partment of duty he won a valuable repu- 
tation, attracting the notice and securing 
the approval of the able and eminent 
Judge-Advocate-General of the Army. 
That of itself was a warrant to honorable 
fame ; for among the great men who in 
those trying days gave themselves, with 
entire devotion, to the service of their 
country, one who brought to that service 
the ripest learning, the most fervid elo- 
quence, the most varied attainments, who 
labored with modesty and shunned ap- 
plause, who in the day of triumph sat re- 
served and silent and grateful — as Francis 
Deak in the hour of Hungary's deHverance 
— was Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, who in 
his honorable retirement enjoys the respect 
and veneration of all who love the Union 
of the States. 

Early in 1863 Garfield was assigned to 
the highly important and responsible post 
of chief of staff of General Rosecrans, then 
at the head of the Army of the Cumber- 
land. Perhaps in a great military cam- 
paign no subordinate officer requires 
sounder judgment and quicker knowledge 
of men than the chief of staff to the com- 
manding general. An indiscreet man in 
such a position can sow more discord, 
breed more jealousy and disseminate more 
strife than any other officer in the entire 
organization. When General Garfield as- 
sumed his new duties he found various 
troubles already well developed and seri- 
ously affecting the value and efficiency of 
the Army of the Cumberland. The energy, 
the impartiality and the tact with which he 
sought to allay these dissensions, and to 
discharge the duties of his new and trying 
position, will always remain one of the 
most striking proofs of his great versatility. 
His military duties closed on the memor- 



able field of Chickamauga, a field which 
however disastrous to the Union arms gave 
to him the occasion of winning imperish- 
able laurels. The very rare distinction 
was accorded him of great promotion for 
his bravery on a field that was lost. Pres- 
ident Lincoln appointed him a Major- 
General in the Army of the United States 
for gallant and meritorious conduct in the 
battle of Chickamauga. 

The Army of the Cuinberland was re- 
organized under the command of General 
Thomas, who promptly offered Garfield 
one of its divisions. He was extremely 
desirous to accept the position, but was 
embarrassed by the fact that he had, a 
year before, been elected to Congress, and 
the time when he must take his seat was 
drawing near. He preferred to remain in 
the military service, and had within his 
own breast the largest confidence of suc- 
cess in the wider field which his new rank 
opened to him. Balancing the argumcLts 
on the one side and the other, anxious to 
determine what was for the best, desirous 
above all things to do his patriotic duty, 
he was decisively influenced by the advice 
of President Lincolm and Secretary Stan- 
ton, both of whom assured him that he 
could at that time, be of especial value in 
the House of Representatives. He re- 
signed his commission of Major-General 
on the fifth day of December, 1863, and 
took his seat in the House of Representa- 
tives on the 7th. He had served two years 
and four months in the army, and had just 
completed his thirty-second year. 

In Congress. 

The Thirty-eighth Congress is pre-emi- 
nently entitled in history to the designa- 
tion of the War Congress. It was elected 
while the war was flagrant, and every 
member was chosen upon the issues in- 
volved in the continuance of the struggle. 
The Thirty-seventh Congress had, indeed, 
legislated to a large extent on war mea- 
sures ; but it was chosen before any one 
believed that secession of the States would 
be actually attempted. The magnitude of 
the work which fell upon its successor was 
unprecedented, both in respect to the vast 
sums of money raised for the support of 
the Army and Navy, and of the new and 



14 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



extraordinary powers of legislation which 
it was forced to exercise. Only twenty- 
four States were represented, and one 
hundred and eighty-two members were 
upon its roll. Among these were many 
distinguished party leaders on both sides, 
veterans in the public service, with estab- 
lished reputations for ability, and with 
that skill which comes only from parlia- 
mentary experience. Into this assemblage 
of men Garfield entered without special 
preparation, and it might almost be said 
unexpectedly. The question of taking 
command of a division of troops under 
General Thomas, or taking his seat in 
Congress was kept open till the last mo- 
ment — so late, indeed, that the resignation 
of his military commission and his appear- 
ance in the House were almost contem- 
poraneous. He wore the uniform of a 
Major-General of the United States Army 
on Saturday, and on Monday in civilian's 
dress, he answered to the roll-call as a 
Representative in Congress from the State 
of Ohio. 

He was especially fortunate in the con- 
stituency which elected him. Descended 
almost entirely from New England stock, 
the men of the Ashtabula district were in- 
tensely radical on all questions relating to 
human rights. Well educated, thrifty, 
thoroughly intelligent in aftairs, acutely 
discerning of character, not quick to bestow 
confidence, and slow to withdraw it, they 
were at once the most helpful and most ex- 
acting of supporters. Their tenacious 
trust in men in whom they have once con- 
fided is illustrated by the unparalleled fact 
that Elisha Whittlesey, Joshua R. Gid- 
dings, and James A. Garfield represented 
the district for fifty-four years. 

There is no test of a man's ability in any 
department of public life more severe than 
service in the House of Representatives ; 
there is no place where so little deference 
is paid to reputation previously acquired 
or to eminence won outside ; no place 
where so little consideration is shown for 
the feelings or failures of beginners. What 
a man gains in the House he gains by 
sheer force of his own character, and if he 
loses and falls back he must expect no 
mercy and will receive no sympathy. It 
is a field in which the survival of the 



strongest is the recognized rule and where 
no pretense can deceive and no glamour 
can mislead. The real man is discovered, 
and his worth is impartially weighed, his 
rank is irreversibly decreed. 

With possibly a single exception Gar- 
field was the youngest member in the 
House when he entered, and was but 
seven years from his college graduation. 
But he had not been in his seat sixty days 
before his ability was recognized and his 
place conceded. He stepped to the front 
with the confidence of one who belonged 
there. The House was crowded with 
strong men of both parties ; nineteen of 
them have since been transferred to the 
Senate, and many of them have served 
with distinction in the gubernatorial chairs 
of their respective States, and on foreign 
missions of great consequence ; but among 
all none grew so rapidly, none so firmly, 
as Garfield. As is said by Trevelyan of 
his parliamentary hero, Garfield succeeded 
" because all the world in concert could 
not have kept him in the background, and 
because when once in the front he played 
his part with a prompt intrepidity and a 
commanding ease that were but the out- 
ward symptoms of the immense reserves 
of energy, on which it was in his power to 
draw." Indeed the apparently reserve 
force which Garfield possessed was one of 
his great characteristics. He never did 
so well but that it seemed he could easily 
have done better. He never expended so 
much strength but that he seemed to be 
holding additional power at call. This is 
one of the happiest and rarest distinctions 
of an effective debater, and often counts 
for as much in persuading an assembly as 
the eloquent and elaborate argument. 

The great measure of Garfield's fame 
was filled by his services in the House of 
Representatives. His military life, illus- 
strated by honorable performance, and 
rich in promise, was, as he himself felt, pre- 
maturely terminated, and necessarily in- 
complete. Speculation as to what he might 
have done in a field, where the great prizes 
are so few, cannot be profitable. It is 
sufficient to say that as a soldier he did 
his duty bravely ; he did it intelligently ; 
he won an enviable fame, and he retired 
from the service without blot or breath 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



15 



against him. As a lawyer, though admir- 
ably equipped for the profession, he can 
scarcely be said to have entered on its 
practice. The few efforts he made at the 
bar were distinguished by the same high 
order of talent which he exhibited on every 
field where he was put to the test, and if a 
man may be accepted as a competent 
judge of his own capacities and adapta- 
tions, the law was the profession to which 
Garfield should have devoted himself. 
But fate ordained otherwise, and his re- 
putation in history will rest largely upon his 
service in the House of Representatives. 
That service was exceptionally long. He 
was nine times consecutively chosen to the 
House, an honor enjoyed by not more 
than six other Representatives of the more 
than five thousand who have been elected 
from the organization of the government 
to this hour. 

Orator and Debater. 

As a parliamentary orator, as a debater 
on an issue squarely joined, where the 
position had been chosen and the ground 
laid out, Garfield must be assigned a very 
high rank. More, perhaps, than any man 
with whom he was associated in public 
life, he gave careful and systematic study 
to public questions, and he came to every 
discussion in which he took part with 
elaborate and complete preparation. He 
was a steady and indefatigable worker. 
Those that imagine that talent or genius 
can supply the place or achieve the results 
of labor will find no encouragement in 
Garfield's life. In preliminary work he 
was apt, rapid and skillful. He possessed 
in a high degree the power of readily ab- 
sorbing ideas and facts, and, like Dr. John- 
son, had the art of getting from a book all 
that was of value in it by a reading appar- 
ently so quick and cursory that it seemed 
like a mere glance at the table of contents. 
He was a pre-eminently fair and candid 
man in debate, took no petty advantage, 
stooped to no unworthy methods, avoided 
personal allusions, rarely appealed to pre- 
judice, did not seek to inflame passion. 
He had a quicker eye for the strong point of 
his adversary than for his weak point, and 
on his own side he so marshaled his 
weighty arguments as to make his hearers 



forget any possible lack in the complete 
strength of his position. He had a habit 
of stating his opponent's side with such 
amplitude of fairness and such liber- 
ality of concession that his followers often 
complained that he was giving his cases 
away. But never in his prolonged partici- 
pation in the proceedings of the House 
did he give his case away, or fail in the 
judgment of competent and impartial 
listeners to gain the mastery. 

These characteristics, which marked 
Garfield as a great debater, did not, how- 
ever, make him a great parliamentary 
leader. A parliamentary leader, as that 
term is understood wherever free repre- 
sentative government exists, is necessarily 
and very strictly the organ of his party. 
An ardent American defined the instinc- 
tive warmth of patriotism when he offered 
the toast, " Our country always right, but 
right or wrong, our country.'' The par- 
liamentary leader who has a body of fol- 
lowers who will do and dare and die for 
the cause, is one who believes his party 
always right, but right or wrong, is for his 
party. No more important or exacting 
duty devolves upon him than the selection 
of the field and the time for contest. He 
must know not merely how to strike, but 
where to strike and when to strike. He 
often skillfully avoids the strength of his 
opponent's position and scatters confusion 
in his ranks by attacking an exposed point 
when really the righteousness of the cause 
and the strength of logical intrenchment 
are against him. He conquers often both 
against the right and the heavy battalions ; 
as when young Chas. Fox, in the days of 
his Toryism, carried the House of Com- 
mons against justice, against its immemo- 
rial rights, against his own convictions, if, 
indeed, at that period Fox had convictions, 
and, in the interest of a corrupt adminis- 
tration, in obedience to a tyrannical sove- 
reign, drove Wilkes from the seat to which 
the electors of Middlesex had chosen him, 
aud installed Luttrell in defiance, not 
merely of law, but of public decency. 
For an achievement of that kind Garfield 
was disqualified — disqualified by the tex- 
ture of his mind, by the honesty of his 
heart, by his conscience, and by every 
instinct and aspiration of his nature. 



16 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



The three most distinguished parlia- 
mentary leaders hitherto developed in this 
country are Mr. Clay, Mr. Douglas and 
Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. Each was a man 
of consummate ability, of great earnest- 
ness, of intense personality, differing 
widely each from the others, and yet with 
a single trait in common — the power to 
command. In the give-and-take of daily 
discussion, in the art of controlling and 
consolidating reluctant and refractory fol- 
lowers ; in the skill to overcome all forms 
of opposition, and to meet with compe- 
tency and courage the varying phases of 
unlooked-for assault or unsuspected defec- 
tion, it would be difficult to rank with 
these a fourth name in all our Congres- 
sional history. But of these Mr. Clay was 
the greatest. It would, perhaps, be im- 
possible to find in the parliamentary 
annalsof the world a parallel to Mr. Clay, 
in 1841, when at sixty-four years of age, 
he took the control of the Whig party 
from the President who had received their 
suffrages, against the power of Webster in 
the Cabinet, against the eloquence of 
Choate in the Senate, against the Hercu- 
lean efforts of Caleb Cushing and Henry 
A. Wise in the House. In unshared lead- 
ership, in the pride and plenitude of 
power he hurled against John Tyler with 
deepest scorn the mass of that conquering 
column which had swept over the land in 
1840, and drove his administration to seek 
shelter behind the lines of his political 
foes. Mr. Douglas achieved a victory 
scarcely less wonderful when, in 1854, 
against the secret desires of a strong ad- 
ministration, against the wise counsel of 
the older chiefs, against the conservative 
instincts and even the moral sense of the 
country, he forced a reluctant Congress 
into a repeal of the Missouri compromise. 
Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, in his contests 
from 1865 to 1868, actually advanced his 
parliamentary leadership until Congress 
tied the hands of the President and gov- 
erned the country by its own will, leaving 
only perfunctory duties to be discharged 
by the Executive. With two hundred mil- 
lions of patronage in his hands at the open- 
ing of the contest, aided by the active force 
of Seward in the Cabinet and the moral 
power of Chase on the Bench, Andrew 



Johnson could not command the support 
of one-third in either House against the 
parliamentary uprising of which Thaddeus 
Stevens was the animating spirit and the 
unquestioned leader. 

From these three great men Garfield 
differed radically, differed in the quality of 
his mind, in temperament, in the form 
and phase of ambition. He could not do 
what they did, but he could do what they 
could not, and in the breadth of his Con- 
gressional work he left that which will 
longer exert a political influence among 
men, and which, measured by the severe 
test of posthumous criticism, will secure a 
more enduring and more enviable fame. 

Garfleld's ludnstry. 

Those unfamilar with Garfield's indus- 
try and ignorant of the details of his work 
may, in some degree, measure them by the 
annals of Congress. No one of the gen- 
eration of public men to which he be- 
longed has contributed so much that will 
be valuable for future reference. His 
speeches are numerous, many of them 
brilliant, all of them well studied, care- 
uUy phrased and exhaustive of the sub- 
ject under consideration. Collected from 
the scattered pages of ninety royal octavo 
volumes of Congressional Records they 
would present an invaluable compendium 
of the political history of the most impor- 
tant era through which the national gov- 
ernment has ever passed. When the his- 
tory of this period shall be impartially 
written, when war legislation, measures of 
reconstruction, protection of human rights, 
amendments to the constitution, mainte- 
nance of public credit, steps toward specie 
resumption, true theories of revenue may 
be reviewed, unsurrounded by prejudice 
and disconnected from partisanism, the 
speeches of Garfield will be estimated at 
their true value, and will be found to com- 
prise a vast magazine of fact and argu- 
ment, of clear analysis and sound conclu- 
sion. Indeed if no other authority were 
accessible, his speeches in the House of 
Representatives from December 1863, to 
June 1880, would give a well connected 
history and complete defence of the im- 
portant legislation of the seventeen event- 
ful years that constitute his Parliamentary 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



17 



life. Far beyond that, his speeches would 
be found to forecast many great measures, 
yet to be completed — measures which he 
knew were beyond the public opinion of 
the hour, but which he confidently be- 
lieved would secure popular approval 
within the period of his own lifetime, and 
by the aid of his own efforts. 

Differing, as Garfield does, from the 
brilliant parliamentary leaders, it is not 
easy to find his counterpart anywhere in 
the record of American public life. He 
perhaps more nearly resembles Mr. Seward 
in his supreme faith in the all-conquering 
power of a principle. He had the love of 
learning, and the patient industry of in- 
vestigation, to which John Quincy Adams 
owed his prominence and his Presidency. 
He had some of those ponderous elements 
of mind which distinguished Mr. Webster, 
and which indeed, in all our public life, 
have left the great Massachusetts Senator 
without an intellectual peer. 

In English parliamentary history, as in 
our own, the leaders in the House of Com- 
mons present points of essential difference 
from Garfield. But some of his methods 
recall the best features in the strong, inde- 
pendent course of Sir Robert Peel, and 
striking resemblances are discernible in 
that most promising of modern conserva- 
tives, who died too early for his country 
and his fame, the Lord George Bentinck 
He had all of Burke's love for the sublime 
and the beautiful, with, possibly, some- 
thing of his superabundance, and in his 
faith and his magnamity, in his power of 
statement, in his subtle analysis, in his 
faultless logic, in his love of literature, in 
his wealth and world of illustration, one is 
reminded of the great English statesman 
of to-day, who, confronted with obstacles 
that would daunt any but the dauntless, 
reviled by those whom he would relieve as 
bitterly as by those whose supposed rights 
he is forced to invade, still labors with 
serene courage for the amelioration of 
Ireland, and for the honor of the English 
name. 

Nomination to the Presidency. 

Garfield's nomination to the Presidency, 
while not predicted or anticipated, was not 
a surprise to the country. His prominence 



in Congress, his solid qualities, his wide 
reputation, strengthened by his then recent 
election as Senator from Ohio, kept him in 
the public eye as a man occupying the very 
highest rank among those entitled to be 
called statesmen. It was not mere chance 
that brought him this high honor. " We 
must," says Mr. Emerson, " reckon success 
a constitutional trait. If Eric is in robust 
health, and has slept well and is at the top 
of his condition, and thirty years old at his 
departure from Greenland, he will steer 
west and his ships will reach New Found- 
land. But take Eric out and put in a 
stronger and bolder man and the ships will 
sail six hundred, one thousand, fifteen 
hundred miles farther and reach Labrador 
and New England. Theili is no chance 
in results.'' 

As a candidate, Garfield steadily grew 
in popular favor. He was met with a 
storm of detraction at the very hour of his 
nomination, and it continued with increas- 
ing volume and momentum until the close 
of his victorious campaign • 

No might nor greatness in mortality 
Can censure 'scape ; backwounding calumny 
The whitest virtue strikes. What king so strong 
Can tie the gall up in the slanderous tongue ? 

Under it all he was calm, and strong, 
and confident; never lost his self-posses- 
sion, did no unwise act, spoke no hasty or 
ill-considered word. Indeed nothing in 
his whole life is more remarkable or more 
creditable than his bearing through those 
five full months of vituperation — a pro- 
longed agony of trial to a sensitive man, a 
constant and cruel draft upon the powers 
of moral endurance. The great mass of 
these unjust imputations passed unnoticed, 
and, with the general debris of the cam- 
paign, fell into oblivion. But in a few 
instances the iron entered his soul and he 
died with the injury unforgotten if not un- 
forgiven. 

One aspect of Garfield's candidacy was 
unprecedented. Never before in the his- 
tory of partisan contests in this country had 
a successful Presidential candidate spoken, 
freely on passing events and current issues. 
To attempt anything of the kind seemed 
novel, rash, and even desperate. The 
older class of voters recalled the unfortu- 



18 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



nate Alabama letter, in which Mr. Clay was 
supposed to have signed his political death- 
warrant. They remembered also the hot- 
tempered effusion by which General Scott 
lost a large share of his popularity before 
his nomination, and the unfortunate speech- 
es which rapidly consumed the remainder. 
The younger voters had seen Mr. Greeley 
in a series of vigorous and original addres- 
ses, preparing the pathway for his own de- 
feat. Unmindful of these warnings, un- 
heeding the advice of friends, Garfield 
spoke to large crowds as he journeyed to 
and from New York in August, to a great 
multitude in that city, to delegations and 
deputations of every kind that called at 
Mentor during the summer and autumn. 
With innumerable critics, watchful and 
eager to catch a phrase that might be 
turned into odium or ridicule, or a sentence 
that might be distorted to his own or his 
party's injury, Garfield did not trip or halt 
in any one of his seventy speeches. This 
seems all the more remarkable when it is 
remembered that he did not write what he 
said, and yet spoke with such logical con- 
secutiveness of thought and such admira- 
ble precision of phrase as to defy the acci- 
dent of misreport and the malignity of 
misrepresentation. 

As President. 

In the beginning of his Presidential life 
Garfield's experience did not yield him 
pleasure or satisfaction. The duties that 
engross so large a portion of the Presi- 
dent's time were distasteful to him, and 
were unfavorably contrasted with his leg- 
islative work. "I have been dealing all 
these years with ideas,'' he impatiently ex- 
claimed one day, "and here 1 am dealing 
only with persons. I have been heretofore 
treating of the fundamental principles of 
government, and here I am considering all 
day whether A or B shall be appointed to 
this or that office." He was earnestly 
seeking some practical way of correcting 
the evils arising from the distribution of 
overgrown and unwieldy patronage — evils 
always appreciated and often discussed by 
him, but whose magnitude had been more 
deeply impressed upon his mind since his 
accession to the Presidency, Had he lived, 
a comprehensive improvement in the mode 



of appointment and in the tenure of office 
would have been proposed by him, and 
with the aid of Congress no doubt per- 
fected. 

But, while many of the Executive duties 
were not grateful to him, he was assiduous 
and conscientious in their discharge. Froin 
the very outset he exhibited administrative 
talent of a high order. He grasped the 
helm of office with the hand of a master. 
In this respect, indeed, he constantly sur- 
prised many who were most intimately as- 
sociated with him in the government, and 
especially those who had feared that he 
might be lacking in the executive faculty. 
His disposition of business was orderly 
and rapid. His power of analysis, and his 
skill in classification, enabled him to des- 
patch a vast mass of detail with singular 
promptness and ease. His Cabinet meet- 
ings were admirably conducted. His clear 
presentation of official subjects, his well- 
considered suggestion of topics on which 
discussion was invited, his quick decision 
when all had been heard, combined to 
show a thoroughness of mental trainingas 
rare as his natural ability and his facile 
adaptation to a new and enlarged field of 
labor. 

With perfect comprehension of all the 
inheritances of the war, with a cool calcu- 
lation of the obstacles in his way, impelled 
always by a generous enthusiasm, Gar- 
field conceived that much might be done 
by his administration towards restoring 
harmony between the different sections of 
the Union. He was anxious to go South 
and speak to the people. As early as 
April he had ineffectually endeavored to 
arrange for a trip to Nashville, whither he 
had been cordially invited, and he was 
again disappointed a few weeks later to 
find that he could not go to South Carolina 
to attend the centennial celebration of the 
victory of the Cowpens. But for the au- 
tumn he definitely counted on being pre- 
sent at three memorable assemblies in 
the South, the celebration at Yorktown, 
the opening of the Cotton Exposition at 
Atlanta, and the meeting of the Army of 
the Cumberland at Chattanooga. He was 
already turning over in his mind his ad- 
dress for each occasion, and the three 
taken together, he said to a friend, gave 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



19 



him the exact scope "and verge which he 
needed. At Yorktown he would have be- 
fore him the associations of a hundred 
years that bound the South and the North 
in the sacred memory of a common dan- 
ger and a common victory. At Atlanta he 
would present the material interests and 
the industrial development which appealed 
to the thrift and independence of every 
household, and which should unite the two 
sections by the instinct of self-interest and 
self-defence. At Chattanooga he would 
revive memories of the war only to show 
that after all its disaster and all its suffer- 
ing, the country was stronger and greater, 
the Union rendered indissoluble, and the 
future, through the agony and blood ot 
one generation, made brighter and better 
for all. 

Garfield's ambition for the success of his 
administration was high. With strong 
caution and conservatism in his nature, he 
was in no danger of attempting rash ex- 
periments or resorting to the empiricism 
of statesmanship. But he believed that 
renewed and closer attention should be 
given to questions affecting the material 
interests and commercial prospects of fifty 
millions of people. He believed that our 
continental relations, extensive and unde- 
veloped as they are, involved responsibil- 
ity, and could be cultivated into profitable 
friendship or be abandoned to harmful 
indifference or lasting enmity. He be- 
lieved with equal confidence that an essen- 
tial forerunner to a new era of national 
progress must be a feeling of contentment 
in every section of the Union, and a gen- 
erous belief that the benefits and burdens 
of government would be common to all. 
Himself a conspicuous illustration of what 
ability and ambition may do under repub- 
lican institutions, he loved his country 
with a passion of patriotic devotion, and 
every waking thought was given to her ad- 
vancement. He was an American in all 
his aspirations, and he looked to the des- 
tiny and influence of the United States 
with the philosophic composure of Jefferson 
and the demonstrative^confidence of John 
Adams. 

The Political Controversy. 

The political events which disturbed the 
President's serenity for many weeks be- 



fore that fatal day in July form an im- 
portant chapter in his career, and, in his 
own judgment, involved questions of prin- 
ciple and of right which are vitally essen- 
tial to the constitutional administration of 
the Federal Government. It would be out of 
place here and now to speak the language 
of controversy, but the events referred to, 
however they may continue to be source 
of contention with others, have become, 
so far as Garfield is concerned, as much a 
matter of history as his heroism atChicka- 
mauga, or his illustrious service in the 
House. Detail is not needful, and per- 
sonal antagonism shall not be rekindled 
by any word uttered to-day. The motives 
of those opposing him are not to be here 
adversely interpreted nor their course 
harshly characterized. But of the dead 
President this is to be said, and said be- 
cause his own speech is forever silenced, 
and he can be no more heard except 
through the fidelity and the love of sur- 
viving friends. From the beginning to 
the end of ths controversy he so much de- 
plored, the President was never for one 
moment actuated by any motive of gain 
to himself or of loss to others. Least of 
all men did he harbor revenge, rarely did 
he even show resentment, and malice was 
not in his nature. He was congenially 
employed only in the exchange of good 
offices and the doing of kindly deeds. 

There wa"> not an hour, from the begin- 
ning of the trouble till the fatal shot 
entered his body, when the President 
would not gladly, for the sake of restoring 
harmony, have retraced any step he had 
taken, if such retracing had merely in- 
volved consequences personal to himself. 
The pride of consistency, or any supposed 
sense of humiliation that might result from 
surrendering his position, had not a feath- 
er's weight with him. No man was ever 
less subject to such influences from within 
or from without. But after the most 
anxious deliberation and the coolest sur- 
vey of all the circumstances, he solemnly 
believed that the true prerogatives of 
the Executive were involved in the 
issue which had been raised, and that he 
would be unfaithful to his supreme obliga- 
tion if he failed to maintain, in all their 
vigor, the constitutional rights and digni- 



20 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



ties of his great office. He believed this 
in all the convictions of conscience when 
in sound and vigorous health, ana he be- 
lieved it in his suffering and prostration in 
the last conscious thought which his 
wearied mind bestowed on the transitory 
struggles of life. 

More than this need not be said. Less 
than this could not be said. Justice to the 
dead, the highest obligation that devolves 
upon the living, demands the declaration 
that in all the bearings of the subject, 
actual or possible, the President was con- 
tent in his mind, justified in his conscience, 
immovable in his conclusions. 

GarAeld's Religion. 

The religious element in Garfield's char- 
acter was deep and earnest. In his early 
youth he espoused the faith of the 
Disciples, a sect of that great Baptist 
Communion which in different ecclesiasti- 
cal establishments is so numerous and so 
influential throughout all parts of the Uni- 
ted States. But the broadening tendency 
of his mind, and his active spirit of in- 
quiry were early apparent, and carried 
him beyond the dogmas of sect and the 
restraints of association. In selecting a 
college in which to continue his education, 
he rejected Bethany, though presided 
over by Alexander Campbell, the greatest 
preacher of his church. His reasons were 
characteristic : first, that Bethany leaned 
too heavily toward slavery ; and, second, 
that being himself a Disciple, and the son 
of Disciple parents, he had little acquaint- 
ance with people of other beliefs, and he 
thought it would make him more liberal, 
quoting his own words, both in his reli- 
gious and general views to go into a new 
circle and be under new influences. 

The liberal tendency which he had an- 
ticipated as the result of wider culture was 
fully realized. He was emancipated from 
mere sectarian belief, and with eager in- 
terest pushed his investigations in the di- 
rection of moilern progressive thought. 
He followed with quickening step in the 
paths of exploration and speculation so 
fearlessly trodden by Darwin, by Huxley, 
by Tyndall, and by other living scientists 
of the radical and advanced type. His own 
church, binding its disciples by no/ormu- 



lated creed.but accepting the Old and New 
Testaments as the word of God, with un- 
biased liberality of private interpretation, 
favored, if it did not stimulate, the spirit of 
investigation. Its members profess with 
sincerity, and profess only, to be of one 
mind and one faith with those who imme- 
diately followed the Master, and who were 
first called Christians at Antioch. 

But however high Garfield reasoned of 
' fixed fate, free-will, foreknowledge abso- 
lute," he was never separated from the 
Church of the Disciples in his affections 
and in his associations. For him it held 
the ark of the covenant. To him it was 
the gate of Heaven. The world of re- 
ligious belief is full of solecisms and con- 
tradictions. A philosophic observer de- 
clares that men by the thousand will die 
in defense of a creed whose doctrines they 
do not comprehend and whose tenets they 
habitually violate. It is equally true that 
men by the thousand will cling to church 
organizations with instinctive and undy- 
ing fidelity when their belief in maturer 
years is radically different from that which 
inspired them as neophytes. 

But after this range of speculation, and 
this latitude of doubt, Garfield came back 
always with freshness and delight to the 
simpler instincts of religious faith, which, 
earliest implanted, longest survive. Not 
many weeks before his assassination, walk- 
ing on the banks of the Potomac with a 
friend, and conversing on those topics of 
personal religion, concerning which noble 
natures have an unconquerable reserve, he 
said that he found the Lord's Prayer and 
the simple petitions learned in infancy in- 
finitely restful to him, not merely in their 
stated repetition, but in their casual and 
frsquent recall as he went about the daily 
duties of life. Certain texts of Scripture 
had a very strong hold on his memory and 
his heart. He heard, while in Edinburgh 
some years ago, an eminent Scotch preach- 
er who prefaced his sermon with reading 
the eighth chapter of the Epistle to the 
Romans, which book had been the subject 
of careful study with Garfield during his 
religious life. He was greatly impressed 
by the elocution of the preacher and de- 
clared that it had imparted a new and 
deeper meaning to the majestic utterances 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



21 



of Saint Paul. He referred often in after 
years to that memorable service, and dwelt 
with exaltation of feeling upon the radiant 
promise and the assured hope with which 
the great apostle of the Gentiles was " per- 
suaded that neither death, nor life, nor 
principalities, nor powers, nor things pres- 
ent, nor things to come, nor height, nor 
depth, nor any other creature, shall be 
able to separate us from the love of God, 
which is in Christ Jesus our Lord." 

The crowning characteristic of General 
Garfield's religious opinions, as, indeed, of 
all his opinions, was his liberality. In all 
things he had charity. Tolerance was of 
his nature. He respected in others the 
qualities which he possessed himself — 
sincerity of conviction and frankness of 
expression. With him the inquiry was not 
so much what a man believes, but does he 
believe it? The lines of his friendship and 
his confidence encircled men of every 
creed, and men of no creed, and to the end 
of his life, on his ever lengthening list of 
friends, were to be found the names of a 
pious Catholic priest and of an honest- 
minded and generous-hearted free-thinker. 

Tlie Assassin's Bullet. 

On the morning of Saturday, July 2d, 
the President was a contented and happy 
man — not in an ordinary degree, but joy- 
fully, almost boyishly happy. On his way 
to the railroad station to which he drove 
slowly, in conscious enjoymentof the beau- 
tiful morning, with an unwonted sense of 
leisure, and a keen anticipation of pleasure, 
his talk was all in the grateful and gratu- 
latory vein. He felt that after four months 
of trial his administration was strong in its 
grasp of affairs, strong in popular favor 
and destined to grow stronger; that grave 
difficulties confronting him at his inau- 
guration had been safely passed; that 
troubles lay behind him and not before 
him ; that he was soon to meet the wife 
whom he loved, now recovering from an 
illness which had but lately disquieted and 
at times almost unnerved him ; that he 
was going to his Alma Mater to renew the 
most cherished associations of liis young 
manhood, and to exchange greetings with 
those whose deepest interest had fol- 
lowed every step of his upward progress 



from the day he entered upon his college 
course until he had attained the loftiest 
elevation in the gift of his countrymen. 

Surely, if happiness can ever come from 
the honors or triumphs of this world, on 
that quiet July morning James A. Gar- 
field may well have been a happy man. 
No foreboding of evil haunted him ; no 
slightest premonition of danger clouded his 
sky. His terrible fate was upon him in an 
instant. One momenthe stood erect, strong, 
confident, in the years stretching peacefully 
out before him. The next he lay wounded, 
bleeding, helpless, doomed to weary weeks 
of torture, to silence and the grave. 

Great in life, he was surpassingly great 
in death. For no cause, in the very frenzy 
of wantonness and wickedness by the red 
hand of murder, he was thrust from the 
full tide of this world's interest, from its 
hopes, its aspirations, its victories, into the 
visible presence of death — and he did not 
quail. Not alone for one short moment in 
which, stunned and dazed, he could give 
up life, hardly aware of its relinquishment, 
but through days of deadly languor, 
through weeks of agony, that was not less 
agony because silently borne, with clear 
sight and calm courage, he looked into his 
open grave. What blight and ruin met 
his anguished eyes, whose lips may tell — 
what brilliant, broken plans, what baffled, 
high ambitions, what sundering of strong, 
warm, manhood's friendship, what bitter 
rending of sweet household ties ! Behind 
him a proud, expectant nation, a great host 
of sustaining friends, a cherished and happy 
mother, wearing the full, rich honors of 
her early toil and tears ; the wife of his 
youth, whose whole life lay in his ; the 
little boys not yet emerged from child- 
hood's day of frolic ; the fair, young daugh- 
ter ; the sturdy sons just springing into 
closest companionship, claiming every clay 
and every day rewarding a father's love 
and care ; and in his heart the eager, re- 
joicing power to meet all demands. Before 
him, desolation and great darkness ! And 
his soul was not shaken. His country- 
men were thrilled with instant, profound, 
and universal sympathy. Masterful in his 
mortal weakness, he became the centre of 
a nation's love, enshrined in the prayers 
of a world. But all the love and all the 



22 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



sympathy could not share with him his 
suffering. He trod the wine press alone. 
With unfaltering front he faced death. 
With unfaihng tenderness he took leave of 
life. Above the demoniac hiss of the as- 
sassin's bullet he heard the voice of God. 
With simple resignation he bowed to the 
Divine decree. 

As the end drew near, his early craving 
for the sea returned. The stately mansion 
of power had been to him the wearisome 
hospital of pain, and he begged to be tak- 
en from his prison walls, from its oppres- 
sive, stifling air, from its homelessness and 
its hopelessness. Gently, silently, the 
love of a great people bore the pale suffer- 
er to the longed for healing of the sea, to 
live or to die, as God should will, within 
sight of its heaving billows, within sound 
of its manifold voices. With wan, fevered 
face tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, 
he looked out wistfully upon the ocean's 
changing wonders ; on its far sails, whiten- 
ing in the morning light ; on its restless 
waves, rolling shoreward to break and die 
beneath the noonday .sun ; on the red 
clouds of evening, arching low to the hori- 
zon ; on the serene and shining pathway 
of the stars. Let us think that his dying 
eyes read a mystic mean'ng which only 
the rapt and parting soul may know. Let 
us believe that in the silence of the reced- 
ing world he heard the great waves break 
ing on a further shore and felt already 
upon his wasted brow the breath of the 
eternal morning. 

After the Oration. 

The eulogy was concluded at 1-50. hav- 
ing taken just an hour and a half in its 
delivery. As Mr. Blaine gave utterance 
to the last solemn words the spectators 
broke into a storm of applause, which was 
not hushed for some moments. The ad- 
dress was listened to with an intense inter- 
est and in solemn silence, unbroken by 
any sound except by a sigh of relief (such 
as arises from a large audience when a 
strong tension is removed from their 
minds) when the orator passed from his 
allusion to differences existing in the Re- 
publican party last spring. Benediction 
was then offered by the Rev. Dr. Bullock, 



Chaplain of the Senate. The Marine Band 
played the " Garfield Dead March " as the 
invited guests filed out of the Chamber in 
the same order in which they had entered 
it. The Senate was the last to leave, and 
then the House was called to order by the 
Speaker. 

Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, offered the fol- 
lowing resolution ; 

Resolved, The Senate concurring, that 
the thanks of Congress are hereby pre- 
sented to the Hon. James G. Blaine for the 
appropriate memorial address delivered by 
him on the life and services of James A. 
Garfield, late President of the United 
States, in the Representative Hall, before 
both houses of Congress and their invited 
guests, on the 27th of February, 1882, and 
that he be requested to furnish a copy for 
publication. 

Colonel Frank A. Burr, of the Philadel- 
phia Press, one of the finest biographical 
writers in the country, has given some 
graphic sketches of Blaine's ancestors and 
boyhood, which we take the liberty of re- 
publishing. 

■\Vliat lie Saw and Heard. 

There is a gift that is potent when one 
calls upon the dusty past in a grave yard. 
It is to learn the history and genius of the 
human life that ended when the mound was 
raised and the inscription cut in the stone 
that arrests attention. Who was it that 
said that people too often read the inscrip- 
tions upon tombstones without knowing or 
caring aught of the genius that once resi- 
ded m the inanimate dust beneath them ? 
He spoke the truth, and how much people 
often miss by being content with what is 
recorded above-ground. 

I stood beside two old graves to-day 
in this village that are in the shadow of 
the lit'le Catholic church that so quickly 
recalled to me Longfellow's beautiful lines. 
The marble that marked them was much 
newer than the mounds, and the surround- 
ings impressed me with the thought that a 
dutiful and reverent son had, years after, 
when means and opportunity that were 
wanting when dearh called father and 
mother, placed a fitting monument to 
mark the spot where they slept. It is a 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



23 



plain, unpretentious stone that marks 
these graves, and it was the names only 
that attracted my attention. They were 
those of 

Epliraini. Li. Blalue 

and 

niaria Gillespie Blaiite. 

"Who were these two people in life?" 
I asked of an old gentleman, who had 
wandered along with me to this quiet city 
of the dead sleep. 

" Why, they were the father and mother 
of James G. Blaine. I knew them both 
well. Eph Blaine and I went to school 
together. He was one of the founders of 
this town, and was 'squire here for many a 
year. He was elected prothonotary of the 
county in 1842, and moved to Washington, 
the county seat. He married Maria, a 
daughter of old Neal Gillespie, the smartest 
man in this whole section, and from his 
people James Gillespie Blaine derives his 
middle name. The Gillespies were among 
the most prominent families in the State. 
The seal of nature's nobility was stamped 
upon them, one and all. The men were 
brave and stalwart ; as strong in character, 
too, as they were stout of limb. The wo- 
nien were very handsome, and carried 
themselves as proudly as though the blood 
of a hundred earls were coursing through 
their veins. The beauty of old Mrs. 
Blaine, James' mother, passed into a pro- 
verb. Even in her decrepit age she pre- 
served much of her early attractiveness, 
and her eye was like a hawk's, as clear 
and flashing then as in the days of her 
budding womanhood. This was a pecu- 
liarity of her family, and she transmitted it 
to all her children. The Gillespies were 
ardent, intense Catholics, and made their 
religion the leading feature of their lives. 
Neal Gillespie owned a good deal of land 
here, and Eph Blaine built the brick house 
you see yonder on a portion of it, after his 
marriage with Miss Gillespie. There their 
first child, James, was born in 1830. I re- 
member him very well when he was a lad 
and used to paddle about on the river and 
make mud pies along its banks. He was 
a bright lad. 

Never Turned his Back on Friend or Foe. 

" I remember one little story about him, 
which I often heard in those days, and 



which is interesting as showing how truly, 
in his case, the child was father to the 
man. When he was but a little toddler, 
so to speak, some laborers were engaged 
<i'&g'r'g ^ ^^^11 o" l^^s father's premises. 
The future statesman was caught one 
morning peering down into the excava- 
tion, and one of the men with the idea of 
frightening him and thus preventing him 
from again putting himself in danger, 
thrust his shovel toward him and made all 
sorts of ugly faces. Jim ran away, but only 
to nurse his anger and await an opportunity 
for revenge. Venturing to the well a day 
or two after he had been driven av/ay, he 
found the men working away at the bot- 
tom. Improving the opportunity, he seized 
a clod of earth and hurled it with all his 
little might full at the head of his unsus- 
pecting enemy, with the consolatory re- 
mark, ' There, take that.' Clod followed 
clod in fast succession, with accompanying 
expletives, until the men were fairly beside 
themselves with rage and with the fear 
that the desperate child might take it into 
his head to use some of the stones lying 
about him as messengers of wrath more 
effective than mere lumps of earth. Their 
shouts, however, brought his mother to 
the scene, and the little avenger was un- 
ceremoniously hustled off to the house. 
That was the old blood asserting itself. A 
Gillespie or a Blaine never turned his 
back upon friend or foe.'' 

A Century's Memories. 

" That's the new packet James G. Blaine 
that runs from here to Pittsburg. The two 
people who sleep in this graveyard little 
thought when they died that they'd have a 
son big enough to have a packet named 
for him. They died when Jim was young, 
and they didn't leave anything for him to 
start with either. Eph Blaine was a rich 
man once. His grandfather left him some 
fifty thousand dollars, but he spent it hav- 
ing a good time. He was not a money- 
saver, but believed in enjoying the world 
as he lived. He used to drive fine horses, 
and drive 'em tandem, too. Old Neal 
Gillespie used to call him ' My gig-and- 
tendem-son-in-law.' The Gillespies wasn't 
so slow either, but Eph Blaine led 'em all 
in this country. It's no wonder Jim 
Blaine is smart. He comes of good stock 



24 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



on both sides. All the Gillespies were 
smart. Neal Gillespie was the biggest 
brained man in all this country.'' 

" Do the Blaines or any of the relatives 
own the old homestead ?" 

" No, indeed. It's long since passed 
into strange hands There was little of 
either the Blaine or the Gillespie estate left 
when the settlement day came. The 
children all had to begin new. None of 
either family live about here now.'' 

There is much that is strange in the 
story that the old man told me, and much 
more that is interesting. We finished the 
talk beside the restless waters of the Mon- 
ongahcla,near which Mr. Blaine was born, 
and his family lived for years. The little 
brick house doesn't stand more than forty 
rods from the river, and the old path which 
lead-* from the doorway that Blaine helped 
to make in childhood, is still there. The 
best boat on the river now bears his name, 
and the plain people love to talk of his 
having been born in their midst. It is a 
queer section of country in which to have 
found the homes of two such families as 
the Blaines and the Gillespies. Both strong 
houses — both fond of the best things of 
this life. Both educated and brainy. 
Blaine sprung from Revolutionary stock. 
His great grandfather was a distinguished 
officer in the Revolution. He was a rich 
man and lived in Cumberland County 
above Carlisle. He 'eft James Blaine the 
grandfather, and Ephraim Blaine the 
father of the man of whom I am now 
writing, rich. The story goes that both 
spent their money in having a good time. 
The grandfather spent many years in 
Europe, and returned to this country only 
wl)en he had become penniless. The 
first history he made in this country began 
early in the present century. After he was 
poor he left the rich and popular section 
of Carlisle, and moved into the then wild- 
erness of the Youghiogheny region, and es- 
tablished a country store, at the mouth of 
Ten Mile Run, in Greene County. He 
lived here but a short time when he came 
to Brownsville, with his wagon-load of 
goods, and established a store which he 
kept the remainder of his life. The Gil- 
lespie family was then a rich and powerful 
family in the region. The strength of 



mind and character for which all the fam- 
ily were noted, is still a proverb in the re- 
gion. Thd^ Monongahela river at this 
point separates the two counties of Fay- 
ette and Washington. Brownsville is on 
the Fayette side and West Brownsville is 
on the Washington side. They are both 
quaint, old towns, and wear the mark of 
many years. I don't suppose there are 
1 5000 people in both, and the houses strag- 
gle along the banks of the river on the 
banks of the lowlands, which arejusthigh 
enough to keep them out of the reach of 
the overflow. This country was new — I 
might say wild — when the Blaines 
and the Gillespies came here. The 
rich treasures of the Youghiogheny 
region floated down the Ohio river 
in rude keel boats, and the untold 
wealth in the rugged mountains was then 
unknown. Albert Gallatin used to live in 
this country then, and his residence was 
but a few miles up the river from this 
point. But mighty changes have taken 
place since those days, when he left his 
impress upon the finances and credit of 
this country so that it can never be effaced. 

T*vo Strong Families. 

There seems to have been good feeling 
from the first between the Blaine and Gil- 
lespie families, and there seems to have 
been a special care to intermingle the fam- 
ily names as each son was born. The old 
man, whom 1 encountered in the first part 
of this story, told me that nearly every son 
in the Blaine family, as in the Gillespies, 
bore the family name or some part of his 
autograph. The Gillespie family seemed 
to run more to girls than boys, and it 
seemed to be their good fortune to link 
their fortunes with strongmen. Thedaugh- 
ter who was next in age to Maria, who 
married Ephraim A. Blaine, was wedded 
to the famous Tom Ewing, of Ohio, when 
he was a poor lawyer in Lancaster, Pa. 
That s how he became an uncle to James 
G. Blaine, and the names of Blaine and 
Ewing became joined together. 

There is a tale told that when old Tom 
Ewing was Secretary of the Interior Blaine 
applied to him for a clerkship and the old 
man sent him to Kentiickyto earn an hon- 
est living teaching school. This associa- 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



25 



tion of the name of Ewing with that of 
Blaine has given rise to the story that the 
Ewing family of Ohio helped James G. 
Blaine to an education. I might as well 
destroy this fiction by telling the facts. 

A short drive brought me to Washing- 
ton, the county seat of this county, and one 
of the first men I met was Major John H. 
Ewing, an old veteran now past four-score 
years. 

"I married the sister of Ephraim L. 
Blaine. He and I went to school together 
over in yonder college, and I knew him 
nearly all his life. He was a leader in the 
mischief of the school, and fond of all the 
good things in this life. He was the hand- 
somest man I ever saw, and he had a wife 
that was a match for him. She was one of 
the noblest women I ever knew. She in- 
herited all the sterling traits of character 
and strength of mind for which the Gilles- 
pies were noted. So, you see, Blaine sprang 
from the best of stock on both sides. His 
father was justice of the peace over in West 
Brownville for a number of years, and 
afterwards prothonotary of the county. He 
was elected in 1842 and came here to live. 
James G. was only about 12 years old 
then, and almost every middle-aged man 
you meet on the streets here remembers all 
about him. 

On the road to Fame. 

Mr. Gow, the editor of one of the village 
papers, who was Blaine's classmate, speaks 
thus of his schooldays: 

"Yes, Blaine graduated in the class of 
'47, when he was only seventeen years old. 
I graduated in the same class. We were 
thrown a great deal together, not only in 
school, but in society. He was a great 
favorite in the best social circles in the 
town. He was not noted as a leader in 
his class. He could learn his lessons too 
easily. He had the most remarkable 
memory of any boy in school, and could 
commit and retain his lessons without dif- 
ficulty. He never demonstrated in his 
youth, except by his wonderful memory, 
any of the great powers as a debater and 
thinker that he has since given evidence 
of. 

When a man has filled so large a place 
in the public eye as Mr. Blaine has, his 



early life seems a great way off. When 
you get where every other man you meet 
can tell you all about it, then you seem to 
see it in a different light and it leaves a far 
different impression upon your mind. 
Here, what seems to be to you when away 
traditions far in the distant past, appears 
like the recollections of yesterday. People 
cannot only tell you of his father and his 
grandfather, but of almost every phase of 
his life from boyhood up. The stories of 
his early struggles and triumphs are as vi- 
vid as those of his later years, and his 
name is closely associated with the lore of 
the country side. He left here soon after 
he graduated, but how little did he then 
think that his home would be made in the 
Northland and his' fame and fortune won 
many miles away from the quaint old town 
where he grew up. It is a nice place for 
peace and rest. The people are contented 
and happy with their splendid educational 
institutions, their rich acres and plenty of 
money. He had close alliances here then 
that were likely to bring him back to stay. 
Almost his first occupation after graduating 
was as a teacher in the Deaf and Dumb 
Asylum in Philadelphia. 

A Liove Romance. 

Why he went from there to Kentucky to 
teach school has been a question often 
asked, but never answered. There is a tra- 
dition here that there is but one being who 
knows. Like other boys he had his friend- 
ships and his loves, and it would be strange 
if he had grown up — for he is said to have 
been as handsome a boy as he is a man — 
without leaving some impression upon the 
hearts of the maidens of the neighborhood. 
If there is one person living who can tell, 
and there is, it has been and doubtless will 
be forever kept as a sealed book, so far as 
the details are concerned. It was one of 
those youthful misunderstandings that of- 
ten come to two people who hope to start 
out on the voyage of life together, and are 
separated by an angry sea before they 
meet. There is not even a suggestion as 
to which of the two were at fault for the 
parting of the ways that led their life's 
journeys into different paths. The party 
most disappointed has never wedded, but 
has rather devoted her life to self-denying 



26 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



charity. For *t\venty years, and by the 
irony of fate in the capital of the nation, has 
she followed the path of an undeviating 
Christian life, devoted to careful attention 
upon suffering humanity, doubtless watch- 
ing with a careful eye his steadily-advanc- 
ing steps, and, perhaps, often sitting under 
the spell of his eloquence, without his ever 
knowing that the being whose presence 
was once the chief charm of life was even 
living. 

Blaine as a Teacher. 

From his alma mater young Blaine went 
to Blue Lick Springs, Kentucky, and be- 
came a professor in the Western Military 
Institute, in which there were about 450 
boys. A retired officer, who was a student 
there at the time, relates that Professor 
Blaine was a thin, handsome, earnest 
young man, v/ith the same fascinating man- 
ners he has now. He became very popu- 
lar with those entrusted to his charge, who 
trusted him and made friends with him 
from the first. He knew the given names 
of every one, and he knew their short- 
comings and their strong points. He was 
a man of great personal courage, and 
during a fight between the faculty of the 
school and the owners of the springs, in- 
volving some questions about the removal 
of the school, he behaved in the bravest 
manner, fighting hard, but keeping cool. 
Revolvers and knives were freely used, but 
Blaine only used his well-disciplined mus- 
cle. Colonel Thornton F. Johnson was 
the principal of the school, and his wife 
had a young ladies' school at Millersburg, 
twenty miles distant. It was at this place 
that Mr. Blaine met Miss Harriet Stan- 
wood, who belonged to an excellent Mas- 
sachusetts family, and subsequently she 
became Mrs. Blaine. Miss Stanwood for 
some romantic reason refused to tell her 
future husband anything about her parent- 
age or circumstances. When the school 
broke up she returned to her home in 
Maine. Mr. Blaine, lover like, followed 
her; they were married, and the husband, 
to oblige his wife, became " Blaine, of 
Maine," though a more correct title would 
be Blaine of Maine and of Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Blaine continued to teach at the In- 
stitute for a few years, but at last conclud- 
ed to take up a profession. He returned 



to Pennsylvania and began studying law. 
He read law carefully, and obtained a 
throrough knowledge of its principles, but 
never presented himself as a candidate for 
admission to the Bar. 

While prosecuting his law studies he 
devoted himself to literary pursuits, and 
wrote for quite a number of newspapers 
and magazines. 

Mr. Blaine has always retained a warm 
affection for his. alma mater and hif native 
county and state. He has said that his 
pride and affection for both increase with 
years and reflection, and he recalls with 
pleasure the memory of the hardy pioneers 
of the county, their zealous celebrations 
on the Fourth of July and Washington's 
Birthday, and, speaking of one Fourth of 
July celebration in Brownsville in 1840, 
which was attended by 200 Revolutionary 
veterans, Mr. Blaine has said that the 
modern cant and criticism which we some- 
times hear about Washington not being a 
very great man would have been dangerous 
talk on that day and in that assemblage. 
Of his college he has said : " During my 
service of eighteen years in Congress I 
met a larger number of the alumni of 
Washington and Jefferson than of any 
single college in the Union." With Blaine's 
college life his immediate connection with 
Pennsylvania, except for a short time spent 
as a teacher in Philadelphia, and a few 
years devoted to the study of law, was 
ended, but his affection for his native State 
did not grow less with distance or time, 
and on the occasion of the celebration of 
the looth anniversary of the establishment 
of Washington County, in 1881, he wrote : 

" I shall always recall with pride that 
my ancestry and kindred were and are 
not inconspicuously connected with i's his- 
tory, and that on either side of the beauti- 
ful river in Protestant and in Catholic 
cemeteries five generations of my own 
blood sleep in honored graves.'' 

Before entering on his wider career, Mr. 
Blaine had yet another experience of 
teaching, and that was in this city. In the 
summer of 1852 he arrived in Philadelphia 
to answer an advertisement for a teacher 
in the Pennsylvania Institution for the In- 
struction of the Blind. He had then the 
bold, aggressive, combative qualities that 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



27 



to-day are his characteristics, and upon ob- 
taining and entering on his position as in- 
structor of the institution named, early 
gave evidence of them. Not that he was 
obtrusive or offensively forward. " He 
discharged his duty," said Dr. Chapin, the 
head of the institution, with a conscien- 
tious fidelity worthy the highest praise. A 
strong, positive man, having an opinion 
which he was ready to support and argue 
upon on all occasions, Mr Blaine made as 
many friends among his pupils as he did 
among the officers of the establishment. In 
every respect he proved worthy of the 
trust reposed. He was a methodical man 
— a master of statistics and exceedingly 
careful in his deportment. He appeared 
to be in love with his work here, and began 
a journal of the history of the institution, 
which is as much a model of neatness as it 
is of careful research." This journal, 
written throughout in a plain, somewhat 
angular hand, is, page after page, entirely 
free from blots or erasures, and affords 
ample evidence that the author was 
thoroughly interested in his work, It is a 
history of the Philadelphia Institution for 
the Instruction of the Blind, written 
throughout in the hand-writing of James 
G. Blaine, and is complete from the day 
on which the institution was opened until 
the day on which Mr. Blaine resigned his 
position. Mr. Blaine continued in this 
place for nearly two years, winning the 
affection of those he taught, the regard of 
his fellows, and the respect of his supe- 
riors. 

Editor and Politician. 

Miss Stanwood was a native of Maine, 
and after her marriage to Mr. Blaine 
was anxious for him to make that State his 
home. This he determined to do, and in 
1853 the young couple moved to Augusta, 
where they have ever since made their 
home. In the following year Mr. Blaine 
entered into partnership with Joseph 
Baker, a prominent lawyer of that town, 
and the two purchased The Kc7inebec 
Journal, of which Mr. Blaine at once be- 
came editor. The Jour}ial was a weekly 
paper, one of the organs of the Whig party, 
and exercised considerable political in- 
fluence. His first reputation as a public 
speaker, was gained in the Fremont cam- 



paign of 1856, In 1857, Mr. Blaine dis- 
posed of his interest in this paper and be- 
came Editor of TJie Port/and Daily Ad- 
vertiser. In the campaign of i860 he re- 
turned temporarily to his old post on The 
Kennebec Jotirnal on account of the illness 
of its Editor, His career in journalism 
lasted only six years, but was marked 
throughout by ability and success, and it 
served to give him a good introduction to 
the world of politics and statesmanship. 

The following paragraph is from a letter 
by die late Gov. Kent of Maine, who mod- 
estly refrained from classing himself with 
Fessenden, Hamlin and the Morrills, 
though he belonged in the front rank of 
public men in Maine, made especially 
prominent to the whole country in the 
campaign of 1840: 

Almost from the day of his assuming 
charge of the Kennebec Journal, at the 
early age of 23, Mr. Blaine sprang into a 
position of great influence into the poli- 
tics and policy of Maine. At 26 he was a 
leading power in the councils of the 
Republican party, so recognized by Fes- 
senden, Hamlin, the two Morills, and 
others then and still prominent in the 
State. Before he was 29 he was chosen 
chairman of the executive committee of 
the Republican organization in Maine — a 
position he has held ever since, and from 
which he has practically shaped and 
directed every political campaign in the 
State — always leading his party to brilliant 
victory. Had Mr. Blaine been New Eng- 
land born, he probably would not have 
received such rapid advancement at so 
early an age even with the same ability 
he possessed. But there was a sort of 
Western dash about him that took with us 
Down-Easters ; an expression of frankness, 
candor, and confidence that gave him 
from the start very strong and permanent 
hold on our people and as a foundation of 
all, a pure character and a masterly ability 
equal to all demands made upon him. 

When the old Whig party went to pieces 
Mr. Blaine joined hands with Governor 
Anson P, Morrill in organizing the Repub- 
lican party in the Pine Tree State. His 
vigorous attacks upon the Buchanan Ad- 
ministration made him a power in the- new 
organization. In 1858, when he was in his 



28 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



twenty-ninth year, he was elected to the 
Legislature. He served two years on the 
floor of the Lower House and two years 
in the chair, where he displayed the 
qualities of a parliamentary leadership and 
control that afterward gave him such re- 
nown in the National Legislaturp at Wash- 
ington. 

His Congressional Career. 

Mr. Blaine's career as a State repre- 
sentative won him such a position that in 
1862 he was sent to the Thirty-eighth 
Congress from the Kennebec district, and 
received a majority of three thousand 
votes. His aptitude for legislative busi- 
ness was so marked, that he at once rose 
into notice amongst his fellow-members, 
and it required no ordinary talent to at- 
tain that position amongst such renowned 
men as Elihu B. Washburne, Owen Love- 
joy, George W. Julian, Godlove S. Orth, 
Schuyler Colfax, James F. Wilson, Wm. 
B. Allison, John A. Kasson, Alexander H. 
Rice, Henry L. Dawes, William Windom' 
F. P. Blair, Jr., Jame Brooks, Erastus Cor- 
ning, Reuben E. Fenton, Francis Kernan, 
George H. Pendleton, Robert C. Schenck, 
James A. Garfield, Samuel J. Randall, 
William D. Kelley, Thaddeus Stevens, G. 
W. Scofield, and many other distinguished 
men. 

Here he followed the same even and 
consistent path of progress that had marked 
his journey ever since he left college, and 
the same characteristics and force of 
mind that gave him the leadership in the 
Maine Legislature, made him already a 
man of mark in the National Council. 
It was an eventful era in our history, when 
every public man was most critically esti- 
mated by the people of the country. 

It is impossible within the brief limits of 
this sketch to even touch upon the varied 
services rendered by Mr. Blaine to his 
country while a member of the House and 
Senate. His congressional career em- 
braced the most trying period of his coun- 
try's history, the sombre years of the 
rebellion, the reconstruction period, and 
the perilous time when the election of 
President Hayes aroused an apparently 
triumphant Democratic Party almost to the 
verge of madness. A good example of 



Mr. Blaine's powers as a debater is found 
in a speech delivered in the Senate, April 
14, 1879, when an effort was made by the 
Democrats to strike out the words from a 
section of the Revised Statutes which pro- 
vided for the use of soldiers to keep peace 
at the polls. In reply to the charge that 
the soldiers were used to intimidate South- 
ern voters, Mr. Blaine said: 

"The entire South has 1,155 soldiers to 
intimidate, overrun, oppress and destroy 
the liberties of 15,000,000 people! In the 
Southern States there are 1,203 counties. 
If you distribute the soldiers, there is not 
quite one for each county. If you distri- 
bute them territorially, there is one for 
every seven hundred square iniles of ter- 
ritory, so that if you make a territorial 
distribution, I would remind the honorable 
Senator from Delaware, if I saw him in 
his seat, that the quota for his State would 
be three. ' One ragged sergeant and two 
abreast,' as the old song has it. That is 
the force ready to destroy the liberties of 
Delaware." 

He was a member of the Thirty-eighth, 
Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, Forty-first, Forty- 
second, Forty-third, and Forty-fourth Con- 
gresses, and became the acknowledged 
leader of the party in the House, and his 
speeches during the period which he 
served in Congress, are a glowing tribute 
to his ability, his acute sagacity, his broad 
and sound statesmanship, and unflinching 
patriotism. 

His first reputation in the Lower House 
of Congress was that of an exceedingly 
industrious committeeman. He was a 
member of the Post Office and Military 
Committees, and of the Committees on 
Appropriations and Rules. He paid close 
attention to the business of the committees, 
and took an active part in the debates of 
the House, manifesting practical ability 
and genius for details. The first remark- 
able speech which he made in Congress 
was on the subject of assumption by the 
General Government of the war debts of 
the States, in the course of which he urged 
that the North was abundantly able to 
carry on the war to a sucessful issue. This 
vigorous speech attracted so much atten- 
tion that 200,000 copies of it were circulated 
in 1864 as a campaign document by the 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



29 



Republican party. In January, 1868, he 
introduced a resolution in relation to Con- 
gressional representation, which was 
referred to the Reconstruction Committee, 
and was subsequently made the basis of 
the ^Fourteenth Amendment. In De- 
cember, 1867, he made an elaborate speech 
on the finances, in which he analyzed Mr. 
Pendleton's greenback theory. "The 
remedy for our financial troubles," said 
he, " will not be found in a superabund- 
ance of depreciated paper currency. It 
lies in the opposite direction, and the 
sooner the Nation finds itself on a specie 
basis the sooner will the public treasury 
be freed from embarrassment and private 
business be relieved from discouragement. 
Instead, therefore, of entering upon a 
reckless and boundless issue of legal- 
tenders, with their constant depreciation, 
if not destruction, of value, let us set re- 
solutely to work and make those already 
in circulation equal to so many gold dol- 
lars." 

He has al^vays stood close to the People. 

On the floor of the House, in the Speak- 
er's chair again on the floor of the House, 
hence in the Senate, and during the politi- 
cal campaigns of all these years on the 
stump in almost every Northern State, Mr. 
Blaine has been emphatically with the 
people and of the people. His opinions 
on all questions have been pronounced, 
sometimes to aggressiveness, and his 
worst enemy has never accused him of 
evading or avoiding any responsibility or 
the expression of his convictions on any 
public issue. 

In reviewing Mr. Blaine's Congressional 
career it is necessary at the outset to point 
out a very superficial and frivolous line of 
remark, which we sometimes see, not 
only in regard to Mr. Blaine, but to other 
prominent public men. "What great 
measure did Mr. Blaine ever originate ?" 
asks the unfledged but omnipotent cham- 
ber-statesman, and might go on indefinitely 
asking what great measure did Mr. Sher- 
man, or Mr. Thurman ever originate, or 
Mr. Edmunds, or Mr. Conkling, or Mr. 
Webster, or Mr. Gallatin ? Such critics 
and such criticisms are equally shallow. 
Great measures grow in the minds of the 



people. Specie payment came after long 
public discussion, and now Senators are 
quarreling as to who it was that drafted 
the bill passed in 1875. So it is with 
all measures of great public moment. 
They do not spring from the mind of one 
man sitting behind his Congressional 
desk. The duty of the statesman is to 
shape, mold, guide, direct in a Republican 
government. The creative power is in the 
minds of many, and the cause of action is 
necessity. The great lawyer does not cre- 
ate his case. He argues it, develops it, 
applies principles to it. 

To say that Mr. Blaine has been a 
power in Congress for the past seventeen 
years is simply to affirm current history. 
Though entering very young, he made his 
mark at once. At the period of darkest 
depression in the war, when anxiety 
brooded everywhere and boded every- 
thing, Mr. Blaine delivered a speech on 
" The Ability of the American People to 
Suppress the Rebellion," which has 
been cited for the great attention and 
commendation it received. Its value lay 
not alone in its timehness, for after its first 
wide circulation it was reprinted as a cam- 
paign document in the Presidential cam- 
paign of 1 864. 

It was the delivery of this speech, and 
some discussions which took place shortly 
after, that caused Thaddeus Stevens to 
say that " Blaine, of Maine, has shown as 
great aptitude and ability for the higher 
walks of public life as any man that had 
come to Congress during his period of ser- 
vice." 

During the first session of Mr. Blaine's 
service as member of the Post-Ofifice Com- 
mittee he took an active part in co-opera- 
tion with the chairman, Hon. John B. 
Alley, and the late James Brooks of New 
York, in encouraging and securing the 
system of postal cars now in universal 
use. Distribution on the cars had not 
been attempted on any great scale, and 
the first appropriations for the enlarged 
service were not granted without opposi- 
tion. 

Following the war, and throughout the 
period of reconstruction, Mr. Blaine was 
active, energetic, and intelligent. He was 
especially prominent in shaping some of 



.f 



30 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



the most important features of the Four- 
teenth Amendment, particularly that re- 
lating to the basis of representation. The 
discussions on this great series of ques- 
tions, in which Blaine figured largely, are 
among the most interesting and valuable 
in the history of the American Congress. 

Mr. Blaine became a leader in legisla- 
tion as he became the leader of men gen- 
erally, by virtue of his comprehensiveness 
of mind, his quick perception of objective 
points, and his devotion in advocating 
what he felt was right and duty. 

It was in the beginning of his second 
term that he began to make himself felt. 
None of the younger members had been 
on more cordial or confidential terms with 
Mr. Lincoln than the new member from 
Maine. Towards the expiration of Mr. 
Lincoln's first teim Mr. Blaine was the 
person with whom the President con- 
stantly conferred in regard to political 
movements in Maine. Ward H. Lamon, 
Lincoln's law partner, was presented at a 
conference when Mr. Lincoln requested 
Mr. Blaine to go to Maine and watch the 
movements of the President's opponents. 
The acquaintance between Lincoln and 
Blaine had begun in Illinois during the 
Douglas campaign in 1858, and at that 
early time the Maine editor had predicted 
in the columns of his paper that Lincoln 
would be defeated for senator by Douglas, 
but that he would beat Douglas for presi- 
dent in i860. A copy of this prophecy 
Mr. Lincoln carried in his memorandum- 
book long after he had been inaugurated 
as president. In i860, a delegate to the 
Chicago Convention, Mr. Blaine had been 
almost the only New England man who 
had supported Mr. Lincoln from the start, 
and it is not too much to say that it was 
Mr. Blaine's early and firm stand for Lin- 
coln which opened the way to the first 
nomination of the first martyr President. 

In 1867, Mr. Blaine sought a temporary 
relaxation from official cares and labors, 
and for the first time paid a short visit to 
Europe. While he was out of the country 
the theory of paying the public debt in 
greenbacks was started in Ohio by Mr. 
Pendleton, and in Massachusetts by Gen- 
eral Butler. Just after his return in the 
autunm, at a special or adjourned session 



of Congress in November, Mr. Blaine as- 
saulted the proposition in a speech of 
great research, logic, and force. It thus 
happened that he was the first man in 
either branch of Congress who spoke 
against the financial heresy that in subse- 
quent years has engrossed so much of 
public attention. From that time, both in 
Congress and before the people, Mr. Blaine 
has been indefatigable in bringing the 
public opinion of the country to the right 
standard of financial and national honor. 

Blaine as Speaker of tlie House. 

Six years in Congress had made him so 
conspicuous as a leader, and so noted as a 
parliamentarian, that he was made Speaker 
of the House, a position that he filled with 
marked ability for six years, when the 
Democrats obtained control of that body. 
Mr. Blaine was perhaps the youngest man 
who ever occupied the Speaker's chair, 
being then 39 years of age. He presided 
over some of the most important and 
exciting sessions of the House, and by his 
just rulings, admirable tact, and magnetic 
influence, he passed through the long and 
trying period with the approbation of both 
friend and foe. 

A Memorable Event. 

Even more marked, at least in the pop- 
ular eye, than his career as Speaker, was 
Mr. Blaine's course in the House when he 
returned to the floor at the close of his 
Speakership. Few have forgotten the 
sudden tilt by which, in a day, a victorious 
and exultant Democratic majority was 
changed into a surprised, subdued, and 
saddened crowd, under Mr. Blaine's 
aggressive and unexpected tactics. The 
debates of that memorable session on the 
proposition to remove the disabilities of 
Jefferson Davis are still fresh in all minds, 
and more likely to be appreciated perhaps 
to-day than at any time within the last 
three years. Mr. Blaine's speeches laid 
the foundation of success in the campaign 
of 1876 though he was not selected as the 
standard-bearer. The excitement growing 
out of this exciting session with all its 
attendants events brought Mr. Blaine 
more prominently before the country than 
any other citizen for the time, centered 
upon him indeed a hostility more malig- 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



31 



nant and a love more enthusiastic than 
are often inspired by public service, and 
gave him such a national fame that he at 
once became a prominent caudidate for 
the Presidency. 

Blaine as Senator. ' 

Mr. Blaine was appointed by the Gov 
ernor of Maine, July 19, 1876, to be United 
States Senator to fill the vacancy caused 
by the resignation of Senator Morrill, who 
then became Secretary of the Treasury, 
and took his seat in that august body at 
the opening of its session in December, 
1876. Many regretted that the able 
Speaker of the House, the dashing and 
brilliant debater in Committee of the 
Whole, should, as they expressed it, be 
shelved in the Senate. Four years passed, 
and it would be hard to name a man who 
had been less securely shelved, a Senator 
who moved so promptly to the front. The 
Senate contains a large number of able 
men and some skillful debators, but in 
logical, ofif-hand discussion, in quick per- 
ception and full command of every re- 
source, it has seldom contained a man 
superior to Mr. Blaine. His career in the 
Senate was as active as that in the House. 
He took a prominant part in every im- 
portant debate, and though not fearing to 
differ from his party, was always a strong 
party man, and one of the recognized 
leaders on the Republican side. He was 
subsequently elected for the unexpired 
term and for the ensuing term expiring in 
1883. On his appointment he wrote to the 
people of his Congressional District a 
farewell address, in which he said : 

" Beginning with 1862 you have by con- 
tinuous elections sent me as your repre- 
sentative to the Congress of the United 
States. For such marked confidence I 
have endeavored to return the most zeal- 
ous and devoted service in my power, and 
it is certainly not without a feeling of pain 
that I now surrender a trust by which I 
have always felt so signally honored. It 
has been my boast in public and in private 
that no man on the floor of Congress ever 
represented a constituency more distin- 
guished for intelligence, for patriotism, for 
public and personal virtue. The cordial 
support you have so uniformly given me 



through these fourteen eventful years is 
the chief honor of my life. In closing the 
intimate relations I have so long held with 
the people of this district it is a great satis- 
faction to me to know that with returning 
health I shall enter upon a field of duty in 
which I can still serve them in common 
with the larger constituency of which they 
form a part." 

The Kennebec Journal oi his State well 
representing the sentiment of the public in 
the state, said : 

" Fourteen years ago, standing in the 
convention at which he was first nomi- 
nated, Mr. Blaine pledged himself to use 
his best services for the district, and to 
support to the best of his ability the policy 
of Abraham Lincoln to subdue the rebel- 
lion, and then and there expressed plainly 
the idea that slavery must and ought to 
be abolished to save the Union. That he 
has kept his pledge faithfully his constitu- 
ents know and ieel, and the records of 
Congress attest. To this district his abili- 
ties were freely given, and a? he rose in 
honor in the House and in the public 
estimation he reflected honor and gave 
strength to the constituency that supported 
him. Every step he made in advance 
was a gain for them, It was a grand thing 
for this district to have as its Representa- 
tive in Congress for six years the Speaker 
of the House, filling the place next in im- 
portance to that of President of the United 
States, with matchless ability. It was a 
grander thing when we took the lead of 
the minority in the House last December, 
routed the Democratic majority, and drove 
back in dismay the ex-Confederates who 
were intending and expecting through the 
advantage they had already gained to 
grasp the supreme power in the Nation and 
wield it in the interest of the cause of 
secession and rebellion revived. For what 
he has done as their representative in 
Ccngress, never will this Illd District of 
Maine forget to honor the name of James 
G. Blaine. It will live in the hearts of this 
people even as the name of Henry Clay 
is still loved by the people of his old dis- 
trict in Kentucky." 

He at once entered actively upon his 
new official duties, and his prestige in the 
House, and his great popularity with the 



32 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



people made him a prominent figure in 
his new position. His progressive nature 
had liule regard for the tradition of that 
body, which expects new members to 
listen to their elders instead of pushing 
forward in debates. He could not remain 
silent on questions which he was well in- 
formed, and so he at once became a 
debator in the Senate. 

The Senate had a large number of able 
men and some skillful debaters, but in 
logical, off-hand discussion, in quick per- 
ception and full command of every re- 
source, it has seldom contained a man 
superior to Mr. Blaine. His career in the 
Senate was as active as that in the House. 
He took a prominent part in every import- 
ant debate, and though not fearing to differ 
from his party, was always a strong party 
man, and one of the recognized leaders on 
the Republican side. 

He made a strong speech in favor of 
restricting Chinese immigration, which 
was much censured and much praised, ac- 
cording to the point of view of his critics. 
He voted against the Electoral Commission 
bill. He opposed the Bland Silver bill in 
a vigorous speech, and favored the coinage 
of an honest silver dollar. The question 
of the restoration of the American carry- 
ing trade upon the seas has received a 
great deal of attention from him, and his 
speeches and letters on this subject have 
attracted much attention. One of these 
speeches was made at a New York Cham- 
ber of Commerce dinner, and was accepted 
as a masterly presentation of the sub- 
ject. 

Mr. Blaine's sagacity, coolness and wis- 
dom as a party leader were conspicuously 
demonstrated in the measures he took to 
circumvent the Democratic plot for steal- 
ing the State Government of Maine in 
1879, by fraudulently counting out Repub- 
lican members of the Legislature. All the 
advantages, save that of being in the right, 
were with his opponents at the start. His 
supporters were eager to resort to arms as 
the only means of obtaining justice, but 
they were restrained by him. His plan was 
first to arouse public sentiment by expos- 
ing the enormity of the plot, next to tangle 
up his antagonists in a web of contradic- 
tions, and then, after obtaining the judg- j 



mentofthe Supreme Court, to seize and 
hold the legislative halls. It was com- 
pletely successful, and the conspiracy be- 
came impotent and ridiculous. 

His debates in both Houses of Congress 
covered a wide range of the most compli- 
cated subjects, and show him to have been 
sound in his financial views, practical 
always and hberal in his political views. 
When, in December, 1864, Mr. Stevens, of 
Pennsylvania, introduced a bill in tUe 
House to determine the value of legal ten- 
der notes and to compel all persons to take 
the notes at their face value, Mr. Blaine 
was the member to expose the absurdity of 
the attempt. "This bill," he said, "aims 
at the impossible. You cannot make a 
gold dollar worth less than it is or a paper 
dollar worth more than it is by Congres- 
sional declaration." 

Mr. Blaine invented the word " Stal- 
wart," but no one was quicker than he to 
advise keeping hands off the South after 
the war. In January, 1868, when the for- 
feiture of Southern land grants was under 
discussion, Mr. Blaine said : 

We do not treat the South as well as the 
Northwest for the latter have representa- 
tives here and they have been effectual in 
getting the grants extended and renewed 
where the law has not been fully comphed 
with, and now, when there are no repre- 
sentatives of the South upon the floor, with 
not a voice to speak in her behalf, we pro- 
pose to cut them off. I say there is no 
hope for the growth of cotton and grain 
down South on the part of the loyal men 
there unless we furnish them with the mag- 
nificent facilities for transportation to mar- 
ket afforded by these very railroads. 

In a speech upon the financial condition 
of the country, delivered in the House in 
March, 1868, Mr, Blaine said: 

Nor do I see how any gentleman can 
consistently propose an inflation of the 
currency in the face of an express and sol- 
emn pledge to the contrary by Congress. 
* * * If we were ever so eager to pay 
off our 5-20's in greenbacks we are actu- 
ally stopped by the ;?4oo,ooo,ooo pledge. 
If we disregard that pledge we might just 
as well trample upon others and take a 
short cut at once to repudiation and nation- 
al bankruptcy. The policy which I ad- 



JAMES G.. BLAINE. 



33 



vocate is to bring our entire currency in 
due season, without haste, without rash- 
ness, without contraction, without financial 
convulsion, up to the specie standard." 

June 23, 1868, Mr. Blaine made an elabo- 
rate argument in opposition to the propo- 
sition to impose a tax upon Government 
bonds. He was one of the most conspic- 
uous and able of the opponents of the im- 
portation of Chinese labor. His ablest 
speeches in the Senate were probifbly 
those made during the Geneva award 
debate, when he successfully crossed arms 
with the great legal athletes of the Senate 
Chamber. 

His position on the Chinese question 
was the result of a thorough investigation 
of the subject in all its bearings, and when 
a conclusion had been reached, he threw 
all the force of his genius and ability in 
opposition to an unlimited immigration of 
those people to this country. This action 
made him the most popular statesman on 
the Pacific Coast, and the people of those 
states have given him the most decided 
manifestations of their esteem and confi- 
dence. His independence of action has 
made him friends and enemies, but ap- 
parently indifferent to personal interests 
or popular clamor, he has boldly pro- 
claimed and defended his convictions. He 
is no time-serving politician. He never 
waits to ascerrain the current of public 
opinion and then drift with it. On the con- 
trary he is a born leader, who makes 
public opinion, and his advanced ideas 
lead him to the front, while his magnetism 
brings a host of followers. He po sesses 
those qualities which make a military 
commander great, a diplomat effective, 
and a statesman popular. His position on 
the tariff question is in strict harmony with 
his party, and ever since he entered the 
halls of legislation he has advocated the 
doctrine of protection to labor. 

In the Senate, as in the House, Mr. 
Blaine was a staunch advocate of a protec- 
tive tariff. 

On the 22d of April, 1878, he offered the 
following resolutions : 

Resolved, that any radical change in our 
present tariff laws would in the judgment 
of the Senate, be inopportune, would 
needlessly derange the business interests 



of the country, and would seriously retard 
that return to prosperity for w'hich all should 
earnestly co-operate. 

Resolved, that in the judgment of the 
Senate, it should be the fixed policy of 
this government to so maintain our tariff 
for revenue as to afford adequate protec- 
tion to American labor. 

On the 1st of May, 1878, Mr. Blaine 
called up his resolutions and urged their 
passage in a stormy speech, which how- 
ever, was ineffectual at the time. 

In 1876, his friends brought him forward 
as a candidate for President, and without 
any exertion or direction on his part, they 
made a most brilliant charge on the con- 
vention. Then as now, he was the choice 
of a majority of the masses of his party and 
had popular sentiment decided the issue 
it would have resulted in the nomination 
of James G. Blaine. He went into the 
convention with more votes than any of 
his competitors. On the sixth ballot he 
received 308 votes, on the seventh ballot 
his vote rose to 345, or 33 votes less than 
a majority. But for an unfortunate sun- 
stroke on a hot July day he would probably 
have been nominated. As it was, his 
friends looked forward to his nomination 
on the next ballot with confidence, and 
every indication pointed to his nomina- 
tion when a combination was formed to 
defeat him which succeeded, for on the 
following ballot : R. B. Hayes received 
384 votes, Mr. Blaine 351, Mr. Conkling2i, 
and Mr. Hayes was declared the nominee. 

On the following December he entered 
the Senate, and whilst in that position, in 
1880, he was again brought forward as a 
presidential candidate. He had antagon- 
ized the Hayes policy and had carried the 
popular heart of l^is partisans with him 
again. But the field was so powerful 
in several States of the North that it was 
able to deprive the favorite of many votes 
which belonged to him. 

Mr. Blaine's candidacy for the Presi- 
dential nomination in i38o is of such 
recent date that only a passing reference 
to it is necessary. He received 284 votes 
on the first ballot in the Convention, to 
304 for Grant, and fairly held his own un- 
til the 34th ballot, on which he had 275 
votes. It was on the next ballot that Gar- 



34 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



field began to loom upas the coming man, 
and Blaine fell to 257. On the 36th and 
last ballot, all his supporters except 42 
went over to Garfield. 

Blaine In tixe Cabinet. 

Blaine had made General Garfield 
President by throwing his votes in the 
Convention to him at the proper time, and 
this materially made his relations with 
Garfield closer than his relations with 
Lincoln, confidential as they had been in 
proportion as his services to Garfield in 
1880 were made greater than his service 
to Lincoln in i860 by his increased in- 
fluence and prominence. It remained for 
Mr. Blaine to do almost as much to elect 
Garfield as he had done to nominate him 
by his appreciation of the importance of 
the tariff question, and by exposing upon 
the stump the dangers of Free Trade at a 
moment in the campaign when the Re- 
publican horizon was darkest with clouds. 
Mr. Garfield was elected in November, 
and shortly afterwards made a visit to 
Washington, to confer with Mr. Blaine, 
but found that he was at his home in Maine. 
He at once wrote him to meet him in 
Wa-hington on the 24th of November, and 
on the 26th he arrived and called upon 
the President elect. For two hours they 
were closeted without interruption from a 
single person. At this conference General 
(iarfield, without reservation, tendered the 
State Department to Mr. Blaine. When 
Mr. Blaine had recovered from his surprise 
he replied: "General, I was hardly pre- 
pared for this tender on your part. I do 
not know how to make answer. I would 
like some time for reflection and consulta- 
tion, and in the meantime I will advise 
you." General Garfield then and there 
urged Mr. Blaine to accept, but he made 
no binding answer at the time. Subse- 
quently Mr. Blaine had a conference with 
his closest friends, and the weight of their 
testimony was that he should accept the 
place Said he: "Gentlemen, I am in- 
clined to accept General Garfield's offer ; 
but meanwhile I will for a very short 
period still further hold it under advise- 
ment." After this conference with his 
friends the fact that General Garfield had 
offered the Senator the Secretaryship of 



State was communicated to one or two of 
Senator Blaine's confidential friends, and 
he said : " If the sentiment of the country 
indorses the selection General Garfield has 
made, I will accept the office. Otherwise 
not." Early in December the announce- 
ment was made in one or two newspapers, 
directly and absolutely, that Senator 
Blaine had been invited by General Gar- 
field to accept the position of Secretary of 
State. 

It was almost a month after this Confer- 
ence that Blaine formally accepted the 
position tendered him, as will be seen by 
his letter of acceptance : 

Washington, Dec. 20, 1880. 

My Dear Garfield : Your generous 
invitation to enter your Cabinet as Secre- 
tary of State has been under consideration 
for more than three weeks. The thought 
had really never occurred to my mind 
until at our late conference you presented 
it with such cogent arguments in its favor 
and with such warmth of personal friend- 
ship in aid of your kind offer. 

I know that an early answer is desirable, 
and I have waited only long enough to 
consider the subject in all its bearings, and 
to make up my mind, definitely and con- 
clusively. I now say to you, in the same 
cordial spirit in which you have invited 
me, that I accept the position. 

It is no affectation for me to add that I 
make this decision, not for the honor of 
the promotion it gives me in the public 
service, but because I think I can be use- 
ful to the country and to the party ; useful 
to you as the responsible leader of the 
party and the great head of the Govern- 
ment. 

I am influenced, somewhat, perhaps, by 
the shower of letters I have received urging 
me to accept, written to me inconsequence 
of the mere unauthorized newspaper report 
that you had been pleased to offer me the 
place. While I have received these letters 
from all sections of the Union, I have been 
especially pleased and even surprised at 
the cordial and widely extended feeling in 
my favor throughout New England, where 
I had expected to encounter local jealousy 
and perhaps rival aspiration. 

In our new relation I shall give all that 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



35 



I am and all that I can hope to be, freely 
and loyally, to your service. You need no 
pledge of my loyalty in heart and act. I 
should be false to myself did I not prove 
true both to the great trust you confide to 
me and to your own personal and political 
fortunes in the present and in the future. 
Your Administration must be made bril- 
liantly successful and strong in the confi- 
dence and pride of the people, not at all 
directing its energies for re-election, and 
yet compelling that result by the logic of 
events and by the imperious necessities of 
the situation. 

To that most desirable consummation 
I feel that, next to yourself, I can possibly 
contribute as much influence as any other 
one man. I say this not from egotism or 
vainglory, but merely as a deduction from 
a plain analysis of the political forces 
which have been at work in the country 
for five years past, and which have been 
significantly shown in two great National 
Conventions. I accept it as one of the 
happiest circumstances connected with this 
affair that in allying my political fortunes 
with yours — or rather for the time merging 
mine in yours — my heart goes with my 
head, and that I carry to you not only politi- 
cal support but personal and devoted friend- 
ship. I can but regard it as somewhat 
remarkable that two men of the same age, 
entering Congress at the same time, 
influenced by the same aims and cherish- 
ing the same ambitions, should never, for 
a single moment in eighteen years of close 
intimacy, have had a misunderstanding or 
coolness, and that our friendship has 
steadily grown with our growth and 
strengthened with our strength. 

It is this fact which has led me to the 
conclusion embodied in this letter ; for 
however much, my dear Garfield, I might 
admire you as a statesman, I would not 
enter your cabinet if I did not believe in 
you as a man and love you as a friend. 

Always faithfully yours, 

James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Blaine qualified as Secretary of 
State March 5, 1881, two days following the 
inauguration of the President, and imme- 
diately assumed the duties of the office. 



President Garfield's Cabinet was as fol- 
lows : 

Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, of 
Maine ; Secretary of the Treasury, William 
Windom, of Minnesota ; Secretary of the 
Navy, William H. Hunt, of Louisana ; 
Secretary of War, Robert T. Lincoln, of 
Illinois ; Secretary of the Interior, Samuel 
J. Kirkwood, of Iowa ; Attorney-General, 
Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania ; Post- 
master-General, Thomas L. James, of New 
York. 

The foreign policy announced by Presi- 
dent Garfield was; First, to bring about 
peace and prevent future wars in North 
and South America; and, secondly, to cul- 
vate such friendly commercial relations 
with all American countries as would lead 
to a large increase in the export trade of 
the United States. It was for the purpose 
of promoting peace on the Western Hem- 
isphere that it was determined to invite all 
the independent governmentsot North and 
South America to meet in a peace con- 
ference at Washington on March 15, 1882. 
The project met with cordial approval in 
South America, and, had it been carried 
out, would have raised the standard of civ- 
ilization, and possibly, by opening South 
American markets to our manufactures, 
would have wiped out ;? 12,000,000 balance 
of trade which Spanish America brings 
against us every year. The invitations to 
this important conference were subse- 
quently sent out by President Arthur, but 
in a short time they were recalled, after 
some of the countries had actually accepted 
them. It was a pacific pohcy and was 
wholly in accord with the Monroe Doctrine 
and the characteristic traditions of Ameri- 
can diplomacy. 

President Garfield in his inaugural ad- 
dress had repeated the declaration of his 
predecessor that it was " the right and duty 
of the United States to assert and maintain 
such supervision and authority over any 
interoceanic canal across the isthmus that 
connects North and South America as will 
protect our National interests." This 
policy, which had received the direct ap- 
proval of Congress, was vigorously upheld 
by Secretary Blaine. The Columbian 
Republic had proposed, to the European 
Powers to join in a guarantee to the neu- 



36 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



trality of the proposed Panama Canal. 
One of President Garfield's first acts under 
the advice of Secretary Blaine was to re- 
mind the European Government of the 
exclusive rights which the United States 
had secured with the country to be trav- 
ersed by the interoceanic waterway. These 
exclusive rights rendered the prior guaran- 
tee of the United States Government indis- 
pensable, and the Powers were informed 
that any foreign guarantee would be not 
only an unnecessary but unfriendly act. 
As the United States had made in the 
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty of 1850 a special 
agreement with Great Britain on this sub- 
ject, Secretary Blaine supplemented his 
memorandum to the Powers by a formal 
proposal for the abrogation of all provi- 
sions of that convention which were not in 
accord with the guarantees and privileges 
covenanted for in the compact with the 
Colombian Republic. In his State paper, 
the most elaborate of the series receiving 
his signature as Secretary of Siate, Mr. 
Blaine contended that the operation of the 
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty practically con- 
ceded to Great Britain the control of any 
canal which might be constructed in the 
isthmus, as that Power was required by its 
insuku" position and colonial possessions to 
maintain a naval establishment with which 
the United States could not compete. As 
the American Government had bound 
itself by its engagements in the Clayton- 
Bulwer Treaty not to fight in the isthmus, 
nor to fortify the mouths of any waterway 
that might be constructed the Secretary 
argued that if any struggle for the control 
of the canal were to arise England would 
have an advantage at the outset which 
would prove decisive. "The treaty," he 
remarked, " commands this Government 
not to use a single regiment of troops to 
protect its interests in connection with the 
interoceanic canal, but to sunender the 
transit to the guardianship and control of 
the British navy." The logic of this paper 
was unanswerable from an American point 
of view. If the Monroe Doctrine be any- 
thing more than a tradition, the control of 
the Panama Canal must not be allowed to 
pass out of American hands; and since 
the country having the most powerful 
navy is the real guardian of the freedom 



1: 



of an interoceanic canal under any system 
of international guarantees, or in the ab- 
sence of treaty law, the Panama Canal, as 
Mr. Blaine said, under the Clayton-Bulwer 
Treaty would be surrendered, if not in furm 
yet in effect, to the control of Great Britain. 

Proposed Clianges in the Treaty. 

In Secretary Blaine's instructions to Mr. 
James Russel Lowell, Minister to England, 
is the following summary of the changes 
in the Clayton Bulwer treaty of 1850, 
necessary to meet the views of the United 
States Government : 

" First. Every part of the treaty which 
forbids the United States fortifying the 
canal, and holding the political control of 
it in conjunction with the country in which 
it is located to be cancelled. 

" Second. Every part of the treaty in 
which Great Britain and the United States 
agree to make no acquisition of territory 
in Central America to remain in full 
force." 

The admiralble and forcible chain of 
reasoning by which Mr. Blaine led to 
these conclusions forced the English news- 
papers to admit that he had maue out a 
good case upon British precedents, and 
that the right of the United States to con- 
trol the Panama Canal was stronger, and 
the necessity of such control greater, than 
the right and necessity of England to con- 
trol the Suez Canal. 

AVliat file Admluistratloii Promised. 

The brief administration of President 
Garfield was remarkable for its promise of 
broad statesmanship. For many years 
Congress and the entire government had 
been busy in making war, in restoring peace 
and in paying the immense war debt. It 
was all the United States could do to pre- 
serve the Union, and other nations were 
profiting by the neglect of this country to 
properly cuhivate its foreign relations. 
England had absorbed our commerce and 
directed into her own coffers the trade of 
the South American countries. And now, 
under the auspices of the French Repub- 
hc, under the direction of a citizen of 
P" ranee, and backed by continental capi- 
talists, active preparations had been made 
to construct an interoceanic canal across 
the Isthmus of Panama, while, under the 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



37 



Clayton-Bulwer treaty of 1850, the United 
States was practically powerless to take 
any steps for the protection of her own 
interests. 

Home Policy. 

At the same time at home a more 
sagacious Southern policy was demanded, 
a policy which would promote the ma- 
terial reconstruction of the South, here- 
tofore neglected for the sake of political 
reconstruction. 

The Southern policy of the Administra- 
tion would have been to cultivate cordial 
relations between the different sections of 
the country, and, by thus promodng the 
flow Southward of Northern capital, to 
assist the development of the Southern 
States. Mr. Blaine had great faith in the 
future of the South. On one occasion he 
said : 

" In reconstructing the South we made 
the same mistake the British Government 
is making with the Irish. If we had made 
a government donation of 1:50,000.000 
for the purpose of constructing a railway 
from Charleston to the Southern end of 
California, and spent every dollar of it 
between Charleston and the Mississippi 
River in the first three years following the 
war, the problem of reconstruction would 
have solved itself; the people would have 
had business interests, instead of politics, 
to occupy their attention. I believe that 
within ten years the material increase in 
the Southern States, east of the Mississippi, 
will equal, if it does not surpass, that of 
the Northwestern States, west of the Mis- 
sissippi." 

Forelgpn Policy. 

As the policy of the Garfield administra- 
tion and its course of action during the 
war between Chili and Peru, a short and 
succinct presentation of the facts should 
be given here inasmuch as Mr. Blaine 
was considered the originator of the pro- 
jected action on the part of the United 
States, The following carefully prepared 
article gives such a clear exhibit of the sub- 
ject, and which appeared in the New York 
Tribune^ will inform the general reader of i 
the facts as they exist, and which we pub- 
lish along with Mr. Blaine's statement : 

" The war between Chili and Peru had 
virtually ended with the capture of Lima 



on January 17, 1881. Pierola, the presi- 
dent, had succeeded in rallying a few fol- 
lowers in the north, and Calderon, assum- 
ing the provisional Presidency, had con- 
voked a Congress in the vicinity of Lima. 
The State Department made strenuous 
exertions to bring about the conclusion of 
an early peace between Chili and the two 
prostrate States which have been crushed 
in war. The influence of the Government 
was brought to bear upon victorious Chili 
in the interest of peace and magnanimity ; 
but owing to an unfortunate misapprehen- 
sion of Mr. Blaine's instructions, the 
United States Ministers did not promote 
the ends of peace. Special envoys were 
accordingly sent to South America ac- 
credited to the three Governments with 
general instructions which should enable 
them to bring those belligerent Powers 
into friendly relations. These envoys 
were Mr. Trescot and Mr. Walker Blaine, 
and their mission was to perform a most 
delicate and important diplomatic duty in 
the interest of peace. After they had set 
out from New York Mr. Blaine resigned, 
and Mr. Frelinghuysen reversed the diplo- 
matic policy with such precipitate haste 
that the envoys on arriving at their desti- 
nation were informed by the Chilian Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs that their instruc- 
tions had been countermanded and that 
their mission was an idle farce. By this 
extraordinary reversal of diplomatic 
methods and purposes the influence of the 
United States Government on the South 
American coast was reduced to so low a 
point as to become insignificant Mr. 
Blaine's policy had been at once strong 
and pacific. It was followed by a period 
of no-policy which enabled Chili to make 
a conqueror's terms with the conquered 
and to seize as much territory as pleased 
its rapacious generals. 

The Peaee Congress. 

The most conspicuous act of Mr. 
Blaine's administration of the State De- 
partment was his invitation to the Peace 
Congress. This plan had been decided 
upon before the assassination of President 
Garfield. The proposition was to invite 
all the independent Governments of North 
and South America to meet the Peace 



38 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



Congress at Washington on March 15, 
1882. The representatives of all the minor 
Governments on this continent were to 
agree, if possible upon some comprehen- 
sive plan for averting war by means of 
arbitration and for resisting the intrigues 
of European diplomacy. Invitations were 
sent on November 22, with the limitations 
and restrictions originally designed. Mr. 
Frelinghuysen lost n 1 time in undermin- 
ing this Diplomatic Congress and the 
meeting never took place. It cannot be 
doubted that the proposed Congress would 
have had a most important effect, not 
only in promoting the ends of peace, but 
in stimulating American trade with the 
Spanish-American States. It was a bril- 
liant conception — a most useful project, 

Mr. Blaine has described the Congress 
as " an important and impressive step on 
the part of the United States toward closer 
relationship with our continental neigh- 
bors. In no event could harm have result- 
ed in the assembling of the Peace Con- 
gress. Failure was next to impossible. 
Success might be regarded as certain. The 
subject to be discussed was peace, and 
how it can be permanently preserved in 
North and South America. The labors of 
the Congress would have probably ended 
in a well-digested system of arbitration, 
under which all troubles between Ameri- 
can States could be quickly, effectually and 
satisfactorily adjusted. Such a consum- 
mation would have been worth a great 
struggle and a great sacrifice. It could 
have been reached without any struggle 
and would have involved no sacrifice. It 
was within our grasp. It was ours for the 
asking. It would have been a signal vic- 
tory of philanthropy over the selfishness 
of human ambition; a complete triumph 
of Christian principles as applied to the 
affairs of Nations. It would have reflected 
enduring honor on our new countr)', and 
would have imparted a new spirit and a 
new brotherhood to all America. Nor 
would its influence beyond the sea have 
been small. The example of seventeen 
independent Nations solemnly agreeing to 
abolish the arbitrament of the sword, and 
to settle every dispute by peaceful meth- 
ods of adjudication, would have exerted 
an influence to the utmost confines of 



civilization, and upon the generations of 
men yet to come." 

Mr. Blaine's Statement. 

Shortly after Mr. Blaine retired from the 
Cabinet, and after President Arthur had 
modified the foreign policy laid down by 
his predecessor, he wrote the following 
letter to a paper in Chicago, ir^ explanation 
of his position. 

As there is a desire to re-read it, the 
entire letter is given : 

Augusta, Maine, Sept. ist, 1882. 

The foreign policy of President Gar- 
field's administration had two principal 
objects in view : First, to bring about 
peace, and prevent future wars in North 
and South America ; second, to cultivate 
such friendly commercial relations with 
all Am.erican countries as would lead to a 
large increase in the export trade of the 
United States, by supplying those fabrics 
in which we are abundantly able to compete 
with the manufacturing nations of Europe. 

To attain the second object the first must 
be accomplished. It would be idle to 
attempt the development and enlargement 
of our trade with the countries of North 
and South America if that trade were 
liable at any unforeseen moment to be 
violently interrupted by such wars as that 
which for three years has engrossed and 
almost engulfed Chili, Peru, and Bolivia ; 
as that which was barely averted by the 
friendly offices of the United States be- 
tween Chili and the Argentine Republic ; 
as that which has been postponed by the 
same good offices, but not decisively 
abandoned, between Mexico and Guate- 
mala; as that which is threatened between 
Brazil and Uruguay ; as that which is even 
now foreshadowed between Brazil and the 
Argentine States. Peace is essential to 
commerce, is the very life of honest trade, 
is the solid basis of international pros- 
perity ; and yet there is no part of the 
world where a resort to arms is so prompt 
as in the Spanish American Republics. 
Those Republics have grown out of the 
old Colonial divisions, formed from capri- 
cious grants to favorites by Royal charter, 
and their boundaries are in many cases 
not clearly defined, and consequently 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



39 



afford the basis of continual disputes, 
breaking forth too often in open war. To 
induce the Spanish American States to 
adopt some peaceful mode of adjusting 
their frequently recurring contentions was 
regarded by the late President as one of 
the most honorable and useful ends to 
which the diplomacy of the United States 
could contribute — useful especially to those 
States by securing permanent peace within 
all their borders, and useful to our own 
country by affording a coveted opportunity 
for extending its commerce and securing 
enlarged fields for our products and manu- 
factures. 

TKe Motive for Calling a Peace Congregg. 

Instead of friendly intervention here 
and there, patching up a treaty between 
two countries to-day, securing a truce be- 
tween two others to-morrow, it was appa- 
rent to the President that a more compre- 
hensive plan should be adopted if war was 
to cease in the Western Hemisphere. It 
was evident that certain European Powers 
had in the past been interested in promot- 
ing strife between the Spanish American 
countries, and might be so interested in 
the future, while the interest of the United 
States was wholly and always on the side 
of peace with all our American neighb ors^ 
and peace between them all. 

It was therefore the President's belief 
that mere incidental and partial adjust- 
ments failed to attain the desired end, and 
that a common agreement of peace, per- 
manent in its character and continental in 
its extent, should, if possible, be secured. 
To effect this end it had been resolved, 
before the fatal shot of July 2, to invite all 
the independent governments of North and 
South America to meet in a Peace Con- 
gress at Washington. The date to be as- 
signed was the 15th of March, 1882, and 
the invitations would have been issued di- 
rectly after the New England tour, which 
the President was not permitted to make. 
Nearly six months later, on November 22, 
President Garfield's successor issued the 
invitations for the Peace Congress in the 
same spirit and scope and with the same 
limitations and restrictions that had been 
originally designed. 

As soon as the project was understood 
.in South America it received a most cor- 



dial approval, and some of the countries, 
not following the leisurely routine of diplo- 
matic correspondence, made haste to ac- 
cept the invitation. There can be no 
doubt that within a brief period all the 
nations invited would have formally sig- 
nified their readiness to attend the Con- 
gress ; but in six weeks after the invitations 
had gone to the several countries, President 
Arthur caused them to be recalled, or at 
least suspended. The subject was after- 
ward referred to Congress in a special 
message, in which the President ably vin- 
dicated his Constitutional right to assemble 
the Peace Congress, but expressed a desire 
that the legislative department of the Gov- 
ernment should give an opinion upon 
the expediency of the itep before the 
Congress should be allowed to convene. 
Meanwhile the nations that received the 
invitations were in an embarrassing situa- 
tion ; for after they were asked by the Pre- 
sident to come, they*found that the matter 
had been reconsidered and referred to 
another department of the Government. 
This change was universally accepted as a 
practical though indirect abandonment of 
the project, for it was not from the first 
probable that Congress would take any 
action whatever upon the subject. The 
good will and welcome of the invitation 
would be destroyed by a long debate in the 
Senate and House, in which the question 
would necessarily become intermixed with 
personal and party politics, and the pro- 
ject would be ultimately wrecked from the 
same cause and by the same process that 
destroyed the usefulness of the Panama 
Congress more than fifty years ago, when 
Mr. Clay was Secretary of State. The 
time for Congressional action would have 
been after the Peace Conference had 
closed its labors. The conference could 
not agree upon anything that would be 
binding upon the United States, unless 
assented to as a treaty by the Senate, or 
enacted into a law by both branches. The 
assembling of the Peace Conference, as 
President Arthur so well demonstrated, was 
not in derogation of any right or preroga- 
tive of the Senate or House. The money 
necessary for the expenses of the confer- 
ence — which would not have exceeded 
$10,000 — could not, with reason or proprie- 



40 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



ty, have been refused by Congress. If it 
had been refused, patriotism and philan- 
thropy would have promptly supplied it. 

The Necessity of Friendly Intervention. 

The Spanish American States are in 
special need of the help which the Peace 
Congress would afford them. They re- 
quire external pressure to keep them from 
war. When at war they require external 
pressure to bring them to peace. Their 
outbreaks are not only frequent, but are 
sanguinary and sometimes cruel. The in- 
habitants of those countries are a brave 
people, belonging to a race that have 
always been brave, descended of men that 
have always been proud. They are of hot 
temper, quick to take affront, ready to 
avenge a wrong, whether real or fancied. 
They are at the same time generous and 
chivalrous, and though tending for years 
to past estrangement and alienation from 
us, they would promptly respond to any 
advance made by the Great Republic of 
the North, as they have for two genera- 
tions termed our Government. The moral 
influence upon the Spanish American 
people of such an international assembly 
as the Peace Congress, called by the invi- 
tation and meeting under the auspices of 
the United States, would have proved 
beneficent and far-reaching. It would have 
raised the standard of their civilization. 
It would have turned their attention to the 
things of peace; and the continent, whose 
undeveloped wealth amazed Humboldt, 
might have had a new life given to it, a 
new and splendid career opened to its in- 
habitants. 

Such friendly interventions as the pro- 
posed Peace Congress, and as the attempt 
to restore peace between Chili and Peru, 
fell within the line of both duty and 
interest on the part of the United States. 
Nations like individuals often require the 
aid of a common friend to restore relations 
of amity. Peru and Chili are in deplora- 
ble need of a wise and powerful mediator. 
Though exhausted by war, they are unable 
to make peace, and, unless they shall be 
aided by the intervention of a friend, po- 
litical anarchy and social disorder will 
come to the conquered, and evil scarcely 
less serious to the conqueror. Our own Gov- 
ernment cannot take the ground that it will 



not offer friendly intervention to settle 
troubles between American countries, 
unless at the same time it freely concedes 
to European governments the right of such 
intervention, and thus consents to a prac- 
tical destruction of the Monroe doctrine 
and an unlimited increase of European and 
monarchical influence on this continent. 
The late special envoy to Peru and Chili, 
Mr. Trescot, gives it as his deliberate and 
published conclusion that if the instruc- 
tions under which he set out upon his mis- 
sion had not been revoked, peace between 
those angry belligerents would have been 
established as the result of his labors — 
necessarily to the great benefit of the 
United States. If our Government does 
not resume its efforts to secure peace in 
South America, some European govern- 
ment will be forced to perform that friendly 
office. The United States cannot play 
between nations the part of the dcg in the 
manger. We must perform the duty of 
humane intervention ourselves, or give 
way to foreign governments that are will- 
ing to accept the responsibility of the great 
trust and secure the enhanced influence 
and numberless advantages resulting from 
such a philanthropic and beneficent 
course. 

Its Commercial Value. 

A most significant and important result 
would have followed the assembling of the 
Peace Congress. A friendship and an in- 
timacy would have been established be- 
tween the States of North and South 
America, which would have demanded 
and enforced a closer commercial connec- 
tion. A movement in the near future, as 
the legitimate outgrowth of assured peace, 
would, in all probability, have been a great 
commercial conference at the city of 
Mexico or Rio Janeiro, whose delibera- 
tions would be directed to a better system 
of trade on the two continents. To such 
a conference the Dominion of Canada could 
properly be asked to send representatives, 
as that government is allowed by Great 
Britain a very large liberty in regulating 
its commercial relations. In the I'eace 
Congress, to be composed of independent 
governments, the Dominion could not 
have taken any part, and was consequent- 
ly not invited. From this trade confer- 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



41 



ence of the two continents the United 
States could hardly have failed to gain 
great advantages. At present the com- 
mercial relations of this country with the 
Spanish-American countries, both conti- 
nental and insular, are unsatisfactory and 
unprofitable — indeed, those relations are 
absolutely oppressive to the financial inter- 
ests of the Government and people of the 
United States. In our current exchanges it 
requires about $120,000,000 to pay the 
balance which Spanish America brings 
against us every year. This amount is 50 
per cent, more than the average annual 
product of the gold and silver mines of the 
United States during the past five years. 
This vast sum does not of course go to 
Spanish America in coin, but it goes across 
the ocean in coin or its equivalent, to pay- 
European countries for manufactured ar- 
ticles which they furnish to Spanish 
America — a large proportion of which 
should be furnished by the manufacturers 
of the United States. 

The Tai-ifT aud South American Trade. 

. At this point of the argument the free 
trader appears and declares that our pro- 
tective tariff destroys our power of compe- 
tition with European countries, and that 
if we will abolish protection, we shall soon 
have South American trade. The answer 
is not sufficient, for to-day there are many 
articles which we can send to South Ame- 
rica, and sell as cheaply as European 
manufacturers can furnish them. It is 
idle, of course, to make this statement to 
the genuine apostle of free trade and the 
implacable enemy of protection, for the 
great postulate of his argument, the foun- 
dation of his creed, is that nothing can be 
made as cheaply in America as in Europe. 
Nevertheless facts are stubborn, and the 
hard figures of arithmetic cannot be satis- 
factorily answered by airy figures of speech. 
The truth remains that the coarser descrip- 
tions of cottons and cotton prints, boots 
and shoes, ordinary household furniture, 
harness for draft animals, agricultural im- 
plements of all kinds, doors, sashes and 
bRnds, locks, bolts and hinges, silver- 
A'are, plated ware, wooden ware, ordinary 
paper and paper-hangings, common vehi- 
cles, ordinary window-glass and glass- 



ware, rubber goods, coal oils, lard oils, 
kerosenes, white lead, lead pipe, and arti- 
cles in which lead is a chief component, 
can be and are produced as cheaply in 
the United States as in any other part of 
the world. The list of such articles might 
be lengthened by the addition of those 
classed as "notions;" but enough only 
are given to show that this country would, 
with proper commercial arrangements, ex- 
port much more largely than it now does 
to Spanish America. 

In the trade relations of the world, it 
does not follow that mere ability to pro- 
duce as cheaply as another nation insures 
a division of an established market, or, 
indeed, any participation in it. France 
manufactures many articles as cheaply as 
England — some articles at even less cost. 
Portugal lies nearer to France than to 
England, and the expense of transporting 
the French fabric to the Portuguese mar- 
ket is therefore less than the transportation 
of English fabric. And yet Great Britain 
has almost a monopoly in the trade of 
Portugal. The same condition applies, 
though in a less degree, in the trade of 
Turkey, Syria and Egypt, which England 
holds to a much greater extent than any ol 
the other European nations that are able to 
produce the same fabric as cheaply. If it 
be said in answer, that England has spe- 
cial trade-relations by treaty with Portugal 
and special obligations binding the ©ther 
countries, the ready answer is, that she 
has no more favorable position with regard 
to those countries than can be readily and 
easily acquired by the United States with 
respect to all the countries of America. 
That end will be reached whenever the 
United States desires it, and wills it, and 
is ready to take the steps necessary to se- 
cure it. At present the trade with Spanish 
America runs so strongly in channels ad- 
verse to us, that, besides our inability to 
furnish manufactured articles, we do not 
gefthe profit on our own raw products 
that are shipped there. Our petroleum 
reaches most of the Spanish-American 
ports after twice crossing the Atlantic, 
paying often abetter profit to the European 
middle man, who handles it, than it does 
to the producer of the oil in the north- 
western counties of Pennsylvania. Flour 



42 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



and pork from the West reach Cuba by 
way of Spain, and though we buy and 
consume ninety per cent, of the total pro- 
ducts of Cuba, almost that proportion of 
her purchases are made in Europe-^-made, 
of course, with money furnished directly 
from our pockets. 

TUe ominous adverse Balance of Trade. 

As our exports to Spanish America grow 
less, as European imports constantly grow 
large, the balance against us will show an 
annual increase, and will continue to ex- 
haust our supply of the precious metals. 
We are increasing our imports from South 
America, and the millions we annually pay 
tor coffee, wool, hides, guano, cinchona, 
caoutchouc, cabinet woods, dye woods and 
other articles, go for the ultimate benefit 
of European manufacturers who take the 
gold from us and send their fabrics to 
Spanish America. If we could send our 
fabrics, our gold would stay at home and 
our general prosperity would be sensibly 
if creased. But so long as we repel 
Spanish America, so long as we leave her 
to cultivate intimate relations with Europe 
alone, so long our trade relations will re- 
main unsatisfactory and even embarras- 
sing. Those countries sell to us very heavy. 
They buy from us lightly. And the amount 
they bring us in debt each year is larger 
than the heaviest aggregate balance of 
trade we ever have against us in the 
worst of times. The average balance 
against us in the whole world in the five 
most adverse years we ever experienced, 
was about one hundred millions of dollars. 
•This plainly shows that in our European 
exchanges there is always a balance in 
our favor and that our chief deficiency 
arises from our mal-adjusted commercial 
relations with Spanish America. It fol- 
lows that if our Spanish America trade 
were placed on a better and more equita- 
ble foundation, it would be almost im- 
possible even in years most unfavorable 
to us, to bring us in debt to the world. 

With such heavy purchases as we are 
compelled to make from Spanish America, 
it could hardly be expected that we should 
be able to adjust the entire account by ex- 
ports. But the balance against us of one 
hundred and twenty millions in gold coin 



is far too large, and in timeof stringency is 
a standing menace of final disaster. It 
should not be forgotten that every million 
dollars of products or fabrics that we sell in 
Spanish America is a million dollars in 
gold saved to our own country. The im- 
mediate profit is to the producer and ex- 
porter, but the entire country realizes a 
gain in the ease and affluence of the money 
market which is insured by keeping our 
gold at home. The question involved is 
so large, the object to be achieved is so 
great, that no effort on the part of the Go- 
vernment to accomplish it could be too 
earnest or too long continued. 

It is only claimed for the Peace Con- 
gress, designed under the administration 
of Garfield, that it was an important and 
impressive step on the part of the United 
States toward closer relationship with our 
continental neighbors. The present ten- 
dency in those countries is toward Europ>e, 
and it is a lamentable fact that their peo- 
ple are not so near to us in feeling as they 
were sixty years ago when they threw off 
the yoke of Spanish tyranny. We were 
then a weak republic of ten millions, but 
we did not hesitate to recognize the in- 
dependence of the new governments, even 
at the risk of war with Spain. Our foreign 
policy at that time was specially designed 
to extend our influence in the Western 
Hemisphere, and the statesmen of that 
era — the era of DeWitt Clinton and the 
younger Adams, of Clay and of Crawford, 
of Webster and Calhoun, of Van Buren and 
Benton, of Jackson and of Edward Liv- 
ingston — were always courageous' in the 
inspiring measures which they advocated 
for the expansion of our commercial do- 
minion. 

Tlie Peril to toe Avoided toy the Union. 

Three-score years have passed. The 
power of the Republic in many directions 
has grown beyond all anticipation, but we 
have relatively lost ground in some great 
fields of enterprise. We have added 
thousands of miles to our ocean front, but 
our commerce has fallen off, and from 
ardent friendship with Spanish America 
we have drifted into indifference if not 
into coldness. It is but one step further 
to reach a condition of positive unfriend- 
liness, which may end in what would be 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



43 



equivalent to a commercial alliance against 
us. Already one of the most dangerous 
of movements — that of a European guar- 
antee and guardianship of the Interoceanic 
Canal — is suggested and urged upon the 
Great Foreign Powers by representatives 
of a South American country. If these 
tendencies are to be averted, if Spanish- 
American friendship is to be regained, if 
the commercial empire that legitimately 
belongs to us is to be ours, we must not be 
idle and witness its transfer to others. If we 
would reconquer it, a great first step is to be 
taken. It is the first step that costs. It is 
also the first step that counts. Can there 
be suggested a wiser step than the Peace 
Congress of the two Americas, that was 
devised under Garfield, and had the weight 
of his great name ? 

In no event could harm have resulted 
in the assembling of the Peace Congress ; 
failure was next to impossible. Success 
might be regarded as certain. The sub- 
ject to be discussed was peace, and how it 
can be permanently preserved in North 
and South America. The labors of the 
Congress would have probably ended in a 
well-digested system of arbitration, under 
which all troubles between American 
States could be quickly, effectually and 
satisfactorily adjusted. Such a consum- 
mation would have been worth a great 
struggle and a great sacrifice. It could 
have been reached without any struggle 
and would have involved no sacrifice. It 
was within our grasp. It was ours for the 
asking. It would have been a signal vic- 
tory of philanthropy over the selfishness 
of human ambition ; a complete triumph 
of Christian principles as applied to the 
affairs of Nations. It would have reflected 
enduring honor on our new country, and 
would have imparted a new spirit and a 
new brotherhood to all America. Nor 
would its influence beyond the sea have 
been small. The example of seventeen 
independent Nations solemnly agreeing to 
abolish the arbitrament of the sword, and 
to settle every dispute by peaceful methods 
of adjudication, would have exerted an in- 
fluence to the utmost confines of civiliza- 
tion, and upon generations of men yet to 
come. 

James G. Blaine. 



But whatever might have been the ulti- 
mate result of his foreign policy, and what- 
ever he might have accomplished to ren- 
der the administration to which he was at- 
tached popular and prosperous, was pre- 
vented by the assassination of the Presi- 
dent, just four months from the day of his 
inauguration. His policy had been formu- 
lated and its details duly specified, and no 
doubt the President and his first officer 
were anticipating additional prosperity for 
the people. 

Tlie Assassination fof Prrsldeut GarAeld. 

On the bright Saturday morning of July 
2nd the President prepared to leave the 
National Capital for New York, and thence 
to New England to join in the reunion of 
his classmates at the Commencement of 
Williams College. Secretary Blaine ac- 
companied him to the station and observed 
the almost boyish delight with which he 
anticipated this meeting with his fellow 
students of former days. Passing into the 
station through the ladies' waiting room, 
they were about to pass to the train, when 
that fiend in human form, Guiteau, fired 
the fatal shot which finally after weeks and 
months of suffering, and during which not 
only our nation but the world, watched in 
spirit by his bedside, ended in his death. 
The people of the country will not forget 
the noble devotion showed by Mr. Blaine 
to his dying superior officer — how he 
watched at his bedside, and amidst his 
and his nation's sorrows discharged all the 
responsible duties of his position. 

Garfield's Deatli. 

On September 6 the President was re- 
moved fromWashington to Elberon, whith- 
er he was followed the same day by Mr. 
Blaine and the rest of the Cabinet. The 
apparent improvement in the President's 
condition warranted the belief that he 
would continue to gain, and Mr. Jjlaine 
went for a short rest to his home in Au- 
gusta. He was on his way back to Elberon 
on the nineteenth day of September 
when the fatal moment came and reached 
there the next morning. It is the univer- 
sal testimony of press and people that, du- 
ring the weary weeks which intervened 
between the President's injury and death, 
Mr. Blaine's every action and constant 
demeanor were absolutely faultless. 



44 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



Selected by Congress to pronounce a 
formal eulogy (which is given in another 
place,) upon President Garfield, Mr. Blaine 
on February 19, 1882, before President 
Arthur and his Cabinet, both Houses of 
Congress, the Supreme Court, the foreign 
legations, and an audience of ladies and 
gentlemen which crowded the Hall of Re- 
presentatives, delivered a most just, com- 
prehensive and admirable address upon 
the martyr's great career and character. 
The orator, with entire self-abnegation 
and reserve, but with a firm touch and in 
a style which rose at times to easy elo- 
quence, assigned to President Garfield his 
tiue place in history. 

The diplomatic career of Mr. Blaine, 
which commenced with Garfield's admin- 
istration, ended with his resignation on 
December 19, just three months after the 
death of the President. He desired to re- 
tire to private life at once, but remained at 
tlie urgent solicitation of President Arthur. 

His next appearance in public life will 
be his inauguration as President of the 
United States, when the people have de- 
clared for " the White Plumed Knight " 
OF Maine, and the "Dark Eagle of 
THE Prairie." 

Blaine as a Historian. 

After his resignation as Secretary of 
State, he removed to his home in Maine, 
and at once commenced his "Twenty Years 
in Congress," the first volume of which 
was published in April. It covers the 
most important part of our history, extend- 
ing from Lincoln to Garfield, with a glance 
at the events that led to the rebellion. 
Apart from the general tenor of the work 
from a historical standpoint, it is a biogra- 
phy of the American people, a review of 
general issues, a picture of the progress of 
a fifth of a century, and a panorama of 
the historic events belonging to that period. 
It shows the great pulsations of the nation 
during its struggle, its hopes, its fears, and 
its efforts for success, or as is said by a 
writer in reviewing the work: the thoughts 
of the peop'e, as they varied from year to 
year, their times of indecision and dark- 
ness, orf" swift insight and heroic resolution ; 
their days of timidity and weak compro- 
mising with wrong, and their grand endu- 
rance and unflinching fidelity when the 



crisis at last brought duty clearly before 
them; their singular sagacity in decisions 
of vital moment — all these are portrayed 
in Mr. Blaine's narrative with clearness 
and power. The story he tells in his first 
volume is given with the simplicity and 
compactness of a trained journalist, and 
yet with sufficient fullness to make the pic- 
ture distinct and clear in almost every 
detail. The book is as easy to read as a 
well-written novel ; it is clear and interest- 
ing, and commands the attention through- 
out, the more for the absence of anything 
like oratorical display or forensic combat- 
iveness. 

His Canclidacy^ in 1881:. 

The popularity which had placed Mr. 
Blaine before the nominating Conventions 
of 1876, and 1880, still remained, notwith- 
standing he was defeated. That he was 
the favorite of the masses on each of those 
occasions is generally conceded, and the 
tenacity with which they held to him, 
showed that his magnetism could retain 
friends as well as make them. The peo- 
ple love James G. Blaine. They do not 
rally around him for the dispensation of 
favors, or the spoils of office — such persons 
always flock to a victorious banner. They 
are for him, not as a politician but as a man 
who has sympathy with the masses. They 
admire his genius, applaud his actions, exult 
at his advancement, and trust in his integ- 
rity, but over and above all these they love 
the man. And so when another nominat- 
ing year came around, the same vital in- 
fluences or forces that pressed him forward 
on two former occasions, brought him 
again to the forefront, and without any ef- 
fort of his — without any apparent desire to 
again contest for the place, they placed 
him in jiomination before the people and 
prepared to do battle for him in the Chi- 
cago Convention. Apart from his great 
personal popularity, the fact that he had 
been defeated through intriguing combina- 
tions at a former Convention still more 
closely cemented his allies and multiplied 
the number of his followers. His princi- 
pal competitor was the Executive of the 
Nation armed with the power of his posi- 
tion, and fortified by the patronage of the 
government, while he, a private citizen, had 
no sceptre to wield, no places to bestow. 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



45 



He must be more than human who could 
calmly behold such a contest without tak- 
ing an active part therein. It must have 
required a vast amount of " retaining 
power '' for one so ready to fight the bat- 
tles of his friends to remain inactive, and 
refuse to help himself. As has been said : 

" The office has been taken to Mr. 
Blaine ; he did not go after it. No man, 
not even his most intimate associate, can 
say with truth that Mr. Blaine has unduly 
pressed the recognition of himself. Dur- 
ing the long and anxious struggle of the 
many candidates for the honor he has won, 
Mr. Blaine has stood all aloof. He has 
not put himself in a position to wrest the 
office or to solicit it from the Convention. 
With most wise and commendable dignity 
he went before the Convention met, to his 
distant home in Maine, there to await 
events ; to accept the trust and responsi- 
bility of the highest place of honor of all 
if it were offered him, but saying nothing, 
doing nothing to gain it. He simply kept 
himself in readiness to obey his country's 
call. It has called him and he will answer 
it." 

The Candidate and tbe Man. 

It must have been a proud hour for him, 
when, after the preliminary battles had 
been fought, after the representatives of 
the people's will had been selected, when 
the army of delegates, with another army 
of unofficial followers, met at Chicago on 
the 3d of June, and balloted for a candi- 
date, to find that the friends who had stood 
by him at other Conventions, were still 
loyal, and that as on former occasions, he 
led the list. The banner of the " Plumed 
Knight " was still in the front, and the 
promise of victory was engrafted on the 
first vote. Another feature which added 
to his strength was this. His votes repre- 
sented three-fourths of the entire Repub- 
lican vote, and more than two-thirds of 
the votes in the Electoral College. That 
his party was with him was apparent to all, 
and with such a backing, could the Con- 
vention (if it wished) or the party afford to 
sacrifice him to any combination ? From 
the first it was evident that no such thing 
could be accomplished. The day for 
"dark horses" had passed away — the 
people had too often been defeated in their 



expressed wishes. The Convention felt 
this, the people demanded that their ver- 
dict should be recorded; this was no time 
for political juggling, and they knew iu 
Amongst the delegates not positively com- 
mitted to him were a host of friends who 
were ready whenever it became necessary 
to abandon their candidates, to rush to his 
standard. So the first ballot indicated that 
the field was won, and that James G, 
Blaine would be our standard bearer. 
The second ballot added to his strength — 
the third ballot was still more fruitful in 
additions to his strength, and on the fourth 
ballot, state after state recorded its vote 
for him, making a grand total of 541 votes, 
or more than 100 more than necessary' to 
elect. The battle had been fought and 
won, and the " Plumed Knight," amidst 
the thunders of cannon, and the plaudits 
of thousands of people, was declared the 
nominee. All over the land, men forgot 
their callings, and gathered about the tel- 
egraph centres to hear the result, and all 
over the land went the tidings to the peo- 
ple, until they took up the applause of the 
Convention and made it ring throughout 
the entire country. 

Tbe Receipt of tbe News. 

Never was a nomination received with 
such enthusiasm as that made at Chicago 
on Friday, June 5th, and if that can be 
taken as any indication of the result in 
November, it points most unequivocally 
to the success of the Republican candi- 
dates. If popularity augurs success, then 
James G. Blaine gives the ticket a strength 
beyond that of any other man. 

To quote from the same writer as before : 
" Can Mr. Blaine be elected ? Yes, if 
any Republican can. The popular en- 
thusiasm which his name evokes proves 
that. He can carry New York and Ohio, 
the crucial States, and he is probably the 
one Republican leader who, being nomi- 
nated, could be elected without the vote of 
New York, There were enough doubtful 
States, before the Convention met, without 
New York. They are so few now as to 
make the vote of New York no longer 
necessary. The States of the Pacific 
Slope and of the Southwest, which were 
all doubtful, are now all certain for Blaine 
and victory. No party's conventiom could 



46 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



do better than the National Republican 
Convention of Chicago did when it nomi- 
nated James G. Blaine; it obeyed the will 
of the people, which is what all such rep- 
resentative bodies should do. The Con- 
vention having nominated Mr. Blaine 
Republican candidate for President of the 
United States, the people will triumphantly 
elect him. His is a name to win with. 
The campaign will be as a crusade ; the 
election a triumphal march of the first, 
best-found choice of the people to the 
Presidency of the great Republic." 

Pergonal Description. 

Mr. Blaine has a phenomenal memory. 
He remembers circumstances, dates, 
names, and places readily, and it is this 
wonderfully-available memory that makes 
him such a ready speaker and such a 
charming companion. He has also great 
quickness and accuracy of judgment. He 
writes as readily and as strongly as he 
speaks, and very rapidly. In many re- 
spects he resembles Mr. Greeley as a 
writer — he goes straight to the point and 
wastes no time in painting with pretty 
words a background for his thoughts. 
Mr. Blaine is of imposing height and burly 
in form. His hair is nearly white and thin 
on top, and his beard is not heavy. He 
has a fair, imposing head. His figure is 
well preserved, he dresses with care, and 
is of handsome personnel. He has made 
use of no means to conceal the ravages 
time and anxieties have made on his hair, 
and wears it close cut, the color making 
all the more noticeable his dark eyes, 
which glitter and flash with temper or glow 
lustrous and beam forth amiably, as the 
mood is on him. He is full of activity and 
quick thought, has more magnetism than 
nine-tenths of his colleagues ; h^s an 
irascible disposition, and in debate is irri- 
tating beyond all powers of endurance, 
but is, nevertheless, personally popular 
with his political opponents. He has 
long been a resident of Washington, 
where his house has been the resort for 
bright people of every kind of degree. 
There is nothing of that assumption of 
aristocratic exclusiveness so common 
among public men. His home is well and 
even elegantly furnished, but it is all 



made for use and not for mere dis- 
play. It is there that he is seen at his best 
and his power comes largely from his 
faculty of winning the affection of men by 
epigrammatic speech, his easy manners 
and his uniform, unaffected good nature. 
He knows how to unbend at all times, 
without any of those patronizing -airs so 
common in society with men who have 
succeeded. Few men in either party have 
left his presence without strong and pleas- 
ant memories of the vigorous character 
which is now to bear the heat and burden 
of a five months' bitter political campaign. 

Iilalne'8 Home. 

His home in Augusta, near the State 
House is a plain two-story house. Seve- 
ral institutions in the State have received 
benefactions from him, and his charity 
and generosity are appreciated at home. 
In his own house he is a man of culture 
and refinement, a genial host, a courteous 
gentleman. No man in public life is more 
fortunate in his domestic relations. He is 
the companion and confidant of everyone 
of his six children, and they fear him no 
more than they fear one of their own 
number. Mrs. Blaine is the model wife 
and mother, and more is due to her strong 
judgment, quick perception and heroic 
courage than the world will ever know. 

His FamUy. 

The eldest son. Walker Blaine, is a 
graduate of Yale College and of the Law 
School of Columbia College. He is a 
member of the bar of several States, and 
has been creditably engaged in public life 
in Washington. The second son, Em- 
mons Blaine, is a graduate of Harvard 
College and the Cambridge Law School. 
The third is James G. Blaine, jr., a lad of 
fourteen. The three daughters are named 
Alice, Margaret and Harriet. The eldest 
was married more than a year ago to 
Brevet-Colonel J. J. Coppinger, U. S. A. 

A Vlsltar tliits describes Mrs. Blaine. 

Mrs. Blaine is fair-haired, tall, rather 
stout, with dignified carriage, and a man- 
ner earnest and practical. Sincerely con- 
scientious, Mrs. Blaine seems to belong to 
a race of New England women not always 
to be met with even among the rugged 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



47 



hills, and rarely seen elsewhere. A beau- 
tiful home life is the result of her wise 
management. Already her sons are in 
business, and popular in society; and 
Alice, the eldest daughter, now a beautiful 
woman of twenty-two, was married, in 
February, 1883, to Colonel John J. Cop- 
pinger, of the regular army. Mrs. Blaine 
ever sympathizes most deeply with her 
brilliant husband in political exploits and 
ambitions, yet would gladly persuade him 
to retire to private life. 

A Ju8t tribute to Air. Blaine. 

The following editorial in the Buffalo 
Express (Edmunds' Republican) pub- 
lished a week before the nominating Con- 
vention, pays a just tribute to his ability. 

Tile Greatest Political Leader of tlie 
Creneration. 

It is clear that the one name upon which 
interest chiefly centres in Chicago is that 
of James G. Blaine. He is the one man 
mentioned there who, as apolitical leader, 
can be justly called great. There are 
many politicians and a few statesmen, but 
there is only one candidate who, by virtue 
of his personal attractions, his innate 
qualities of mind and of heart, attracts a 
large following. He is the one man for 
whom his friends and supporters can ac-, 
cept no substitute. 

The Express has not been a supporter 
of Mr. Blaine's candidacy. It does not 
now believe his nomination to be wise. It 
still hopes Mr. Edmunds will be nominated. 
But Mr. Blaine's wonderful personal 
qualities and his amazing hold upon the 
affections of the great mass of Republican 
voters of this country have been so empha- 
sized in the preliminary contest that they 
cannot any longer be a matter of dispute, 
if, indeed, they ever have been disputed. 
For the third time in eight years he is a 
candidate before a Republican National 
Convention. Each time he has been op- 
posed by the powerful lever of political 
patronage. But, though twice beaten by 
combinations against him, he appears the 
third time stronger than ever. He has not 
only held his own under adverse circum- 
stances, but he has grown in the popular 
mind — becomes yearly a greater favorite 
— and to-day fulfils more nearly than ever 
before Colonel Ingersoll's wonderful pic- 



ture of " a man who is the grandest com- 
bination of heart, conscience, and brain 
beneath the flag." 

Political leaders, like poets, are born, 
not made. Mr. Blaine is inferior to Mr. 
Edmunds in the higher qualities of states- 
manship, and inferior to Mr. Sherman as 
apolitical manipulator ; but in all that con- 
stitutes real political leadership he is in- 
finitely above even comparison with them. 
Mr. Edmunds makes no pretense, and has 
no ambition in that direction. Mr. Sher- 
man has tried to be a leader and failed. 
Mr. Blaine was born for chieftainship as 
surely as the great Napoleon was born to 
lead armies. Under the British system Mr. 
Blaine would certainly be Premier. In the 
popular branch of our National Legislature 
his leadership was undisputed. Even Gar- 
field — able, popular, fully equipped for 
any intellectual combat — was content in 
the House to look up to Blaine as the 
leader. 

It is no wonder the Republicans of the 
United States look upon Blaine with ad- 
miration and cling to him with devotion. 
It is no wonder the mass of voters excuse 
some things which the more thoughtful 
cannot excuse and lose their heads be- 
cause their hearts are moved. Mr. Blaine 
is a man to challenge admiration and se- 
cure devotion. He is, first of all, an Ameri- 
can, of the most pronounced type. He 
embodies many of the characteristics 
which we like to regard as distinctively 
American. His career would perhaps be 
possible in no other country. A Penn- 
sylvania boy, a student, a teacher, an 
editor; at 25 one of the foremost men of 
Maine ; at 39 Speaker of our House cf 
Representatives ; a little later United 
States Senator ; then Secretary of State ; 
then eulogist of the martyred president ; and 
finally the writer of a history which, de- 
spite foreign prejudice, extorts admiring 
notice from the London Times. There 
has been no pause in his career, no time 
when his resources were crippled. He 
seems even yet not to have reached the 
zenith of his fame, for he never stops 
working. At the age of 54 he is still 
twenty years younger than Gladstone and 
with every prospect of a long and vigorous 
life. 



48 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 



It is not manly, it is not patriotic, to de- 
cry Mr. Blaine's true greatness. One need 
not be his political supporter to recognize 
his splendid qualities, nor his eulogist to 
admit them. He was once characterized 
by an earnest opponent as ''a brilliant but 
tainted man." We know that he is bril- 
liant. His brilliancy is of that sort which 
the taint upon his character cannot dim. 
It is not a flash but a steady glow. All 
his old competitors have disappeared, 
while he remains the leader still, abler and 
greater than when his "audacity of genius" 
was first recognized, or when he had 
freshly "torn from the throat of treason 
the tongue of slander." 

What our English Cousins think 

AND SAY : 

Blaine a Beacouslield. 

Under the heading, " A Beaconsfield 
Beyond the Sea," the Pall Mall Gazette 
says: "Mr. Blaine's nomination is the 
most notable event for England since Pre- 
sident Lincoln was assassinated. Wher- 
ever Mr. Blaine can oust the British from 
the position they hold on the American 
Continent he will endeavor to replace 
English influence and trade by American. 



His menacing intimation that he would 
disregard the Clayton-Bulwer treaty is an 
evil augury for the future relations ot 
England and America. His intervention 
in Peru was most ominous when declared 
that he disliked England to win com- 
mercial triumphs in fields which legiti- 
mately belong to America. England will 
watch with extreme solicitude the pro- 
gress of the electoral campaign." 

In a leading article discussing the re- 
sults of the Chicago Convention the Times 
this morning says : " Mr. Blaine's nomina- 
tion will be received with general satisfac- 
tion. Not only has he been the most 
popular candidate from the outset, but he 
is beyond all question the most conspicuous 
and respected politician in the ranks of 
the Republican party, which has done 
itself honor by the nomination of so well 
known and distinguished a man. If the 
Democrats could make up their mind to 
a definite and reasonable Free-trade policy 
they would certainly secure more sym- 
pathy on this side of the Atlantic than has 
hitherto been accorded them. Meantime 
we must congratulate the Republic on the 
choice of a candidate so eminently suited 
as Mr. Blaine to represent and uphold the 
dignity of the United States.'' * 



(* The writer is indebted to the New York Tribune and the PHiLADELnilA Press for valuable 

aid in the preparavlon of this article. 



JOHI^ A. LOGAi:^. 



General John A Logan, the Republi- 
can nominee for Vice-President, is perhaps 
second to Blaine only in general popularity 
with the masses of the people. His ex- 
tensive following, embracing almost the 
entire soldier element of the country, 
pushed him for the first place on the 
ticket, satisfied that his record as a soldier 
and as a statesman would not only carry 
the party to victory in November, but that 
his sterling integrity and devotion to the 
principles of the party would ensure an 
administration loyal to party, safe to per- 
son, and devoted to the prosperity of the 
country. The man who " never lost a 
battle nor disobeyed the orders of a supe- 
rior officer," has a prestige that is seldom 
reached, and his double claim to the re- 
gard of the people as soldier and states- 
man, exhibit him as valuable in the one 
as he was valiant in the other. Like his 
great commander. General Grant, he knew 
no path but duty when in the field — had 
no platform but patriotism, and no object 
but a victory that would cement the union 
of the States. 

It was therefore but reasonable to pre- 
sume that his own great State, which he 
had so ably represented in the field and 
in the Senate, with others following its 
train, should send their delegates to the 
Convention to support him for the Presi- 
dential nomination. Ic was perfectly natu- 
ral that the men he had led, and those 
with whom he fought, should cling to their 
general and comrade, and ask a recogni- 
tion of his services to his country. Grant 
had been so honored ; Garfield had also 
been chosen ; Hayes had been rewarded 
by the elevation to Chief Magistrate of 
the nation, and it was only following the 
usages of the party to ask the Convention 
to add another military name to the roll of 
Presidents. Washington, Jackson, Har- 
rison and Taylor had been given this post 
of honor because of their military services, 



making in all seven distinguished men 
who won their honors by fighting for their 
country, and whose administrations cover 
quite a portion of our history. Gen- 
eral Logan's friends failed to secure the 
first place, not because of his unfitness 
for it, but simply because the people 
desired to elevate Mr. Blaine, who 
for the third time had been pre- 
sented to the National Conven- 
tions and had twice been put aside for 
the same reasons that operated against 
General Logan. As James G. Blaine, 
twice defeated, recognized the supremacy 
of the people by their verdict in the con- 
ventions, and gave his hearty support to 
those who outstripped him in the race, so 
this gallant soldier and unwavering Re- 
publican will throw all the weight of his 
influence to his successful competitor. 
General Logan was reared in a school of 
discipline, and as soldier or statesman he 
will carry out the principle. 

The enthusiasm for him at Chicago was 
as sincere as it was demonstrative, and 
when Senator Cullom arose and placed 
him in nomination the cheers of ten 
thousand spectators rang over the vast 
building. The tribute paid to General 
Logan by the senators was a just tribute 
to the general, and is a true and vivid 
picture of the soldier-statesman. 

As soon as the storm of applause had 
subsided and an approach to order was 
reached, Senator Cullom rose and said : 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of 
THE Convention : Twenty-four years 
ago the second National Convention of 
the Republican party met in this city and 
nominated their first successful candidate 
for President of the United States — 
Abraham Lincoln. [Cheers.] Abraham 
Lincoln led the Republican party to its 
first great victory. He stands to-day in 
the estimation of the world as the grandest 
and the most majestic figure in all mod- 

49 



50 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



ern times. [Applause.] Again in 1868 
another Republican Convention came to- 
gether in this city and nominated as its 
candidate for President of the United 
States another eminent citizen of Illinois, 
General Ulysses S. Grant, [Loud cheers 
and waving of fans and other demonstra- 
tions of approval] and the Republican 
party was again victorious. Still again in 
1880 the Republican party turned its face 
towards this political Mecca, where two 
successes had been organized, and the 
murdered Garfield led the Republican 
party to victory. [Loud and continuing 
applause.] 

Mr. President and fellow-citizens, it is 
good for us to be here. There are omens 
of victory in the way history repeats itself. 
There are premises of triumph to the Re- 
publican party in holding its Convention 
in this great emporium of the Northwest. 
[Applause.] The commonwealth of Illi- 
nois, which has never wavered in its adher- 
ence to Republican principles since it gave 
to the natton and to the world the illus- 
trious Lincoln, now presents to this conven- 
tion for its consideration as the standard 
bearer of the Republican party another 
son of Illinois, one whose name will be 
recognized from one end of this land to 
the other as an able statesman, a brilliant 
solder, and an honest man — General John 
A. Logan. [The announcement of General 
Logan's name was received with a wild 
burst of applause, a great many persons 
rising to their feet waving their hats and 
handkerchiefs, and the thousands of 
people in the gallery joining in the roar of 
applause. The cheers were renewed again 
and again.] 

liOgan'a Services to Ills Country. 

A native of the State which he represents 
in the council of the Nations, reared among 
the youth of a section where every ele- 
ment of manhood is early brought into 
play, he is eminently a man of the people. 
[Applause.] The safety, the permanency 
and the prosperity of the Nation depend 
upon the courage, the integrity, and the 
loyalty of its citizens. When yonder 
storied flag was assailed by enemies in 
arms, when the integrity of the Union was 
imperilled by organized treason, when the 



storm of war threatened the very life of 
this Nation, this gallant son of the Prairie 
State resigned his seat in the Congress of 
the United States, returned to his home, 
and was among the first of our citizens to 
raise a regiment and to march to the front 
in defence of his country. [Applause.] 
Like Douglas, he believed that in time of 
war men must be either patriots or 
traitors, and he threw his mighty influence 
on the side of union, and Illinois made a 
record second to none in the history of 
States in the struggle to preserve this Gov- 
ernment. [Applause.] His history is the 
record of the battles of Belmont, Donelson, 
Shiloh, Vicksburg, Lookout Mountain, 
Atlanta and of the famous march to the 
sea. [Great applause.] He never lost a 
battle. [Applause]. I repeat again Mr. 
Chairman and fellow citizens [applause], 
he never lost a battle in all the war. [Ap- 
plause], When there was fighting to be 
done he did not wait for others, nor did 
he fail to obey orders when they were re- 
ceived. His plume, the white plume of 
Henry of Navarre, was always to be seen 
at the point where the battle raged the hot- 
test, [Applause.] During the long struggle 
of four years, he commanded, under the 
authority of the Government, first a regi- 
ment, then a brigade, then a division, 
then an army corps, and finally an 
army. He remained in the service until 
the war closed. When, at the head 
of his army, with the scars of battle 
upon him, he marched into the 
Capital of the Nation and, with 
brave men with whom he had bled on a 
hundred hard-fought fields, was mustered 
out of the service under the very shadow 
of the capitol building which he had left, 
four years before as a member of Congress 
to go and fight the battles of his country. 
When the war was over and general 
peace victoriously returned, h,e was again 
invited by his fellow citizens to take his 
place in the councils of the Nation. In a 
service of twenty years in both houses of 
Congress, he has shown himself to be no 
less able and distinguished as a citizen 
than he was renowned as a soldier. Con- 
servative in the advocacy of measures in- 
volving the public welfare, ready and elo- 
quent in debate, fearless — yes, I repeat 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



51 



again, fearless — in defense of the rights of 
the weak against the oppressions of the 
strong, he stands to-day, and I say it 
without disposition to take one laurel from 
the brow of those men whose names may 
be presented to this convention ; I say he 
stands to-day, in my judgment, closer to 
the great mass of the people of this 
country than almost any other man now 
engaging public attention. [Applause.] 
No man has done more in defense of 
those principles which have given life and 
spirit and victory to the Republican party 
than has John A. Logan, of Illinois. [Ap- 
plause.] In all that goes to make up a 
brilliant military and civil career, and to 
commend a man to the favor of the peo- 
ple, he whose name we have presented 
here to-night has shown himself to be the 
peer of the best. 

His Earljr Life. 

It is difficult in a short sketch to give a 
satisfactory biography of one whose life 
has been so eventful, so replete with in- 
cident, and so identified with the history 
of the country, as his life has been ; one of 
such activity, such rapid transitions, and 
historic situations. It is impossible under 
such situations to do justice to the man, 
to his motives, to his reputation, or to pro- 
■^ perly present even an abstract of his pub- 
lic record. We can only refer to the 
exalted position he has attained, the effect 
of his labors in behalf of his country, in 
the halls of legislation and on the field of 
battle. 

To fully abstract the story of his life 
would require volumes, to speak from even 
the impulse of popular feeling and per- 
sonal admiration would be a eulogy too 
flattering for the cold pages of a biogra- 
phical sketch. Hence we can only glance 
rapidly at the boy, the rising man, the 
soldier as he is known to his comrades 
and his friends, and the statesman as 
shown by the records of that august body 
where his voice has been heaid and his 
votes recorded. 

His Early History. 

General John A. Logan, the Republican 
candidate for Vice President of the United 
States is now in the fifty-ninth year of his 
age, having been born in Jackson County, 



Illinois on the 9th, of February, 1826. 
His parents were Irish, or at least were so 
reputed but his massive face, high cheek 
bones, dark complexion and straight black 
hair give him so typical an appearance of 
an Indian, that it is generally supposed 
that some of their blood courses through his 
veins. His father. Dr. John Logan, emi- 
grated from Ireland in 1823, and settled 
as a country practitioner near Murphys- 
boro, 111. He prospered in what was then 
a wild country and in 1824 married Eliza- 
beth Jenkins, a native of Tennessee, who, 
two years later, on the night of February 9, 
1826, became the mother of the present 
Republican candidate for vice-president. 

Illinois was not then as you now behold 
it, dotted over with splendid cities, 
adorned with pregnant fields, and check- 
ered with railroads. Half a century has 
changed it from a wild and unsettled 
country to one of the first states in the 
union. Hence the means of obtaining an 
education were very limited, and John 
was taught to read and write by his parents. 
His father was a practising physician and 
a conspicuous member of the community 
in which he lived, and the stern and de- 
termined manner of General Logan is 
mherited from him. 

During his boyhood he was given such 
opportunities for an education as were 
available, so that by the time he was ap- 
proaching his majority he had received a 
fair education, and had read many of the 
best authors. Works of history and biog- 
raphy were his favorites, and this prefer- 
ence probably led him to devote himself 
to his country, and to emulate the great 
men with whose lives he was familiar. 
He showed an individuality of character, 
and a disposition to push things at an 
early age, and he became an acknowledged 
leader amongst boys of his own time. That 
self-reliance and independence of action 
joined with a personal bravery which 
have made him a name in his manhood, 
showed themselves in his early years. 
The history of his country was a favorite 
study, and the story of the Revolutionary 
war filled him with youthful valor, so emi- 
nently displayed in later years. 

The sparsely settled country at that 
early day furnished very limited means of 



52 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



education. The now splendid system of 
schools in the State was then in its infan- 
cy, and the future warrior and statesman 
must indeed have seen, as through a 
glass, darkly, the fruition of any ambi- 
tious dreams of power or greatness, honor 
or fame that early stirred his heart. But 
in his case, if never in another, the boy 
was truly father to the man. With the 
earnestness of purpose and the never-ac- 
knowledging defeat that has ever charac- 
terized his actions, aided by natural abil- 
ity of the highest order, he set his mark 
and struggled unflinchingly until he 
reached it — reached beyond it. Thus, he 
soon became noted for his scholastic tri- 
umphs, and those days became a true in- 
dex of his after life. 

Strange indeed are the criticisms in re- 
ference to his education : he is a fair lin- 
guist, having studied Greek, Latin and 
Spanish, speaking the latter fluently. Pro- 
ficient in his studies, he would have won 
still greater honor therein had not " the 
rustling of a banner and the rolling of a 
drum" caught eye and ear, stirred the 
positive nature to its very centre and 
awoke still more enthusiastically within his 
breast the love of the old flag which in late 
years he defended through many a danger, 
never faltering, never wavering, never 
doubtful of final success and a glorious 
vindication of the equal rights of man and 
the Godgiven blessings of freedom to all. 

Service In tUe Mexican AVar. 

When the United States declared war 
with Mexico, he was in his nineteenth 
year, strong and robust for his age, and 
full of patriotic fervor. It was no wonder 
then that he responded to the call for 
men, and left the parental home to battle 
for his country. 

The very first important movement fired 
the blood of John A. Logan and quicken- 
ed resolution into action. With the hardy 
and loyal sons of the West, with full 
statured men both in body and mind, he 
swung into line as a private soldier. 

His first public service was in the war 
with Mexico, when he left home and en- 
listed as a private and marched to the 
" Halls of the Montezumas." Subse- 
quently he was promoted to the lieuten- 
ancy, and served as Adjutant of the First 



Illinois regiment. From this position he 
was made quartermaster, in which capac- 
ity he served until the end of the war. He 
returned with his regiment to his native 
State, where he was mustered out of the 
service, and became a private citizen. 

It is not unfitting here to mention an in- 
cident of his early life, proving as it does 
his mental stamina and firmness of pur- 
pose. Soon after he had been elected 
Clerk of the County Court he entered the 
office of his uncle one day and surprised 
him by the declaration that he was going 
to resign. From this purpose he could not 
be swerved. He had already mapped out 
his future, the study of law included, and 
determined upon a full term of scholar- 
ship at Louisville, Ky. 

Thus much of generalities and statistical 
dates, rather than of the man and his 
works ; and the story of his life and deeds 
naturally separate into two distinctive 
channels though pulsed by the same 
springs of action and controlled by the 
same motives, cannot be described to- 
gether, albeit harmonious in love of coun- 
try, her flag, her honor and her laws, and 
stretching away into the vast fields of 
public comity, cohesion, jurisprudence, 
liberty, reputation, national honor and na- 
tional greatness. 

Soon after he commenced the study of 
law in the office of his uncle, Lieutenant 
Governor Jenkins of Illinois. Here he 
proved an apt and careful student. He 
attended law lectures at Louisville and re- 
ceived his diploma, and was admitted to 
the bar in 1 851, just when he had reached 
his twenty-fifth year. He at once entered 
into practice, and his ability soon attracted 
public attention, and so popular did he be- 
come, that he had followed his profession 
only about a year when he was nominated 
and elected to the State legislature, where 
he served for one term, and was then 
elected prosecuting attorney for the Third 
Judicial District of Illinois. 

He was re-elected to the State Legisla- 
ture in 1853, 1856, and 1857, and was pre- 
sidential elector on the Buchanan and 
Breckenridge ticket. 

Mr. Logan was a leading Democrat when 
he was chosen a Presidential Elector in 
the Buchanan campaign. 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



53 



His record in the state legislature gave 
him a still greater popularity, and as he had 
served his constituents so well in that ca- 
pacity, they thought him worthy of a wider 
and more honorable field of labor. Two 
years later he was sent to congress, at the 
same time Roscoe Conkling first entered 
that body. Mr. Logan was re-elected in 
i860. In that year he was an ardent ad- 
vocate of Stephen A. Douglas; and he ad- 
dressed a mass meeting in Cooper Insti- 
tute, in New-York City, in behalf of the 
" Little Giant." When trouble was threat- 
ened in the South, however, he openly 
avowed his intention to see Mr. Lincoln 
inaugurated if elected, even if he was ob- 
liged to shoulder a musket and go to 
Washington. 

' As a Speaker. 

The school in which John A. Logan was 
trained for the bloodless battles of the 
forum that have made his name famous as 
a debater ; for the striking of heavy blows ; 
for impassioned, and at times ornate elo- 
quence, clear logic and exhaustive argu- 
ment was no ordinary one, but that of re- 
markable men. 

The capital of Illinois was famous even 
at that early day for the strength and 
learning of its bar ; its far-sighted poli- 
ticians : its wit keen as a Toledo blade. 
Men since known in every land and 
spoken of with intense admiration and 
deepest reverence by every tongue, had 
their homes there and in their future wan- 
derings never had to bow the knee to in- 
tellectual masters ; men who lived in the 
times that tested manhood to the utter- 
most ; 

"Men who their duties know, 
But know their rights, and knowing, dare main- 
tain:' 

Lincoln, the ever-to-be-remembered and 
mourned ; the man of iron will, but 
woman's tender heart ; the man possessed 
of the rare gift and knowledge of common 
sense, though "not a soldier of the classics;" 
the sound lawyer ; the honest advocate ; the 
impressive speaker ; the breaker of bonds 
and the apostle of Emancipation was 
there. 

Douglas, powerful, self-reliant, massive 
in eloquence, in fact, argument and illus- 
tration ; dauntless in his championship 



of what he considered right ; unswerving 
in his love for the law and the Union, 
though he saw ahead the political ship- 
wreck of his most cherished ambition ; the 
cool, clear-headed defender of the Consti- 
tution and its most able interpreter since 
Webster, was there. 

Stephen T. Logan, the living lexicon of 
law and logic ; who fully comprehended 
that " reason is the life of the law : nay, 
the common law itself is nothing else but 
reason ;'' the man bitter in sarcasm, with 
lips to thunder anathema or melt to tears 
of pity, regret and remorse ; the lawyer to 
whom the Bench could give no new honors 
was there, grand in the firmness and purity 
of his character and with integrity never 
challenged. 

And others well worthy of the bright 
companionship were there, but we cannot 
call the roll. It would be a summoning 
the dead and making the halls of Spring- 
field ring with eloquence as it is never 
likely to do again. It was a gathering of 
giants ; of men of learning, nerve, prin- 
ciple and stern devotion to their country 
and its laws, as later years brightly, but 
sadly proved. It was a school where none 
but the fittest could survive and genius, 
study and eloquence were strained to the 
utmost to "keep the pace :'' where the en- 
counters were fierce and he who kept his 
shield unbeaten down, who fell not in the 
struggle, must possess all the best and 
most brilliant elements of manhood and 
would be forearmed for anything that 
might come in the forensic arena of the 
future. 

It was surrounded by such men and 
with their precepts and examples before 
him, that John A. Logan grew into the full 
stature of manhood mentally and phy- 
sically and learned "that chastity of 
honor which felt a stain like a blow," and 
early in life (as previously remarked) he 
was called to serve client and country in 
court and legislative hall. Early, too, he 
revealed the metal of which he was made 
and the temper of the blade he used for 
attack and defense as occasion required 
and which his enemies have learned bears 
a keen and a cutting edge. 

To gather his speeches and from them 
massed, form any judgment of his ca- 



54 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



pability, truth, justice, inflexibility of pur- 
pose, correctness of judgment and claim 
to far more than ordinary elocutionary 
gifts, is beyond our power or purpose. He 
accomplished the end in view when deliv- 
ered, were the inspiration of the hour 
and their echoes (for the most part) have 
become lost save as they are now and then 
awakened in the chambers of some reten- 
tive memory. 

Private at Bull Run. 

During the year 1858 Mr. Logan was 
elected member of Congress from the Ninth 
district of Illinois, in the Thirty-sixth Con- 
gress of the United States, and took his 
seat in December, 1859. His term of 
office expired March 3, 1861, and, having 
obtained a re-election during i860, he was 
entitled to take his seat during the Thirty- 
seventh Congress, but resigned to take 
part in putting down the great rebellion. 

He attended the extra session of Con- 
gress called in July, 1861, to meet the exi- 
gencies of the hour. Troops had been 
called to arrest the progress of the rebel- 
lion, and the 75,000 men called for by 
President Lincoln were marching to the 
field. An army had already reached Wash- 
ington and were crossing the Potomac. 

Logan could no longer restrain his pa- 
triotic feeling and so in July, 1861, he 
left his seat in the House of Representives 
and joined the Union Army on its way 
to the Initial Battle of the war at Bull Run. 
He took a hand in that disastrous conflict 
and was one of the last men to leave the 
bloody field. 

Filled with patriotic zeal, he returned to 
Congress after that battle, and urged upon 
the government the necessity of raising a 
sufficient force to put down the rebels in 
arms. He then, at the close of the session, 
went to his native State and energetically 
called upon his countrymen to rally around 
the flag of their country and to put down 
the rebellion. The citizens of his district 
readily responded to the call, and the 
Thirty-first regiment of Illinois volunteers 
- was raised and organized at Cairo on Sep- 
tember 18, 1861. Mr. Logan was chosen 
as the colonel of his regiment, with a com- 
mission dating from August 10, 1861. 
Shortly after its organization his regiment 



figured in the sanguinary battle of Bel- 
mont. He was at the capture of Fort 
Henry, and with several hundred cavalry 
pursued and captured eight of the enemy's 
guns. He also took an active part in the 
reduction of Fort Donelson. In this en- 
gagement Colonel Logan was severely 
wounded in the left arm and shoulder, but 
held his position until reinforcements ar- 
rived. Shortly after he was attacked with 
a serious illness, and for some time hopes 
of his recovery were given up. 

Gieneral. 

On the 5th of March, 1883, he was con- 
firmed brigadier-general, and soon after 
reported to General Grant at Pittsburg 
Landing. Since then he figured in all 
important movements. On August 26 he 
was placed in command of the forces at 
Jackson, Tenn. In the movement into 
Mississippi he commanded a division in 
the right wing, and afterward one in the 
Seventeenth corps under General McPher- 
son. In the spring of 1863 he was con- 
firmed a major-general of volunteers, with 
rank from November 29, 1862. During 
General Grant's rapid movements from 
Grand Gulf to Jackson in May, 1863, he 
was continually in the advance, and 
occupied the Mississippi capital. Again, 
at Champion Hills he distinguished him- 
self, and also at the storming of Vicks- 
burg, May 22, 1863. When the rebel 
stronghold was surrendered General 
Loean's forces had awarded to them the 

o 

post of honor — namely, the occupying of 
the surrendered city — and General Logan 
was made Military Governor from July 4, 
1863. He afterward returned North, where 
he addressed large assemblies, stating 
that he had always been a democrat, but 
as the peace of the country could not be 
restored without the extinction of slavery 
he advocated that policy. Having ad- 
ministered the duties of his position at 
Vicksburg for some time longer, he, at 
his own request for more active duty, was 
once more placed in the field. On the 
27th of October, 1863, the President ap- 
pointed Major-General John A. Logan to 
the command of the Fifteenth Army 
Corps, thereby relieving Major-General 
Francis P. Blair, who was sent to take his 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



65 



seat in Congress as the representative of 
the First District of Illinois. He suc- 
ceeded Sherman at the head of the Fif- 
teenth Army Corps in November, 1863, 
and when McPherson lost his life on the 
22d of July, Logan succeeded him and 
commanded the Army of the Tennessee 
with the same ability and success which 
had characterized his command of smaller 
numbers. He was with Sherman on his 
" March to the Sea," remaining with him 
until Johnston's surrender. From the 
close of the war until 1871 he occupied 
various positions of honor, which attended 
his frequent elections as Representative 
in his State and at Washington. In 1871, 
and again in 1879, ^^ ^^^ Senator from 
Illinois. Senator Logan has played a 
brilliant part in the political history of the 
United States during the last twenty-five 
years. 

A Pen Picture of liO§;an. 

In manners and demeanor, General 
Logan is a true type of a gentleman. He 
is quick in speech and motion, and exhibits 
a brightly nervous temperament, and yet 
when called upon to decide or express an 
opinion, he is cool, cautious and exceed- 
ingly guarded in his expressions. Having 
once formed an opinion he formulates in 
sentences so clear, bold and positive, that 
no man can doubt their meaning. His 
military training has given him a discipline 
of mind and action that in all his posi- 
tions, shows the soldier. He is always 
punctual to his appointments, and though 
slow to promise, he makes it a point to keep 
those made. He has a regard for time, 
and when a particular hour is suggested 
it means "sharp" to the minute. In the 
Senate he is deliberate and dignified, 
courteous and affable, and probably no 
member of that body is more popular with 
his fellow Senators than General Logan. 

In the heat of debate he is bold and ag- 
gressive, striking his adversaries with his 
heaviest blows, but when the contest is 
ended, whether in victory or defeat, he re- 
laxes into the genial man as though noth- 
ing had brought him into contact with his 
peers. Outside of his official position he is 
a most companionable gentleman, and he 
ornaments the social circle with his flashes of 
wit and versatile powers of entertainment. 



liogan as a Democrat. 

General Logan was a Democrat, and 
held his seat by virtue of a Democratic 
constituency. He had been reared in that 
school of political faith, and honestly advo- 
cated its principles. He could not believe 
that the mutterings that threatened a com- 
ing danger would really come to a bloody 
crisis. But when the overt act was com- 
mitted — when a part of the nation stood 
committed to break asunder the bond of 
national unity, and when the call rang 
throughout the country to defend and prc- 
tect the constitution and the government, 
he broke the bonds of party, renounced 
his allegiance to Democratic policy, and ex- 
changing the politician for the patriot states- 
man, he stood forth for the national cause. 

He entered the army in August, 1861, 
and at once repaired to his native state to 
raise a regiment. He had been com- 
missioned as Colonel for this purpose, and 
he lost no time in accomplishing his mission. 
With the prestige of Mexican renown, 
Colonel Logan had little difficulty in gath- 
ering hardy and brave men around his 
standard. The same patriotic spirit fired 
their hearts as when the second call for 
three hundred thousand soldiers was 
issued and Illinois filled her quota within 
thirteen days, notwithstanding she had to 
her credit sixteen thousand nine hundred 
and seventy-eight men in excess of former 
demands. 

The movements of 'the ""war were rapid 
and incisive. But it is not our province 
to follow them save as they throw light 
upon the career of the brave soldier whose 
history we are briefly relating and which, 
at the best must be fragmentary and do- 
ing little justice to one who has long filled 
the public eye and won the heart alike of 
soldier and of civilian. 

The battle of Fort Henry resulted in 
the first decisive victory of Union troops 
upon Western waters, and the cry of 
"On to Donelson " rang from every 
lip. Logan was then with his daunt- 
less 31st, and his heart thrilled with joy at 
beholding the evidences of loyalty among 
the people of Tennessee and Kentucky, 
and he hailed as a bright omen the tears 
of gladness shed at the sight of the dear 
old flag. _ 



56 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



The attack upon and surrender of Fort 
Donelson have been too often and faith- 
fully pictured, and are too fresh in mem- 
ory to be repainted here. It was a wild 
and bloody contest and fought without 
thought of self. Stubbornly, gallantly, 
enthusiastically was the battle waged, each 
taking a fallen comrade's place until the | 
end came with a surging bayonet charge, 
and above the Rebel ramparts the Union 
banner was flung to the breeze. The terms 
of " unconditional and immediate sur- 
render " were forced to acceptance, and 
upon Sunday morning, February i6, 1862, 
Donelson, of boasted strength, was given 
over to the boys in bine. 

The annals of the war speak of General 
Logan as being where danger was ihe 
greatest and the blows of death the thick- 
est and most heavy, and no name is in- 
scribed more brightly upon the roll of 
honor of Donelson. 

The first engagement in which he and 
his command participated was the battle of 
Belmont, in November of the same year, 
when his ability as a commander, and his 
dash and intrepidity, foreshadowed the 
fact that he was to play a conspicuous 
part in the operations of the army. He 
participated in the movements at Fort 
Henry, and was present at the battle of 
Fort Donelson, where he received a 
severe wound, and did not rejoin his com- 
mand until some weeks afterwards, on the 
evening of the last day of the battle of 
Shiloh. On March 3, 1862, he was made 
Brigadier General and participated in the 
siege of Corinth as commander of the 
First Brigade in General Judah's division 
or the right wing of the army, and for his 
valiant services was publicly thanked by 
General Sherman in his official report. 
ItOgan's Popularlt}^, and Wbat 9f ade It. 

The following presentation of General 
Logan to his people, is both deserved and 
eloquent : 

" And then the soldier vote — that vote 
which is cast not alone by the soldiers 
themselves, but by their relatives and all 
whom they can influence as well — that 
prodigious vote which safely goes into the 
millions — do we not know that it would all 
be brought out and go solidly for Logan, 
the soldiers' friend par excellence. How 



they would come out and work in a cam- 
paign with him for their leader! Not a 
soul of them will forget how he has 
worked year in and year out for them in 
both branches of Congress in the matter 
of pensions, arrears of pensions, and 
equalization of bounties; nor how, regard- 
less of time, trouble and expense, he has 
corresponded with them and urged their 
cases to prompt settlement; nor how no 
crippled soldier nor soldier's widow nor 
orphan has ever appealed to him for help, 
so far as it was possible for him to help, in 
vain. Letters by the hundreds — not from 
Illinois only, but from all parts of the 
Union— come in his daily mail from the 
soldiers or their survivors, and force him 
to keep several clerks to attend to them. 
These things will not be forgotten by the 
old soldiers. They will remember, if no 
one else does, how he fought in the 
Mexican War: how, at the beginning of 
the rebellion, he left his seat of safety in 
Congress, joined the troops on their way 
to the first Bull Run as a private, and was 
among the last to leave that disastrous 
field ; how, as Colonel of the 31st Illinois, 
during a successful bayonet charge on the 
Rebel position at Belmont, his horse was 
shot from under him ; how, at Fort Donel- 
son, where he led the victorious charge — 
and out of 606 men of his regiment who 
shared in it, but 303 answered to their 
names the next morning — he was severely 
wounded; how, with wounds still un- 
healed, having joined General Grant at 
Pittsburgh Landing as a Brigadier-General, 
he declined a renomination for Congress 
in these memorable words: " I have en- 
tered the field to die, if need be, for this 
Government, and never expect to return 
to peaceful pursuits until the object of thi^ 
war of preservation has become a fact es- 
tablished;" how, in Grant's Northern Mif- 
sissippi campaign, he commanded a divi- 
sion of McPherson's Seventeenth Army 
Corps with such conspicuous military 
prowess and ability as to earn the stars of 
a Major-General ; how his military renown 
grew with each of the many marches 
through scorching sun and over burning 
sands, and each of the many bloody 
battles before Vicksburg ; how in the ter- 
rible assaults upon that " Gibraltar of the 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



57 



Mississippi" — whose bluffs were "stud- 
ded with batteries and seamed with rifle- 
pits " — his signal valor was known of all; 
and how it was Logan's column that was 
the first to enter that great conquered fort- 
ress. They will remember his succeeding 
General Sherman in the command of the 
Fifteenth Army Corps — the corps which 
Grant himself had commanded — the corps 
which by Logan's order adopted as their 
corps-badge a cartridge-box with the sig- 
nificant legend "Forty Rounds '* — and 
how gallantly he led the advance of the 
Army of the Tennessee at Resaca, re- 
pulsed Hardee at Dallas, and dislodged 
the enemy from his fortifications at Kene- 
saw Mountain, amid blood and sweat, and 
slaughter. He was no carpet-knight — no 
knight of the white feather — but ever in 
the thickest of the fray his victorious 
raven plume was seen. '' 

At the Battle of Atlanta. 

The battle of Atlanta (or Peachtree 
Creek), the bloodiest fought in the West, 
was one of the decisive battles of the war. 
Those of them who were there will never 
forget it — nor Logan, their triumphant 
chieftain. It was the 22d of July, 1864. 
Hood had succeeded Johnston, and Mc- 
Pherson, finding himself flanked, was rid- 
ing to the left, when he met his death. 
The command of the flanked Army of the 
Tennessee at once devolved on Logan. 
Surgeon Welch, of the 53d Illinois, de- 
scribes the panic which at once seized the 
Seventeenth Army Corps, and continues : 
"General Logan, who then took com- 
mand, on that famous black stallion of his, 
became a flame of fire and fury, yet keep- 
ing wondrous methods in his inspired 
madness. He was everywhere ; his horse 
covered with foam, and himself hatless 
and begrimed with dirt ; perfectly com- 
prehending the position ; giving sharp 
orders to officers as he met them, and 
planting himself firmly in front of fleeing 
columns, with revolver in hand, threaten- 
ing, in tones not to be mistaken, to fire 
into the advance did they not instantly 
halt and form in order of battle. ' He 
spake, and it was done.' . . . The battle 
was resumed in order and with fury — a 
tempest of thunder and fire — a hailstorm 
of shot and shell. And when night closed 



down the battle was ended, and we were 
masters of the field." Some of the regi- 
ments that went into that sanguinary con- 
flict strong came out with but thirty men, 
and another which went in in the morning 
with 200 men came out with but fifteen ! 
But thousands of the enemy bit the dust 
that day, and though compelled to fight in 
front and rear our arms were crowned with 
victory. Then came Jonesboro and com- 
plete route for the enemy, the blowing up 
of his magazines, and the evacuation of 
Atlanta, "the last stronghold of the West." 
His corps, also under Sherman, participa- 
ted in the famous "March to the Sea." 
His military record would fill a volume. 
In all his brilliant career he never suffered 
defeat. It has been well said of him that 
to his soldiers he was " an inspiration — a 
prophecy of success ; they believed him 
invincible." 

His Promotion. 

Another point in the military career of 
General Logan stands out in bold relief, 
greatly to his credit, and showing the esti- 
mation in which he was held by those in 
authority who sought for the best possible 
material to place in command when the 
dismemberment of the Union was threat- 
ened and the speedy ending of the fratri- 
cidal and unnatural war was a " consum- 
mation most devoutly to be wished." It 
is this : General Loga?i was the one and 
only exceptioti to the rule : was the single 
instance iti which I a volunteer officer, 
who had risett from a private to the rank 
of Major- General, ever com?naftded an 
army. 

General Suniiuary. 

The following summary exhibits in one 
paragraph, the political and military posi- 
tions held by General John A. Logan, and 
they illustrate what an amount can be per- 
formed by one man. 

In the fall of the year (1852) he was 
chosen to represent the counties of Frank- 
lin and Jackson in the legislature and re- 
elected in 1856. He was in 1853 appointed 
Prosecuting Attorney, retaining the office 
until the fall of 1856 ; the same year was 
chosen a Presidential elector and elected 
to the XXXVIth and XXXVIlth Cong- 
resses, resigning to enter the Union Army, 
carrying a musket in the first battle of Bull 



58 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



Run ; fighting through the war of the Re- 
bellion and reaching the rank of Major- 
General and commanded the Army of the 
Tennessee at the close of the war ; he was 
appointed in 1865 Minister to Mexico, but 
declined; was elected in 1866 Congress- 
man-at-Large ; was elected to this position 
three times, then elected to the United 
States Senate to succeed the Hon. Richard 
Yates from March 4, 1871 to March 3, 
1877. He resumed the practice of his pro- 
fession for a time, and was replaced in the 
United States Senate to succeed the Hon. 
R. J. Oglesby, and took his seat March 
18, 1879, his term of service expiring 
March 3, 1885. 

As chairman of the Senate Committee 
on Military Affairs, an influential member 
of the Judiciary and Appropriation Com- 
mittees he has more than enough to oc- 
cupy his time even were the hours quad- 
rupled. But this is very far from being 
all. Early and late his house is crowded 
with people seeking advice and aid in 
every possible shape — seeking position and 
money. And to those in the ordinary walks 
of business his daily mail would not only 
be a wonder, but a terror, when the labor 
of answering became apparent. The word 
" immense " (comparatively used) is the 
most fitting to convey an idea of its mag- 
nitude. And the replying is not simply a 
matter of aye or nay. It frequently in- 
volves intricate points of law and practice 
before the various departments ; the min- 
ute searching of records ; involves thought, 
study, investigation, abstruse calculations, 
personal attention and monied expense — 
never repaid. But with General Logan 
nothing suffers neglect. The poor man is 
as welcome as he who comes " clad in 
purple and fine linen," and his cause held 
even more sacred. 

Yet there is another point so clearly 
demonstrated by these masterly efforts that 
we cannot pass it unnoticed. It is the per- 
fectly clean life-record of the man. During 
all his years the honesty of General Logan 
has never been questioned or slurred. 
Politically or privately there has never 
been found stain or blemish, and none 
have even been hinted at. No public 
trust has ever been betrayed by him. He 
has stood sternly and completely aloof 



from all of public or private jobbery. His 
statesmanship and his personal character 
have alike been pure, and his every 
official act done for the benefit of his con- 
stitution and his country. His labors have 
been excessive, heavy, engrossing. He 
has given the best of his years and talents 
to the end for which he was elected, not 
the accumulation of wealth by question- 
able methods, and stands to-day with un- 
defiled hands and untarnished honor, a 
living and a striking proof of the power to 
resist sordid temptation, rise superior to 
selfish ends and to live for the greatest 
good and the highest glory of his native 
land and mankind. 

That this statement is true in its fullest 
and most comprehensive sense, those who 
have the e7itre of his home and share 
his confidence will attest. Very few have 
such privileges and therefore very few are 
in a situation to rightly judge how arduous 
has been his toil, and how unrepaid, ex- 
cept in that reward which follows the 
doing of good deeds and the keeping of the 
golden rule. 

Fitz Jolm Porter Case. 

No matter brought before the XLVIIth 
and XLVIIIth Congresses attracted more 
attention than the bill to reinstate Fitz 
John Porter ; had in it more the sugges- 
tions of discord, and aroused more of pas- 
sionate feeling. It was a question that had 
been discussed by all prominent men, 
polititicians especially ; every soldier from 
the commander-in-chief to the rank-artd- 
file had made it a study ; every newspaper 
in the land had advocated one side or the 
other ; the great majority were committed 
by strongly expressed opinions and poli- 
tics becoming involved, the action of one 
party was as a unit in favor of the passage 
of the bill on the other, with but a few 
remarkable and scarcely-to-be-accounted- 
for exceptions, opposed'^to it. 

And farther than any merely local or 
personal bearing, it contained the decision 
of a court-martial ; of the right of Con- 
gress to decide whether or no the said 
court-martial had exceeded its powers and 
jurisdiction, and, if so, what authority Con- 
gress could confer upon the President of 
the United States to restore tarnished 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



59 



honor and pay for pecuniary losses sus- 
tained. 

And still further it reopened, as it were, 
the history of the latest war, and touched 
again with bitterness the causes and effects 
that had been laid to rest ; re-venomed 
many an unpoisoned sting ; tore asunder 
scarcely healed wounds, and forced men 
into partisanship from which they would 
gladly have withdrawn and totally ignored. 

It was when the pulse of the country 
was thus beating at fever heat that General 
Logan defended a principle ; opposed the 
establishment of a dangerous and wrong 
precedent ; upheld the decree of justice, 
even if stern ; fortified the high position 
of every honest and brave soldier and, 
indirectly, but gloriously and with reverend 
homage, upheld the name and deeds of 
Abraham Lincoln, the man who had " as- 
cended the ladder of fame so high, from 
the round at the top he stepped to the 
sky," and won a crown immortal by a 
martyr's baptism. (Also the sacred mem- 
ory of the lamented Garfield, who was a 
member of the court-martial.^ 

r 

Arrayed against General Logan were 
talent, learning, eloquence, rank, and 
wealth. He swept them aside with a 
breath ; silenced into the lowest of mur- 
murs malicious insinuations and false testi- 
mony ; overturneil the most carefully con- 
structed theories ; exposed the fallacy of 
worn-thread-bare arguments ; winnowed 
the false from the true, and won greater 
renown than ever before. 

He knew better than any man for he 
had the best opportunity for so doing, the 
magnitude of the task he had undertaken ; 
the target he made of himself for those who 
stab in the back and dark, and who shoot 
venomed arrows from behind ambushes. 
Yet he shrank not and was more than 
equal to the emergency. More because a 
far less powerful and testimony-sustained 
argument at every point would have made 
him triumphant, and caused him to be 
fully sustained (as he was) by the verdict 
of all unbiased, thinking people. 

The corner-stones upon which the entire 
elaborate speech was constructed were but 
two, and contained the simple proposi- 
tions: "First, what is the law; second 
what is the evidence apphcable to that 



law for this tribunal to examine." These 
were the words of General Logan ; his 
brief, but comprehensive statement of the 
case, and upon them was builded the or- 
thographic structure that for five days held 
Congress, as is rarely done in the first in- 
stance and hours in the second. And the 
closing of the latter is so eloquent and 
true that we cannot refrain from repro- 
ducing it here : 

" If this act of wrong, as I deem it, shall 
be perpetrated by the Congress of the 
United States, it will be declaring that 
those who failed in the hour of trial are 
those who shall be honored in the hour 
of triumph ; it will be declaring to the 
world that the record of those in the 
Army who failed at the important time is 
as good as those who sustained the Gov- 
ernment; that the honor and glory of the 
whole Army of the United States shall not 
be maintained alone by the honors it won, 
but fhallbe maintained by the honors lost 
by its unworthy members. When we re- 
turned to our homes and our peaceful pur- 
suits, when the armies of a million of 
men melted away into the paths of peace, 
we then expected, and ought to expect 
now, that nothing would be done by Con- 
gress at least that would mar that thought 
that should be in every man's mind, that 
equality and justice should be done to all 
according to the laws and Constitution of 
our land, that justice should be done the 
living and that justice also should be 
meted out to the reputation of the dead. 

" So, then, for the honor of this Nation 
let not its representatives mar the re- 
cord that loyalty made in behalf of this 
Government and for the benefit of this 
people. 

" I have deemed it to be my duty as a 
member of this body to oppose at all 
times a proposition of this character, be- 
cause 1 believe it to be wrong in theory 
and certainly wrong in practice. I be- 
lieve it will demoralize the Army and have 
a demoralizing effect upon the country. 

I say in all kindness to the other side ot 
this chamber (it will perhaps have no ef- 
fect,) your course, assisted by a few of our 
side in this case, will prevent the people of 
this country, as long as they shall proceed 
in this way, from having confidence that 



60 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



you intend to administer the affairs of the ' 
Governm<='nt fairly. The opening of the 
doors for Fitz-John Porter does not mean 
Fitz-John Porter. It means breaking down 
the barrier, the wall between the good and 
the bad and those who failed in time of 
trial and those who did their duty. It 
means opening the door on the retired-list 
to Porter and to other men who failed us 
in our trials who shall follow in his wake. 
It means more. I do not care what a few 
gentlemen who were in the Union Army 
may say, I do not care what a few gentle- 
men who were not in the Union Army 
may say ; but the great body of the Ame- 
rican people do not believe in breaking 
down the barriers between the men who 
failed in time of need and the men who 
stood at their posts. 

When I say that I am speaking of our 
loyal people, I mean that the people do 
not believe in your coming here to re- 
gulate courts-martial for us during the war. 
They do not believe it just ; they do not 
believe it is right. I am speaking in truth 
to you, and the people will emphasize it 
to you hereafter. Let your confederacy 
regulate its own courts-martial while it ex- 
isted in opposition to this Union, but do 
not come here from under the flag with 
numbers sufficient to put disgraced men 
back in the army, to cast slurs upon our 
men who did their duty, to trample in the 
dust the authority that suppressed your 
confederacy. Let not your feelings go 
that far. If they do, I tell you that more 
years than you think will pass over your 
heads before you will have the confidence 
of the American people. 

There are some friends on this side of 
the Chamber who join with the other side. 
They are entitled to their views. I say to 
them, you will open the doors to danger 
in this country when you do this act. It is 
not an act of kindness to this man ; it is 
an act of injustice to the Army; it is an 
act of injustice to the loyal people of this 
country; it an act of injustice to the 
memory of Lincoln and those who were 
associated with him at the time ; it is 
trampling under foot the law and the facts. 
You were the friends in the hour of trial, 
yov. who stood by then, should not falter 
now. You are to-day doing that which 



you would not have done ten years ago* 
But to-day the consciences of some people 
are getting so easy that we must do every- 
thing that is asked for men who failed us 
in the hour of our greatest danger, for 
men who are entitled to nothing except 
what they received. We are asked in 
charity which is no charity to violate the 
law, to violate the proper rules of conduct, 
to violate the judgment of a court, to 
violate the order of a President made ac- 
cording to law and in justice, as shown at 
that time and now. I hope at least that 
men who have stood by the country in the 
hour of trial will not weaken in the hour 
of triumph in the interests of those whose 
triumph would have proved disastrous to 
the country. 

The conscientious feeling that I have 
performed my duty according to my honest 
convictions to my country, to the honor of 
our now faithful little Army, to my com- 
rades in arms during the war, to the living 
and the dead that took part in the judg- 
ment of the court, to the loyal people that 
loved this country and helped to save it, 
shall be in my own breast through life my 
reward for my action in this case." 

But dry detail and statistics were supple- 
mented and interwoven with flashes that 
controlled attention and compelled admi- 
ration. Beyond all quibbling, they were 
the speech of the sessions ; not an ex parte 
one, for the records of both the Northern 
and Southern Army had been made to 
yield up everything bearing upon the 
question at issue. They were exhaustive. 
Not only were eye-witnesses, soldiers and 
officers (theoretically) placed upon the 
stand, but geography, topography, engi- 
neeringf, were summoned and the secret 
whispers of the lightning became audi- 
ble. 

Upon the merits of the case it is not our 
province to express an opinion. From 
the Congress of the nation General Logan 
appealed to the Congress of the world and 
the verdict was pronounced and favorable. 
With the speeches as speeches we have a 
right to deal. When given to the public, 
such things become their property and 
nothing of private or personal right is out- 
raged by free discussion and critical 
analysis. The eyes of time are sharp and 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



61 



look through powerful microscopic lenses 
and are as quick to discover faults as 
enemies are to magnify a grain of sand 
into a mountain. 

That these speeches were perfection in 
all the elements of diction, eloquence of 
expression and the inevitably best words at 
all times claimed, could not be expect- 
ed when extemporaneous. Some one said 
that " no man dare to be reported as the 
words fell from his lips," and the saying is 
a true one. In the heat of debate men are 
carried beyond the mere "padding'' of 
words by the thought to be enforced. 
They have in view more the end to be ob- 
tained than the leading flowers growing 
along the path to it, and in the " torrent, 
tempest, and wind of passion " it is very 
hard to " beget a temperance that may give 
it smoothness." 

Strength and truth, we fancy, were 
more the purpose of General Logan than 
any oratorical display, and that he suc- 
ceeded most admirably in these particulars 
is beyond dispute. The great majority of 
the press declared : have praised in no 
measured or feeble terms, and their de- 
cision is final as to the future, for " after 
your death you were better to have a bad 
epitaph than their ill report while you 
live." 

Looking at these speeches after the 
lapse of time, and when the waves of pas- 
sion are at rest, there can be but one view 
taken of them save when some all-con- 
trolling interest sways judgment and em- 
bitters and warps reason. Setting these 
aside the careful reader will find them brist- 
ling with points sharp as a bayonet ; fair in 
statement and deduction ; free from all of 



upon which General Logan, or any man, 
might safely rest his reputation, his name 
and his fame. 

In order that the readers of this book 
may form an estimate of General Logan as 
an orator, we give portions of his speech 
on self-government. 

Speech of Hon. Jolm A. Logan, 

On Sei/-Covernmt)it in Louisiana, January i^ and 14, 
JS73- 

The Senate having under consideration 
the resolution submitted by Mr. Schurz 
on the 8th of January, directing the Com- 
mittee of the Judiciary to inquire what 
legislation is necessary to secure to the 
people of the State of Louisiana their rights 
of Self-government under the Constitution, 
Mr. Logan said : — 

Mr. President : I believe it is consid- 
ered the duty of a good sailor to stand by 
his ship in the midst of a great storm. We 
have been told in this Chamber that a 
great storm of indignation is sweeping 
over this' land, which will- rend asunder 
and sink the old Republican craft. We have 
listened to denunciations of the President, 
of the Republicans in this Chamber, of the 
Republican party as an organization, their 
acts heretofore and their purposes in refer- 
ence to acts hereafter, of such a character 
as has seldom been listened to in this or 
in any other legislative hall. Every fact 
on the side of the Republican party has 
been perverted, every falsehood on the 
part of the opposition has been exagge- 
rated, arguments have been made here 
calculated to inflame and arouse a certain 
class of the people of this country against 
the authorities of the Government, based 
not upon truth but upon manufactured 
statements which were utterly false. The 



vulgar personality ; free from it entirely I Republican party has been characterized 



except where the necessity of the case 
imperatively forces such mention ; free from 
all of low prejudice; free from intolerant 



as despotic, as tyrannical, as oppressive. 
The course of the Administration and the 
party toward the Southern people has been 



partisanship; free from the slightest bias | denounced as of the most tyrannical char- 
of sectionality ; non political; free from acter by men who have received clemency 



any ad captandujii or egotistical ipse dixit 
style ; a bald, even if bold statement of 



at the hands of this same party. 

Now, sir, what is the cause of all this 



fact and circumstance ; the collated testi- ' vain declamation ? What is the cause of 
mony of others rather than the opinions , all this studied denunciation ? What is the 
of self; speeches in defense of the army reason for all these accusations made 
of the past and sustaining the high code against a party or an administration? I 
in the future ; plain, logical, convincing ; may be mistaken, but, if I am not, this is 
covering all possible points ; speeches \ the commencement of the campaign of 



62 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



1876. It has been thought necessary on 
the part of the opposition Senators here to 
commence, if I may use a homely phrase, 
a raid upon the Republican party and upon 
this Administration, and to base that upon 
false statements in reference to the conduct 
of affairs in the State of Louisiana. 

I propose in this debate, and I hope I 
shall not be too tedious, though I may be 
somewhat so to discuss the question that 
should be presented to the American peo- 
ple. I propose to discuss that question 
fairly, candidly, and truthfully. I propose 
to discuss it from a just, honest, and legal 
stand-point. Sir, what is that question .'' 
There was a resolution offered in this 
Chamber calling on the President to fur- 
nish^certain information. A second reso- 
lution was introduced, (whether for the 
purpose of hanging on it an elaborate 
speech or not I am not aware,) asking the 
Committee on the Judiciary to report at 
once some legislation in reference to 
Louisiana. Without any facts presented 
officially arguments have been made, the 
country has been aroused, and some peo- 
ple have announced themselves in a man- 
ner calculated to produce a very sore feel- 
ing against the course and conduct of the 
party in power. I say this is done without 
the facts ; without any basis whatever ; 
without any knowledge officially commu- 
nicated to them in reference to the conduct 
of any of the parties in the State of Louisi- 
ana. In discussing this question we ought 
to have a beginning ; some point from 
which we may all reason and see whether 
or not any great outrage has been perpe- 
trated against the rights of the American 
people or any portion of them. 

I then propose to start at this point, that 
there is a government in the State of Loui- 
siana. Whether that government is a 
government of right or not is not the ques- 
tion. Is there a government in that State 
against which treason, insurrection, or re- 
bellion, may be committed? Is there such 
a government in the State of Louisiana as 
should require the maintenance of peace 
and order among the citizens of that State .'' 
Is there such a government in the State of 
Louisiana as requires the exercise of Exec- 
utive authority for the purpose of preserv- 
ing peace and order within its borders ? I 



ask any Senator on this floor to-day if he 
can stand up here as a lawyer, as a Sena- 
tor, as an honest man, aud deny the fact 
that a government does exist? Whether 
he calls it a government de jure or a gov- 
ernment de facto, it is immaterial. It is 
such an organization as involves the lib- 
erties and the protection of the rights of 
the people of that State. It will not do for 
Senators to talk about the election of 1872. 
The election of 1872 has no more to do 
with this " military usurpation " that you 
speak of to-day than an election of a hun- 
dred years ago. It is not a question as to 
whether this man or that waa elected. The 
question is, is there such a government 
there as can be overturned, and has there 
been an attempt to overturn it? If so, then 
what is required to preserve its status or 
preserve the peace and order of the peo- 
ple ? 

But the other day when I asked the 
question of a Senator on the other side, 
who was discussing this question, whether 
or not he endorsed the Penn rebellion, he 
answered me in a playful mauner that 
excited the mirth of people who did not 
understand the question, by saying that 1 
had decided that there was no election, 
and that therefore there was no govern- 
ment to overturn. Now I ask Senators, I 
ask men of common understanding if that 
is the way to treat a question of this kind ; 
when asked whether insurrection against 
a government recognized is not an insur- 
rection and whether he endorses it, he 
says there is no government to overturn. 
If there is no government to overturn, 
why do you make this noise and confusion 
about a Legislature there ? If there is, 
no State Government, there is no State 
Legislature. But I will not answer in 
that manner. I will not avoid the issue ; 
I will not evade the question. I answer 
there is a Legislature, as there is a State 
Government, recognized by the President, 
recognized by the Legislature, recognized 
by the courts, recognized by one branch of 
Congress, and r«cognized by the majority 
of the citizens by their recognition of the 
laws of the State; and it will not do to 
undertake to avoid questions in this 
manner. 
Let us see, then, starting from that stand- 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



63 



point, what the position of Louisiana is 
now, and what it has been. On the 14th 
day of September last a man by the name 
of Penn, as to whom we have official in- 
formation this morning, with some seven 
or ten thousand white-leaguers made war 
against that government, overturned it, dis- 
persed it, drove the governor from the ex- 
ecutive chamber, and he had to taive refuge 
under the jurisdiction of the Government 
of the United States, on the soil occupied 
by the United States custom-house, where 
the exclusive jurisdiction of the United 
States Government extends, for the purpose 
of protecting his own life. 

This then was a revolution ; this then 
was a rebellion ; this then was treason 
against the State, for which these men 
should have been arrested, tried, and pun- 
ished. Let gentlemen dodge the question 
as they may ; it may be well for some men 
there who engaged in this treasonable act 
against the government that they had Mr. 
Kellogg for governor. It might not have 
been so well for them, perhaps, had there 
been some other man in his place. I tell 
the Senator from Maryland if any crowd 
of armed men should undertake to disperse 
the government of the State of Illinois, 
drive its governor from the executive 
chamber, enter into his private drawers, 
take his private letters, and publish them, 
and act as those men did, some of them 
would pay the penalty either in the peni- 
tentiary or by dancing at the end of a rope. 

But when this rebellion was going on 
against that State, these gentlemen say it 
was a State affair ; the Government of the 
United States has nothing to do with it ! 
That is the old-fashioned secession doctrine 
again. The government of the United 
States has nothing to do with it ! This 
national government is made up of States, 
and each State is a part of the Government, 
each is a part of its life, of its body. It 
takes them all to make up the whole ; and 
treason against any part of it is treason 
against the whole of it, and it became the 
duty of the President to put it down, as he 
did do ; and, in putting down that treason 
against the Kellogg government, the whole 
country almost responded favorably to his 
action. 

But our friend from Maryland, not in 



his seat now, [Mr. Hamilton] said that 
that was part of the cause of the elections 
going as they did. In other words, my 
friend from Maryland undertook in a round- 
about way to endorse the Penn rebellion, 
and claim that people of the country did 
the same thing against the government of 
the State of J^ouisiana, and on this floor 
since the discussion has been going on, 
not one Senator on that side of the cham- 
ber has lisped one word against the rebel- 
hon against the government of the State 
of Louisiana, and all who have spoken of 
it have passed it by in silence so as to indi- 
cate clearly that they endorse it, and I be- 
lieve they do. 

Then, going further, the President issued 
his proclamation requiring those insurgents 
to lay down their arms and to resume their 
peaceful pursuits. This morning we have 
heard read at the clerk's desk that these 
men have not yet complied fully with that 
proclamation. Their rebellious organiza- 
tion continued up to the time of the elec- 
tion and at the election. When the elec- 
tion took place, we are told by some of 
these Senators that the election was a 
peaceable, and a fair election, that a major- 
ity of democrats were elected. That is the 
question we propose to discuss as well as 
we are able to do it. They tell us that 
there was no intimidation resorted to by 
any one in the State of Louisiana. I dis- 
like very much to follow out these state- 
ments that are not true and attempt to 
controvert them because it does seem to 
me that we ought to act fairly and candidly 
in this Chamber and discuss questions 
without trying to pervert the issue or the 
facts in connection with it. 

* * * * * * 

Now, Mr. President, I want to ask can- 
did, honest, fair-minded men, after read- 
ing the report of General Sheridan show- 
ing the murder, not for gain, not for 
plunder, but for political opinions in the 
last few years of thirty-five hundred per- 
sons in the State of Louisiana, all of them 
republicans, not one of them a democrat 
— I want to ask if they can stand here be- 
fore this country and defend the democratic 
party of Louisiana? I put this question to 
them for they have been here for days 
crying against the wrongs upon the demo- 



64 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



cracy of Louisiana. I want any one of 
them to tell me if he is prepared to defend 
the democracy of Louisiana. What is 
your democracy of Louisiana? You are 
excited, your extreme wrath is aroused at 
General Sheridan because he called your 
White Leagues down there "banditti." I 
ask you if the murder of thirty-five hun- 
dred men in a short time for political 
purposes by a band of men banded to- 
gether for the purpose of murder does not 
make them banditti, what it does make 
them ? Does it make them democrats ? 
It certainly does not make them republi- 
cans. Does it make them honest men ? 
It certainly does not. Does it make them 
law-abiding men ? It certainly does not. 
Does it make them peaceable citizens ? It 
certainly does not. But what does it make 
them ? A band of men banded together 
and perpetrating murder in their own 
State ? Webster says a bandit is " a law- 
less or desperate fellow ; a robber ; a bri- 
gand,'' and "banditti" are men banded 

O 7 

together for plunder and murder ; and what 
are your White Leagues banded together lor 
if the result proves that they are banded to 
gether for murder for political purposes ? 
O, what a crime it was in Sheridan to 
say that these men were banditti ! He is a 
wretch. From the papers he ought to be 
hanged to a lamp-post ; from the Senators 
he is not fit to breathe the free air of hea- 
ven or of this free Republic ; but your 
murderers of thirty-five hundred people for 
political offenses are fit to breathe the air 
of this country and are defended on this 
floor to-day, and they are defended here 
by the democratic party, and you cannot 
avoid or escape the proposition. You have 
denounced republicans for trying to keep 
the peace in Louisiana ; you have de- 
nounced the Administration for trying to 
suppress bloodshed in Louisiana ; you have 
denounced all for the same purpose ; but 
not one word has fallen from the lips of a 
solitary democratic Senator denouncing 
these wholesale murders in Louisiana. 
You have said, " I am sorry these things 
are done,'' but have defended the White 
Leagues ; you have defended Penn ; you 
have defended rebellion ; and you stand 
here to-day the apologists of murder, of 
rebelUon, and of treason in that State. 



I want to ask the judgment of an honest 
country, I want to ask the judgment of the 
moral sentiments of the law-abiding people 
of this grand and glorious Republic to tell 
me whether men shall murder by the score, 
whether men shall trample the law under 
foot, whether men shall force judges to re- 
sign, whether men shall force prosecuting 
attorneys to resign, whether men shall take 
five officers of a State out and hang or shoot 
them if they attempt to exercise the func- 
tions of their office, whether men shall ter- 
rify the voters and office-holders of a 
State, whether men shall undertake in vio- 
lation of law to organize a Legislature for 
revolutionary purposes, for the purpose of 
putting a governor in possession and tak- 
ing possession of the State and then ask the 
democracy to stand by them — I appeal to 
the honest judgment of the people of this 
land and ask them to respond whether this 
was not ah excusable case when this man 
used the Army to protect the life of that 
State and to preserve the peace of that 
people ? Sir, the man who will not use all 
the means in his power to preserve the na- 
tionality, the integrity of this Government, 
the integrity of a State or the peace and 
happiness of a people, is not fit to govern, 
he is not fit to hold position in this or any 
other civilized age. 

Does liberty mean wholesale slaughter ? 
Does republican government mean tyranny 
and oppression of its citizens ? Does an 
intelligent and enlightened age of civiliza- 
tion mean murder and pillage, bloodshed 
at the hands of Ku-Klux or White Leagues 
or anybody else, and if any one attempts 
to put it down, attempts to reorganize and 
produce order where chaos and confusion 
have reigned, are they to be denounced as 
tyrants, as oppressors, and as acting against 
republican institutions ? I say then the 
happy days of this Republic are gone. 
When we fail to see that republicanism 
means nothing, that liberty means nothing 
but the unrestrained license of the mobs to 
do as they please, then republican govern- 
ment is a failure. Liberty of the citizen 
means the right to exercise such rights as 
are prescribed within the limits of the law 
so that he does not in the exercise of these 
rights infringe the rights of other citizens. 
But the definition is not well made by our 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



65 



friends on the opposite side of this Cham- 
ber. Their idea of hberty is hcense ; it is 
not hberty, but it is hcense. License to do 
what ? License to violate law, to trample 
constitutions under foot, to take life, to 
take property, to use the bludgeon and the 
gun or anything else for the purpose of 
giving themselves power. What statesman 
ever heard of that as a definition of liberty .'' 
Whatman in a civilized age has ever heard 
of liberty being the unrestrained license of 
the people to do as they please without any 
restraint of law or of authority ? No man, 
no not one until we found the democratic 
party, would advocate this proposition and 
endorse and encourage this kind of license 
in a free country. 

Mr. President, I have perhaps said more 
on this question of Louisiana than might 
have been well for me to say on account of 
my strength, but what I have said about it 
1 have said because I honestly believed it. 
WhatJ have said in reference to it comes 
from an honest conviction in my mind and 
in my heart of what has been done to sup- 
press violence and wrong. But I have a 
few remarks in conclusion to submit now 
to my friends on the other side, in answer 
to what they have said not by way of ar- 
gument but by way of accusation. You 
say to us — I had it repeated to me this 
morning in private conversation — "With- 
draw your troops from Louisiana and you 
will have peace." Ah, I heard it said on 
this floor once " Withdraw your troops 
from Louisiana and your State government 
will not last a minute." I heard that said 
from the opposite side of the Chamber, and 
now you say "Withdraw your troops from 
Louisiana and you will have peace." 

Mr. President, 1 dislike to refer to things 
that are past and gone ; I dislike to have 
my mind called back to things of the past ; 
but I well remember the voice in this 
Chamber once that rang out and was heard 
throughout this land, " Withdraw your 
troops from Fort Sumter if you want 
peace.'' I heard that said. Now it is 
"Withdraw your troops from Louisiana 
if you want peace.'' Yes, I say, withdraw 
your troops from Louisiana if you want a 
revolution, and that is what is meant. 
But, sir, we are told, and doubtless it is be- 
lieved by the Senators who tell us so, who 



denounce the republican party, that it is 
tyrannical, oppressive, and outrageous. 
They have argued themselves into the idea 
that they are patriots, pure and undefiled. 
They have argued themselves into the idea 
that the democratic party never did any 
wrong. They have been out of power so 
long that they have convinced themselves 
that if they only had control of this coun- 
try for a short time, what a glorious coun- 
try they would make it. They had control 
for nearly forty long years, and while they 
were the agents of this country — I appeal 
to history to bear me out — they made the 
Government a bankrupt, with rebellion 
and treason in the land, and were then 
sympathizing with it wherever it existed. 
That is the condition in which they left 
the country when they had it in their pos- 
session and within their control. But they 
say the republican party is a tyrant ; that 
it is oppressive. As I have said, I wish to 
make a few suggestions to my friends in 
answer to this accusation — oppressive to 
whom? They say to the South, that the 
republican party has tyrannized over the 
South. Let me ask you how has it tyran- 
nized over the South ? Without speaking 
of our troubles and trials through which 
we passed, I will say this : at the end of a 
rebellion that scourged this land, that 
drenched it with blood, that devastated a 
portion of it, left us in debt and almost 
bankrupt, what did the republican party 
do ? Instead of leaving these our friends 
and citizens to-day in a territorial condi- 
tion where we might exercise jurisdiction 
over them for the next coming twenty 
years, where we might have deprived them 
of the rights of members on this floor, 
what did we do ? We reorganized them 
into States, admitted them back into the 
Union, and through the clemency of the 
republican party we admitted representa- 
tives on this floor who had thundered 
against the gates of liberty for four bloody 
years. Is that the tyranny and oppression 
of which you complain at the hands of the 
republican party? Is that a part of our op- 
pression against you southern people? 

Let us go a little further. When the 
armed democracy, for that is what they 
were, laid down their arms in the Southern 
States, after disputing the right of freedom 



66 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



and liberty in this land for four years, how 
did the republican party show itself in its 
acts of tyranny and oppression toward 
you ? You appealed to them for clemency. 
Did you get it ? Not a man was punished 
for his treason. Not a man ever knocked 
at the doors of a republican Congress for a 
pardon who did not get it. Not a man 
ever petitioned the generosity of the repub- 
lican party to be excused for his crimes 
who was not excused. Was that oppres- 
sion upon the part of the repubhcans in 
this land ? Is that a part of the oppression 
of which you accuse us ? 

Let us look a little further. We find to- 
day twenty-seven democratic Representa- 
tives in the other branch of Congress who 
took arms in their hands and tried to de- 
stroy this Government holding commis- 
sions there by the clemency of the repub- 
lican party. We find in this chamber by 
the clemency of the republican party three 
Senators who held such commissions. Is 
that tyranny ; is that oppression ; is that 
the outrage of this republican party on you 
southern people ? Sir.when Jeff. Davis, the 
head of the great rebellion, who roams the 
land free as air, North, South, East, and 
West, makes democratic speeches when- 
ever invited, and the vice-president of the 
southern rebellion holds his seat in the 
other House of Congress, are we to be told 
that we are tyrants, and oppressing the 
southern people ? These things may sound 
a little harsh, but it is time to tell the truth 
in this country. The time has come to 
talk facts. The time has come when 
cowards should hide, and the honest men 
should come to the front and tell you plain, 
honest truths. You of the South talk to 
us about oppressing you. You drenched 
your land in blood, caused weeping 
throughout this vast domain, covered the 
land in weeds of mourning both North and 
South, widowed thousands and orphaned 
many, made the pension-roll as long as an 
army-list, made the debt that grinds the 
poor of this land— for all these things you 
have been pardoned, and yet you talk to 
us about oppression. So much for the op- 
pression of the republican party of your 
patriotic souls and selves. Next comes the 
President of the United States. He is a 
tyrant, too. He is an oppressor still, in 



conjunction with the republican party. 
Oppressor of what ? Who has he oppressed 
of your Southern people, and when, and 
where ? When your Ku-Klux, banded to- 
gether for murder and plunder in the 
Southern States, were convicted by their 
own confession, your own representatives 
pleaded to the President and said: "Give 
them pardon, and it will reconcile many 
of the southern people." The President 
pardoned them ; pardoned them of their 
murder, of their plunder, of their piracy 
on land ; and for this I suppose he is a 
tyrant. 

More than that, sir,' this tyrant in the 
White House has done more for you south- 
ern people than you ought to have asked 
him to do. He has had confidence in you 
until you betrayed that confidence. He 
has not only pardoned the offenses of the 
South, pardoned the criminals of the de«i- 
ocratic party, but he has placed in high 
official position in this Union some of the 
leading men who fought in the rebellion. 
He has put in his Cabinet one of your 
men; he has made governors of Territories 
of some of your leading men who fought 
in the rebellion ; he has sent on foreign 
missions abroad some of your men who 
warred against this country ; he has placed 
others in the Departments; and has tried 
to reconcile you in every way on earth, by 
appealing to your people, by recognizing 
them and forgiving them for their offenses, 
and for these acts of generosity, for these 
acts of kindness he is arraigned to-day as 
a Caesar, as a tyrant, as an oppressor. 

Such kindness in return as the Presi- 
dent has received from these people will 
mark itself in the history of generosity. O, 
but say they. Grant wants to oppress the 
White Leagues in Louisiana ; therefore 
he is an oppressor. Yes, Mr. President, 
Grant does desire that these men should 
quit their every-day chivalric sports of 
gunning upon negroes and republicans. 
He asks kindly that you stop it. He says 
to you, " That is all I want you to do ; " and 
you say that you are desirous that they 
shall quit it. You have but to say it and 
they will quit it. It is because you have 
never said it that they have not quit it. It 
is in the power of the democratic party 
to-day but to speak in tones of majesty, ol 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



67 



honor, of justice in faver of human life, 
and your Ku-Klux and murders will 
stop- But you do not do it ; and that is 
the reason they do not stop. In States 
where it has been done they have stopped. 
But it will not do to oppress those people ; 
it will not do to make them submit and 
subject them to the law ; it will not do to 
stop these gentlemen in their daily sports 
and in their lively recreations. They are 
White Leagues ; they are banded together 
as gentlemen'; they are of southern blood; 
they are of old southern stock ; they are 
the chivalry of days gone by ; they are 
knights of the bloody shield; and the 
shield must not be taken from them. Sirs, 
their shield will be taken from them ; this 
country will be aroused to its danger; this 
country will be aroused to do justice to its 
citizens ; and when it does, the perpetra- 
tors of crime may fear and tremble. Tyr- 
anny and oppression ! A people who 
without one word of opposition allow men 
who have been the enemies of a govern- 
ment to come into these legislative halls 
and make laws for that government to be 
told that they are oppressors is a monstro- 
sity in declamation and assertion. Who 
ever heard of such a thing before ? Who 
ever believed that such men could make 
such charges ? Yet we are tyrants ! 

Mr. President, the reading of the title of 
that bill from the House only reminds me 
of more acts of tyranny and oppression of 
the republican party, and there is a contin- 
uation of the same great offenses constantly 
going on in this Chamber. But some may 
say, " It is strange to see Logan defending 
the President of the United States." It is not 
strange to me. I can disagree with the 
President when I think he is wrong; I do 
not blame him for disagreeing with me ; 
but when these attacks are made, coming 
from where they do, I am ready to stand 
from the rising sun in the morning to the 
setting sun in the evening, to defend every 
act of his in connection with this matter 
before us. 

I may have disagreed with President 
Grant in many things ; but I was calling 
attention to the men who have been ac- 
cusing him here, on this floor, on the 
stump, and in the other House ; the kind 
of men who do it, the manner of its doing. 



the sharpness of the shafts that are sent at 
him, the poisonous barbs that they bear 
with them, and from these men who, at 
his hands, have received more clemency 
than any men ever received at the hands 
of any President or any man who governed 
a country. Why, sir, I will appeal to the 
soldiers of the rebel army to testify in be- 
half of what I say indefense of President 
Grant — the honorable men who fought 
against the country, if there was honor in 
doing it. What will be their testimony ? 
It will be that he captured your armed de- 
mocracy of the South, he treated them 
kindly, turned them loose, with their pro- 
visions ; treated them as men and not as 
pirates. Grant built no prison-pens for 
the southern solders; Grant provided no 
starvation for southern men ; Grant pro- 
vided no " dead-lines ' upon which to 
shoot southern soldiers if they crossed 
them ; Grant provided no outrageous pun- 
ishment against these people that now call 
him a tyrant. Generous to a fault in all 
his actions toward the men who were fight- 
ing his country and destroying the consti- 
tution, that man to-day is denounced as a 
very Caesar. 

Sherman has not been denounced, but 
the only reason is that he was not one of 
the actors in this transaction ; but I want 
now to say to my friends on the other side, 
especially to my friend from Delaware, 
who repeated his bitter denunciation 
against Sheridan yesterday — and I say this 
in all kindness, because I am speaking 
what future history will bear me out in — 
when Sheridan and Grant and Sherman, 
and others hke them are forgotten in this 
country, you will have no country. When 
the democratic party is rotten for centu- 
ries in its grave, the life, the course, the 
conduct of these men will live as bright as 
the noonday sun in the heart of every pa- 
triot of a republic like the American Union. 
Sirs, you may talk about tyranny, you may 
talk about oppression, you may denounce 
these men ; their glory may fade into the 
darkness of night ; but that darkness will 
be a brilliant light compared with the 
darkness of the democratic party. Their 
pathway is illuminated by glory ; yours by 
dark deeds against the Government. That 
a difference which the country will 



is 



68 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



bear witness to in future history when 
speaking of the country and the actors on 
its stage. 

Now Mr. President, I have a word to 
say about our duty. A great many people 
are asking, what shall we do ? Plain and 
simple in my judgment is the proposition. 
I say to republicans, do not be scared. No 
tiian is ever hurt by doing an honest act 
and performing a patriotic duty. If we 
are to have a war of words outside or in- 
side, let us have them in truth and sober- 
ness, but in earnest. What then is our 
duty? I did not believe that in 1872 there 
were official data upon which we could de- 
cide who was elected governor of Louisi- 
ana. But this is not the point of my argu- 
ment. It is that the President has recog- 
nized Kellogg as governor of that State, and 
he has acted for two years. The Legisla 
ture of the State has recognized him ; the 
supreme court of the State has recognized 
him ; one branch of Congress has recog- 
nized him. The duty is plain, and that is 
for this, the other branch of Congress, to 
do it, and that settles the question. Then, 
when it does it, your duty is plain and 
simple, and as the President has told you, 
he will perform his without fear, favor, or 
affection. Recognize the government that 
revolution has been against and intended 
to overthrow, and leave the President to 
his duty, and he will do it. That is what 
to do. 

Sir, we have been told that this old craft 
is rapidly going to pieces ; that the angry 
waves of dissension in the land are lash- 
ing against her sides. We are told that 
she is sinking, sinking, sinking to the bot- 
tom of the political ocean. Is that t^ue ? 
Is it true that this gallant old party, that 
this gallant old ship that has sailed through 
troubled seas before is going to be stranded 
now upon the rock of fury that has been 
set up by a clamor in this Chamber and a 
few newspapers in the country ? Is it true 
that the party that saved this country in 
all its great crises, in all its great trials, is 
sinking to-day on account of its fear and 
trembling before an inferior enemy ? I 
hope not. I remember, sir, once I was 
toM that the old Republican ship was 
gone ; but when I steadied myself on the 
shores bounding the political ocean of 



strife and commotion, I looked afar off 
and there I could see a vessel bounding 
the boisterous billows with white sails 
unfurled, marked on her sides " Freighted 
with the hopes of mankind," while the 
great Mariner above, as her helmsman, 
steered her, navigated her to a haven of 
rest, of peace, and of safety. You have 
but to look again upon that broad ocean 
of political commotion to-day, and the 
time will soon come when the same old 
craft, provided with the same cargo, will 
be seen, flying the same flag, passing 
through these tempestuous waves, anchor- 
ing herself at the shores of honesty and 
justice, and there she will lie undisturbed 
by strife and tumult, again in peace and 
safety. [Manifestations of applause in the 
galleries.] 

He attends to more wants of individuals 
than any man ever in Congress. This is 
emphatically and especially true with re- 
gard to soldiers. Their cause is his cause; 
their wants his wants ; their just recogni- 
tion and reward his constant battle. From 
every section of the country, from Maine 
to Mississippi ; from the shores of the 
Atlantic to those of the Pacific ; from 
every state in a Union undivided come 
letters to him from those who wore the 
blue and those who wore the gray, and 
none are ever rejected. He is too mag- 
nanimous to permit anything of the past 
to influence his mind or his charity ; his 
love of his race is too catholic and broad 
to be swayed by the recollections of 
former years ; he was and is too much a 
good soldier not to respect bravery in 
others ; too much of a man to harbor 
anything of revenge or become narrow- 
minded by prejudice or petty malice. If 
sometimes his soul is permitted to speak 
through his lips when justice and duty 
require, back of it beats a warm and re- 
sponsive heart, and no one, friend or foe, 
ever appealed to him in vain, for in his 
composition the elements that mark the 
North and the South are strongly blended 
— the inflexible honesty and icy firmness 
of the one, with the chivalry, the fiery 
warmth and the open-handed generosity 
of the other. 

Logan'* Domestic XAfit. 

General Logan resides in Washington, 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



69 



on Twelfth street, where he entertains his 
friends in excellent style, and his hos- 
pitality is well known by the people of the 
Capital. In his domestic relations General 
Logan has been one of the most happy 
and fortunate of men. In 1855 he married 
Miss Mary Cunningham, of Shawneetown, 
111., and she has proved a most valuable 
helpmeet. There is no woman in public 
life who possesses more admirable traits 
than Mrs. Logan, and, what is unusuah 
her popularity with her own sex is quite 
as great as with the other. She has two 
children, a daughter, who is the wife of 
Paymaster Tucker, of the army, now 
stationed at Santa Fe, and a son, Manning, 
who is a cadet at West Point, having in- 
herited his father's military ambition. 
Both of them have been educated by her, 
or under her personal supervision. They 
appear to have inherited the excellent 
qualities of both parents, and they have 
had the best of parental instruction. 

The country owes General Logan a debt 
of gratitude for his valuable services in 
the army, which it can never cancel. No 
man stood out more boldly in the field 
and in the national councils for the preser- 
vation of the Union, than he. The war 
had broken the last ties that bound him 
to party, and the first flash of the enemy's 
guns found him side by side with Lincoln, 
and ready to devote himself on field or 
forum to his country. With him there 
was no middle ground, no compromise, 
no recognition of those in rebellion against 
the country — he was for the Union under 
all circumstances, at all hazards, and at 
whatever cost of blood and treasure. If 
the government was worth living for it 
was worth dying for, and so he supple- 
mented his worth as a statesman, by his 
value as a soldier. It should be remem- 
bered that he did not wait for distinction 
or title, or rank as a defender of his coun- 
try ; he did not wait until he could ascer- 
tain if there were sufficient men without 
him, but he shouldered his musket as a 
private soldier, and took his place in the 
ranks. He sought no favored position 
where he could escape danger and share 
the honors of the field without encounter- 
ing its dangers, for his bravery was 
coequal with his patriotism. Instances 



are so rare where men voluhtarily leave 
positions of honor, dignity, and security 
for those of privation and danger, that 
this act stands out in bold relief, stamping 
him with the diadem of true greatness. 

It was no wonder, therefore, that a rep- 
resentative body of the Republican party 
should give him recognition, and that he 
should have such a respectable following 
for the first place on the ticket, a special 
compliment, when one with the brilliant 
genius and forensic power of Blaine was 
named for the place. To poll almost one- 
fourth of the votes in the convention, 
showed that he had a following in the 
nation of which any man might justly be 
proud. To be preferred to James G. Blaine 
was no empty compliment, and he could 
in no way better show his appreciation of 
it than by joining his forces with the 
"Plumed Knight" and giving him the 
victory. It was the result of no bargain 
and sale ; it was the commendable act of 
one great man aiding in the elevation of 
the other. He had shown the same hon- 
orable and fraternal feeling when he 
brought to General Garfield in the last 
campaign, and a mention of the concila- 
tory attitude which he maintained in re- 
spect to the complications of the brief Gar- 
field administration. Reviewing his career 
the writer notes these additional elements 
of strength : Senator Logan's hands are 
absolutely clean ; his public record is 
consistent and unassailable ; his personal 
magnetism would evoke great enthusiasm 
and draw back to the party a host of old 
Douglas War Democrats ; his Irish blood 
would win Irish votes ; his simple, sturdy 
character and his efforts for the distribu- 
tion of the surplus revenue make him 
strong with the laboring classes ; his advo- 
cacy of the interests of the Mississippi 
Valley has given him great popularity in 
that section; and the colored people know 
that he would find a way under the Con- 
stitution and the laws to protect them in 
their political and civil rights. 

The Convention appreciated this act of 
General Logan. It had the true ring of a 
true man, and without regard to their pre- 
ferences in the selection of a candidate 
for President, they almost unanimously 
resolved that he should take his place on 



70 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 



the ticket be'side Mr. Blaine. The ticket 
had a magnetic head, and the delegates 
resolved that it should be magnetic 
throughout. Logan's name was no sooner 
mentioned for the place than it spread 
like wildfire through the- building. In a 
moment his nomination was a foregone 
conclusion, and amidst the booming of 
cannon, the screeching of rockets and 
the shouts of the enthused multitude, the 
" Black Eagle of Illinois "was added to 
the ticket headed by the " Plumed Knight 
of Maine." 

" In the words of a comrade : It is not less 
in General Logan than in Mr. Blaine truly 
a representative ticket. The candidate for 
Vice President is an ideal soldier and a 
statesman universally respected. He is a 
plain, straightforward man, beloved by the 
great army of heroes who survived the war 
of the Rebellion and who honor him for his 
courage and brilliancy in the field as the 
country honors him for the long and dis- 
tinguished service he has rendered it 
in its Senate. General Logan will 
rally to the support of the ticket, 



with old-time enthusiasm and ear- 
nestness, the soldiers, who will now have 
a chance to vote for the man they fought 
with, and who they remember as one who 
never turned his back on the enemy, and 
who never lost a battle. General Logan 
owes all ihat he is to his own industry, 
courage and ambition. He has worked his 
way upward to the highest honors and use- 
fulness unaided. He planned, laid the 
foundation and builded his own fortunes, 
and is a conspicuous example of the sturdy 
American growth of men. His nomination 
was recognized to be so fit as to cause it to 
be made by acclamation. With equal una- 
nimity will Republicans vote for him. The 
great campaign has been opened, and, with 
such leaders as Blaine of the East and 
Logan of the West, the way to victory is 
made level and straight to the Republican 
party. 

The continuous chain of victories that 
have marked his course in the past will 
add another shining link when Novem- 
ber's battle shall have closed in triumph. 



PEOCEEDIKGS OF CHICAGO COE'YEI^TIOIT, 1884. 



Meeting of the National RepuMlcan Com- 
mittee. 

The National Republican Committee 
met pursuant to adjournment at Chicago, 
June 2, 1884, and selected a temporary 
Chairman to present to the Convention. 

Mr. Morey , of Louisiana, nominated Gen- 
eral Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. 

Mr. Runnells, of Iowa, nominated Sen- 
ator Hoar, of Massachusetts. 

Mr. Stone, of Michigan, nominated Con- 
gressman Horr. 

Mr. Magee, of Pennsylvania, nominated 
Hon. Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania. 

The vote by States and Territories, 
stood as follows : For Clayton — Califor- 
nia, Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, 
Maine, Nebraska, New Jersey, New York, 
Ohio, Oregon, Wisconsin, Louisiana, Mis- 
sissippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia, Arizo- 
na, Dakota, Idaho, Montana, New Mexi- 
co, Utah, Washington and Wyoming — 27. 

For Senator Hoar — Alabama, Connecti- 
cut, Florida, Iowa, Kentucky, Maryland, 
Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New 
Hampshire, Vermont and the District of 
Columbia — 13, 

For Congressman Horr — Arkansas and 
Michigan — 2. 

For Galusha A. Grow — Delaware and 
Pennsylvania — 2. 

The members of the Committee from 
Georgia, Tennessee and Texas were absent. 

Mr. Clayton, having received a major- 
ity of all the votes, was declared elected. 

ProcevdlngH of the National R<-publlvan 
Convention, at Chicago. 

The National Republican Convention 
was called to order at 12 25 p.m., June 3, 
1884, by United States Senator Sabin, 
Chairman of the National Committee of 
Minnesota. 

After prayer by Rev. F. Bristol, of Chi- 
cago, the call for the Convention was 
read, when the Chairman addressed the 
Convention as follows : ' 



Gentlemen of the Convention : On 
behalf of the National Republican Com- 
mittee, permit me to welcome you to Chi- 
cago. As chairman of that Committee it 
is both my duty and pleasure to call you 
to order as a National Republican Con- 
vention. This city, already known as the 
" City of Conventions," is among the 
most cherished of all the spots of our 
country sacred to the memories of a 
Republican. It is the birthplace of Re- 
publican victory. On these fields of labor 
gathered the early fathers of our political 
faith, and planned the great battle for the 
preservation of the Union. [Applause.] 
Here they chose that immortal chief that 
led us on to victory — Abraham Lincoln. 
[Applause.] Here were gathered in coun- 
sel those gifted men who secured the 
fruits of that long trouble by elevating to 
the first place in the nation the foremost 
chieftain of that great contest — General 
Grant. [Loud applause ] Here was 
afterward witnessed that signal triumph 
which anticipated the wish of the nation 
by nominating as color-bearer of the 
parly that honored soldier, that shining 
citizen, that representative American — 
James A. Garfield. [Loud applause.] 
Every deliberation of Republican forces 
on this historic ground has been followed 
by signal victory, and every convention 
on this spot has carried forward our line 
of battle, and to-day our forces overlook 
every position of the enemy. Indeed, so 
secure now is the integrity of the Union, 
so firmly imbedded in the Constitution 
and laws of the land are the safeguards of 
individual liberty so fairly and fully 
achieved, that by general consent the 
time has now arrived for the new disposi- 
tion of party forces in contemplation of 
new lines of operation. 

Having compassed the defeat of our op- 
ponents on all former occasions, the party 
is about to set its house in order and take 
counsel as to the direction and the 
management of its future course. In the 
comparative lull of party strife which dis- 
tinguishes the present condition of Nation- 
al politics there is discernible an increas- 

71 



72 



PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 



ing disposition to look after the men who 
are to execute, and the methods that are 
to guide them in the execution of the 
powers committed to them for the manage- 
ment of the affairs of the Repubhc. As a 
result of the rule adopted in the last Na- 
tional Republican Convention, this Con- 
vention finds itself constituted bv a large 
majority of gentlemen who have been 
clothed with the delegated powers of the 
conventions in their several Congressional 
Districts. On this consideration may be 
grounded a hope that the voice of the peo- 
ple [applause] will beyond recent prece- 
dent be felt in moulding the work you are 
assembled to perform, so that its results 
may be such as to win the unhesitating 
and undivided support of every lover of 
those principles by which the party has 
heretofore triumphed and yet will triumph. 
[Applause]. When we consider the me- 
mories of the past, so intimately connected 
with this city, and even with this edifice 
which the people of Chicago have so gene- 
rously placed at our disposal ; when we 
reflect upon the deep-seated concern 
among all people in the result of your de- 
liberations and the various incentives to 
the abandonment of personal ambitions in 
the interest of the party welfare, you can- 
not wonder that the Committee, and be- 
yond it the great Republican masses, ex- 
tend you a most hearty welcome to this 
scene of labor, in the constant hope that 
your efforts will result in such an exposi- 
tion of Republican doctrine and disclose 
such a just appreciation of Republican 
men in the choice of your nominees as to 
rejoice the hearts of your constituents and 
keep victory on the side of your ever-vic- 
torious banner. 

In conclusion, at the request of the Na- 
tional Republican Committee, I have to 
propose to you as temporary chairman of 
this convention, the Hon. Powell Clayton, 
of Arkansas. [Loud applause.] 

The nomination of General Clayton 
gave rise to an animated discussion, and 
Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts, nominated 
John R. Lynch of Mississippi, closing his 
remarks as follows : — 

With no view of introducing any per- 
sonal contest, wi h no view of attempting 
to make any test of the votes as to the 
strength of the respective candidates, I 
have the honor to move, as it is certainly 
most desirable that we should recognize, 
as you have done, Mr. Chairman, the 



Republicans of the South [applause], I 
therefore desire to present the name of a 
gentleman well known throughout the 
South for his conspicuous parliamentary 
ability, for his courage and his character. 
I move you, Mr. Chairman, to substitute 
the name of the Hon. John R. Lynch, of 
Mississippi, and I ask, sir, that when the 
vote is taken the roll may be called on 
that question. 

A lengthy debate followed the presenta- 
tion of the name of Mr. Lvnch in opposi- 
tion to the nominee of the National Com- 
mittee. The friends of General Clayton 
insisted that it had been the unbroken 
rule for the Convention to accept the per- 
son presented by the committee, and that 
no good reason existed for departing from 
the established custom, when the advo- 
cates of Mr. Lynch contended that the 
Convention had not only the right, but . 
was the proper body to nominate and 
elect a temporary presiding officer. 

The Chair then directed a call of the 
roll of delegates, commencing with Ala- 
bama, which resulted in the election of 
Mr. Lynch. The vote was ; for Lynch, 
43! votes; for Clayton, 387 votes. On 
motion of General Clayton the election of 
Mr. Lynch was made unanimous, and he 
was escorted to the platform by General 
Clayton, Henry C. Lodge of Massachu- 
setts, and Henry Taft of South Carolina. 

Mr. Lyiicli Clioseu. 

On assuming the chair Mr. Lynch said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : I 
feel that I ought not to say I thank you for 
this distinguished honor that you have 
conferred upon me, for I do not. Never- 
theless, from the standpoint that no patriot 
should fail to respond to his country's call, 
and that no loyal member of his party 
Hhould fail to comply- with the demand of 
his party, I yield with reluctance to your 
decision and assume the duties of the 
position to which you have assigned me. 
Every member of this convention who ap- 
proached me on this subject within the last 
two hours knows that this position was 
neither expected nor desired by me. If, 
therefore, there is anything like a man 
having honors thrust upon him, you have 
an exemplification of it in this instance. 
[Laughter and a])plause ] I came to this 
Convention, not for the purpose of secur- 
ing the defeat of any man or the success of 
any man, but for the purpose of contribut- 
ing (to the extent of my vote and influence) 
to make RcpubUcan success in November 



PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 



73 



next an assured fact. (Cheers.] I hope 
and believe that the assembled wisdom of 
the Republican party of this Nation, 
through its chosen representatives in this 
hall, will so shape its platform and will 
present such candidates before the Ameri- 
can people as will make that victory be- 
yond the shadow of a doubt. So far as 
the candidates for the Presidential nomina- 
tion are concerned, I do not wish any gen- 
tleman to feel that my election (by your 
vote) is indicative of anything relative to 
the preference of one candidate over 
another. I am prepared, and I hope that 
every member of this Convention is pre- 
pared to give to the candidates of this 
Convention a loyal and hearty sup- 
port, whoever they may be. [Cheers.] 
I am satisfied in my own mind 
that when we go before the people of this 
country our action will be ratified, because 
the great heart of the American people 
will never consent to have a political party 
gain the ascendency in this Government, 
whose ch'ef reliance is on a fraudulent 
ballot and on violence at the polls. [Ap- 
plause.] I am satisfied that the people of 
this country are too loyal ever to allow a 
man to be inaugurated President whose 
title to the position is brought forth in 
fraud. 

I am satisfied that the American people 
will ratify our action because they will 
never consent to have a revenue system 
for the government other than one that 
will not only raise the necessary revenue 
for its support, but will also be sufficient to 
protect every American citizen in his busi- 
ness. [Cheers.] 

Gentlemen, not for myself but perhaps 
in the obedience to custom, I thank you 
for the honor you have conferred upon me. 

The several delegations then presented 
three candidates for places on the several 
committees. 

Mr. Williams, Chairman ot the Com- 
mittee on Permanent Organization, re- 
ported as permanent Chairman of the 
Convention General J. B. Henderson, of 
Missouri, who was elected and escorted to 
the chair amidst the applause of the mul- 
titude : 

General Ileuilersou's Speecli. 

On taking the chair, General Hender- 
son said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : — 
We have assembled to survey the past 



history of the party ; to rejoice, as we 
may, because of the good it has done ; to 
correct its errors, if errors there be ; to 
discover, if possible, the wants of the 
present, and with patriotic firmness, pro- 
vide for the future. 

Our past history is the Union preserved, 
slavery abolished, and its former victims 
equally and honorably by our sides in this 
Convention ; the public faith maintained, 
unbounded credit at home and abroad, a 
currency convertible into coin, and the 
pulses of industry throbbing with renewed 
health and vigor in every section of a 
prosperous and peaceful country. These 
are the fruits of triumphs over adverse 
policies, gained in the military and civil 
conflicts of the last twenty-four years. 

Out of these conflicts has come a race 
of heroes and statesmen challenging con- 
fidence and love at home, respect and ad- 
miration abroad. And now, when wc 
come to select a standard-bearer for the 
approaching conflict, our chief embarrass- 
ment is not in the want but in the abun- 
dance of Presidential material. New 
York has her true and tried statesman, 
upon whose administration the fierce and 
even unfriendly light of public scrutiny 
has been turned, and the universal verdict 
is " Well done, thou good and faithful 
servant." Vermont has her great states- 
man whose mind is as clear as the crys- 
tal springs of his native State, and whose 
virtue is as firm as its granite hills. Ohio 
can come with a name whose history is 
the history of the Republican party itself. 
Illinois can come with one who never 
failed in the discharge of public duty, 
whether in council chamber or on field of 
battle. Maine has her honored favorite 
who-;e splendid abilities and personal qual- 
ities have endeared him to the hearts of 
his friends, and the brilliancy of whose 
genius challenges the admiration of all. 
Connecticut and Indiana may come with 
names scarcely less illustrious than these. 

And now, in conclusion', if because of 
personal disagreements in the emergen- 
cies of the occasion another name is 
sought, there remained that grand old 
hero of Kenesaw Mountain and Atlanta. 
Wlien patriotism calls he cannot, if he 
would, be silent, but grasping that banner 
to liiiTi so dear, which he has already borne 
in triumph, he will march to a civic vic- 
tory no less renowned than those of war. 

I thank you, gentlemen, for this distin- 
guished mark of your confidence. 



74 



PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 



The Convention then took a recess until 
7 o'clock, P. M. 

Evening Session. 

General Henderson called the Conven- 
tion to order at 7:35, and made the follow- 
ing announcements: 

Gentlemen — There is a communication 
in the hands of the Secretary from the 
Committee on Credentials, which will be 
read to the Convention. 

The Secretary read the communication 
as follows : 

" To THE Chairman of the Republican 

National Convention : — 

"The Committee on Credentials have 
the honor to notify the Convention that as 
important business is occupying the time 
of the Committee, the Committee will not 
be able to report to the Convention this 
evening." 

After a proposition to issue 500 extra 
tickets of admission to the hall to veteran 
soldiers had been voted down the Conven- 
tion adjourned to ten o'clock to-morrow. 

Third Day's Proceedings. 

Thursday. — Chairman Henderson 
called the Convention to order at ten min- 
utes to eleven a. m. The delegates and 
audience dropped into their seats with 
commendable alacrity, when the Chair 
said : — " The Convention this morning 
will be opened with prayer by the Rev. 
Dr. Fallows." 

Bishop Fallows made the opening 
prayer. 

Contests Decided. 

The report of the Committee on Creden- 
tials was presented. It contained the fol- 
lowing recommendations : — 

In the case of the First district of Ala- 
bama your Committee find the sitting 
members, James E. Slaughter, Frank H. 
Threet, and their alternates, as on the roll 
of the National Committee, entitled to 
their seats. 

In the case of the Seventh district of 
Alabama the committee find the sitting 
members. Robert A. Moseley, Jr., and 
Arthur Bingham, and their alternates, as 
on the roll of the National Committee en- 
titled to their seats. 

In the case of the Fourth district of 
Texas the committee find the sitting 
members, A. G. Malloy and J. R. Carter, 
and their alternates, entitled to their seats. 



In the case of the First district of Geor- 
gia the committee find the S'tting mem- 
beis, A. W. Wilson and James Blue, and 
their alternates, entitled to their seats. 

In the case of the Second district of 
Illinois the committee find the sitting 
members, W. H. Ruger, C. E. Piper, and 
their alternates, entitled to their seats. 

In the case of the First district of Ken- 
tucky the committee find the sitting m.em- 
bers, Edwin Farley and A. C. Bragg, with 
their alternates, entitled to their seats. 

In the case of the Fourth district of 
Maryland the committee find the sitting 
members, James J. W. Jordan and Henry 
W. Rogers, with their alternates, entitled 
to their seats. 

In the case of the Sixth district of New 
York the committee find the sitting mem- 
bers, John J. O'Brien and John H. Brady, 
with their alternates, entitled to their seats. 

In the case of the Nineteenth district of 
New York the committee recommend that 
sitting delegates George Campbell and 
Hiram Griggs, with their alternates, 
Andrew S. Draper and Madison Covert, 
and the contestants James Lamb and 
James A. Houck, with their alternates, 
William H. Haskell and Nathan B. Wen- 
dell, be each admitted to seats in the con- 
vention, with a half vote to each delegate. 
(Applause.) 

In the case of the Twenty-first district 
of Pennsylvania the committee find the 
sitting 'member — there was only a contest 
as to one member — James E. Sayres, with 
his alternate, entitled to his seat. 

In the case of the contest of the State 
of Virginia the committee by unanimous 
vote, find that the delegation from said 
State headed by Senator William Mahone 
are each and all entitled to their seats in 
this Convention, in accordance with the 
roll of delegates and alternates as made up 
by the National Republican Committee. 

In the case of the Fifth district of Ken- 
tucky the committee make the unanimous 
recommendation that the sitting members, 
Silas F. Miller and John Mason Brown, 
with their alternates, Juhn Barrett and 
George W. Brown and the contestants. 
Augustus E. Wilson and M. Minton and 
their alternates, Hugh Mulholland and 
August Kahlert, be each admitted as dele- 
gates and alternates to this Convention, 
with a right to cast a half vote each. This 
recommendation is consented to by the 
sitting members and by the contestants. 



PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 



75 



The report was adopted with but one 
member voting against the proposition. 

The Convention took a recess until six 
o'clock. 



EVENING SESSION. 

The Nomination of Candidates. 

Connecticut Presents Hawlry — Speeches for Logan and 
B.'ciine — Arthur Nii»teti by Toiunsend. 

Chairman Henderson called the conven- 
tion to order at 7:35 p. m., and announced 
that the presentation of candidates for 
President was in order. Mr. Dutcher, of 
New York, offered the following, which 
was adopted : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Seats 
be directed to issue five hundred tickets of 
admission to veteran soldiers and sailors, 
to be distributed through the chairmen of 
the several State delegations. 

The National Committee. 

The roll was then called for members 
of the National Committee, with the fol- 
lowing result : — 

Alabama William Youngblood. 

Arkansas Powell Clayton. 

California Horace Davis. 

Colorado J. B. Chaffee. 

Connecticut Samuel Fessenden. 

Delaware Daniel J. Leighton. 

Florida Jesse G. Cole. 

Georgia F. F. Putney. 

Illinois David T. Littler. 

Indiana John C. New. 

Jovva J. S. Clarkson. 

Kansas John A. Martin. 

Kentucky E. Moore. 

Louisiana Frank Morey, 

Maine J. Manchester Haden. 

Maryland J. E. Geary. 

Massachusetts W. W. Crapo. 

Michigan John B. Sanborn. 

Minnesota M. J. Norton. 

Mississippi J. R. Lynch. 

Missouri Robert T.Van Home. 

Nebraska Church Howe. 

Nevada Thomas Wren. 

New Hampshire. ..Edwin H. Follett. 

New Jersey Garrett A. Hobart. 

New York John D. Lawson. 

North Carolina ....Scott M Humphrey. 

Ohio A. L. Conger. 

Oregon J. T. Apperson. 

Pennsylvania B. F. Jones. 

Rhode Island H. A. Jenckes. 

South Carolina ....John B. Johnston. 

Tennessee W. D. Brownlow. 

Texas C. C. Binckley. 

Vermont George W Hooker. 

Virginia F. S. Blair. 

West Virginia John W. Mason 

Wisconsin Edward Saunderson. 



Dakota Judge Bennett. 

District of Columbia, Col. Perry Carson. 

Idaho Sherman A Coffin. 

Montana James A. Mill. 

New Mexico William H. Ryners. 

Utah Charles W. Bennett. 

Washington P. W. Miner 

Wyoming Joseph F. Carey. 

The Beginning of the Knd. 

When the call of States for nominations 
was had and M-iine was called, the Chair- 
man sank into his seat knowing what 
would follow. There was an instant, clear, 
loud, wild burst of applause that seemed 
to come from the throat of every man in 
the hall. To describe, in its fullness of en- 
thusiasm, in its spontaneity of sentiment, 
in its fervor of devotion, the scene that fol- 
lowed — a scene such as was never before 
witnessed in a national convention — is 
well nigh impossible. 

First came the cheer rattling through the 
hall like a volley of infantry ; then deepen- 
ing as it grew in force, like a roar of can- 
non, and swelling as it progressed like the 
crash of a thunderbolt across the skies. 
From the stage to the end of the hall, a 
distance of the eighth of a mile, the cheer- 
ing, rolling in dense waves of sound, 
hoarse and shrill, sharp and clear, com- 
mingling in a wild tumult of applause, 
which, in the minds of all who heard it and 
of those who witnessed the great scene, 
meant the nomination of James G. Blaine. 

Looking over the human sea from the 
stage to the balconies, there was a surging 
mob of men and women waving hats, um- 
brellas, parasols and flags. Against the 
dark background a thousand white hand- 
kerchiefs swung over the heads of the ex- 
cited audience, dotted the hall with specks 
of white, like the caps of the breakers on a 
stormy sea. Men put their hats on the 
tops of canes and waved them high over 
their heads. Women tore their bright 
fichus and laces from around their snowy 
necks, and, leaning far forward over the 
galleries, frantically swung them to and 
fro to give emphasis to their shrill screams 
of joy. 

From outside the glass windows under 
the dome of the hall, where an adventur- 
ous crowd of men and boys had gathered 
to witness the proceedings, loud cat-calls 
and screams were heard above the roar 



76 



PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 



beneath. Men hung dangerously over the 
front of the galleries and waved the ends 
of the banners that had been fastened there 
as decorations to the hall. 

The following candidates were placed in 
nomination : 

James G. Blaine, of Maine. 
Chester A. Arthur, of New York. 
John Sherman, of Ohio. 
George F. Edmunds, of Vertnont. 
John A. Logan, of Illinois. 
Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. 

Each candidate was introduced by an 
eloquent eulogy, which consumed the en- 
tire evening session. (The speeches nom- 
inating Blaine and Logan are given else- 
where.) 

The nominations being completed the 
convention adjourned until Friday morn- 
ing, at lo o'clock. 



FOURTH DAY. 

The interest and excitement culmina- 
ted on Friday, as the convention had 
made its nominations, and the deciding 
ballots were to be cast. 

At ii:2o A. M., Senator Henderson 
called the convention to order. 

After prayer by the Rev. Henry Martin 
Scudder, pastor of Plymouth Church, the 
chairman directed the secretary to call the 
roll, so that the States and Territories 
which were passed yesterday could hand 
in the names of their members of the 
National Committee. A delegate from 
California at this point asked to offer a reso- 
lution without comment, but Mr. Davis of 
Illinois, demanded the regular order. 

The First Ballot. 

The delegate from California above 
mentioned then announced that at the re- 
quest of his delegation he withdrew the 
resolution he had not been permitted to 
offer. The chairman then directed that the 
roll be called for a ballot on candidates for 
the Presidency. The ballot resulted as 
follows : 

James G Blaine 334-} 

Chester A. Arthur 278 

George F. Edmunds 93 

John Sherman 30 

John A. Logan 63J 

Jose})h R. Hawley 13 

RobertT. Lincoln 4 

William T. Sherman 2 

Total 8i8 

Necessary to a choice 410 



The Second Ballot. 

The second ballot was commenced at 
12:23. 

During the roll call much delay was 
caused by frequent calls for a poll of the 
delegates in certain States. As the first 
ballot resulted in no choice, the chairman 
directed that another one be taken. It 
resulted as follows : 

Whole number of votes cast 819 

Necessary to a choice 410 

For James G. Blaine, of Maine 349 

For Chester A. Arthur, of New York. ..275 
For George F. Edmunds, of Vermont.. 85 

For John A. Logan, of Illinois 6r 

For John Sherman, of Ohio 28 

For Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut 13 

For Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois 4 

For William T. Sherman of Missouri... 2 

The result of the ballot showed a gain 
for Blaine, and wild cheering greeted its 
announcement. When order was restored, 
the convention proceeded to a third ballot 
with the following result : 

Whole number of votes cast 820 

Necessary to a choice 411 

For James G. Blaine, of Maine 375 

For Chester A. Arthur, of New York. ..274 
For George F. Edmunds, of Vermont.. 69 

For John A. Logan, of Illinois 53 

For John Sherman, of Ohio 25 

For Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut 13 

For Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois 8 

For William T. Sherman, of Missouri.. 2 

During the roll call the count in Ken- 
tucky and Massachusetts was challenged ; 
but when dissatisfaction was expressed, 
the delegates making the challenges with- 
drew them. When Michigan cast eighteen 
votes for Blaine, there was tremendous 
cheering. The ten votes of Nebraska for 
Blaine were received with much cheering. 
After Nevada had been called, delegates 
were seen rushing through the aisles in 
every direction. The confusion and noise 
was so great by the time North Carolina 
was reached, that the Chairman directed 
the sergeant-at-arms to see that the dele- 
gates took their seats. 

A Motion to Adjourn Lost. 

When the result of the third ballot was 
announced, there was a scene of wild con- 
fusion. When an opportunity offered, 
Judge Foraker, of Ohio, moved to take a 
recess until 7 P. M. Mr. Dutcher, of New 
York, seconded the motion. 



PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 



77 



Mr. McKinley of Ohio said: — 
I hope no friend of James G. Blaine 
will object to having the roll call of States 
made. [Cries of " Good, good," and 
cheers.] Let us raise no technical objec- 
tion. [Cries of " That's right," and 
cheers] And, as a friend of James G. 
Blaine I insist that all his friends shall 
unite in having the roll of States called 
and voting against adjournment. [Loud 
cheers.] 

Mr. Conger accepted Mr. McKinley's 
proposition, and the vote on adjournment 
was taken. The result, 364 to 450, was re- 
ceived with wild cheering. 

Fourth and Final Ballot. 

Judge Foraker then moved that the rules 
be suspended and James G. Blaine be 
nominated by acclamation. This was re- 
ceived with applause and objections, and 
Mr. Roosevelt declared that it could not 
be done. Motions of various kinds fol- 
lowed, and at last Judge Foraker withdrew 
his motion. During the confusion that 
followed the chairman directed that the 
roll be called for the fourth ballot. It re- 
sulted as follows : 

Whole number of votes cast 813 

Necessary to a choice 407 

For James G. Blaine, of Maine 541 

For Chester A. Arthur, of New York... 207 

For George F. Edmunds, of Vermont, 41 

For John A. Logan, of Illinois 7 

For Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut, 1 5 

Blalne'8 Nomination ntade Unaulmons. 

The announcement of the result of the 
fourth ballot was received with a whirl- 
wind of applause. Every person in the 
audience — delegates and visitors — rose to 
their feet simultaneously and, all being 
Blaine men now, shouted and sang their 
delight at the success of the man from 
Maine. It took nearly thirty minutes to 
get to business. The chairman then asked 
if the nomination should be made unani- 
mous. Mr. Burleigh, of New York, took 
the platform and said : 

In behalf of the President of the United 
States, and at his request, I move to make 
the nomination of James G. Blaine, of 
Maine, unanimous, and I promise for the 
friends of President Arthur, who are 
always loyal at the polls, and for Northern 
New-York, 20,000 Republican majority ; 



and I promise you all that we will do all 
we can for the ticket and for the nominee, 
and will show you in November next that 
New-York is a Republican State. It 
elected James A. Garfield, and it will elect 
James G. Blaine, of Maine. [Applause.] 
Mr. Sabin, of Minnesota, said : 
Four years ago, in this very hall and as 
a delegate to the National Republican 
Convention, I was opposed to Chester A. 
Arthur and to the elements with which he 
then associated. Since then he has been 
called, under the most trying circumstan- 
ces, to fill the first place in the gift of the 
people of this country. So well, so nobly, , 
so faithfully has he fulfilled that trust, and 
so happily has he disappointed not only 
those of his opponents but his friends, so 
fully has he filled the position of the 
scholar and the gentleman, that he is pos- 
sessed of that great, good common sense 
which has made his administration a great 
and pronounced success, that he has grown 
upon me until to-day, I honor and revere 
Chester A. Arthur. [Applause.] As a friend 
of his, I no less honor and revere that 
prince of gentlemen, that scholar, that 
gifted statesman James G. Blaine, whose 
nomination it affords me the greatest 
pleasure to second, with the prediction 
that his name before this country in No- 
vember will produce that same spontane- 
ous enthusiasm which will make him Pre- 
sident of the United States on the 4th of 
March next. [Loud and prolonged ap- 
plause, and cries of "Curtis."] 

Mr. Plumb, of Kansas, said : 

This convention has discharged two ot 
its most important trusts and is now, 
notwithstanding the length of time it has 
been in session and the exciting scenes 
through which it has passed, in thorough 
good humor, and I believe we are ready 
to go on and conclude the business which 
brought us all here. [Mr. Houck, of Ten- 
nessee, here called for the regular order — 
the question on making the nomination 
unanimous.] Before proceeding wiih 
that I desire to respond to the sentiment 
which pervades the entire convention. I 
move that the nomination be made unani- 
mous, and I hope there will not be a dis- 
senting voice in all this vast assemblage. 



78 



PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 



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PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 



79 



The chairman then read the following 
dispatch : 

The President has sent the following 
dispatch to Mr. Blaine; " As the candidate 
of the Republican party, you will have my 
earnest and cordial support.'' 

The nomination was then made unani- 
mous, and, on motion of Mr. Husted, of 
New-York, the Convention adjourned 
until 8 p. m. 



EVENING SESSION. 
Logan IVoiMiiiatocl for Vice-i'resident. 

Nominated by Acclavtation — No other Candidates. 

The convention was called to order at 
8:15 p.m., when prayer was oftered by the 
Rev Dr. Charles OT<eilly, of Detroit, Dr. 
O'Reilly is the treasurer of the Irish Na- 
tional League of America, and is the first 
Catholic to open a Republican National 
Convention with prayer. The chairman 
called for the names of members of the 
National Committee which had not been 
already sent up. Florida announced 
the name of Jesse G. Coles, and the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, Colonel Perry Carson. 
A resolution was passed permitting the 
late Central Committees to fill vacancies 
in the National Committee. 

Logan i^ut in Nontinatlon. 

The resolution limiting speeches of 
nomination to ten minutes, passed, and 
the clerk proceeded to call the roll of 
States for nominations. No response was 
received till Illinois was reached, when 
Senator Plumb, of Kansas, came forward 
and said, in substance : 

The convention had completed two of 
its most serious duties, the adoption of a 
platform and the nomination of a candi- 
date for President. The platform was one 
on which all good Republicans could 
unite, and the candidate was one who could 
beat any Democrat, living or dead. But 
it was still important that the best possible 
man should be nominated for the second 
place. It was but a matter of just recog- 
nition to the great body, of the soldiers of 
the war for the Union that a representative 
from their number should be placed as 
the second name on the ticket. The 
Grand Army of the Republic had enrolled 
more than three quarters of a million men 
who lately wore the blue. In pre enting a 



name from their ranks the speaker would 
mention a man fitted in every way for the 
first place ; a man who would add strength 
to the ticket and justify the hopes and ex- 
pectations of the party. That man was 
General John A. Logan. [Loud, long and 
renewed applause.] The speaker said he 
did not present him in behalf of Illinois 
or any other State, but of the whole 
United States. He belonged no more to 
Illinois than to Kansas, whose 75,000 sol- 
diers would receive the news of his nomi- 
nation with shouts of gladness. The 
speaker was commissioned by the State of 
Kansas to make this nomination. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Judge Houck, of Tennessee, in second- 
ing the nomination said in substance : 

While the convention had not chosen 
his first choice, it had done well, and the 
speaker proceeded to pay a tribute to the 
" Plumed Knight " of Maine. He hoped the 
convention would come to a common 
understanding and agreement for the sec- 
ond place on the ticket. When the wires 
should transmit the news of the nomina- 
tion of General Logan to the so dier boys 
of East Tennessee there would be rejoicino- 
among them as there would be every- 
wliere. On the Presidential nominee his 
delegation was somewhat divided, but 
when they came to name John A. Logan 
they were united 24 strong. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska, Mr. Lee, ot 
Pennsylvania, Congressman Horr, of Mich- 
igan, and Mr. Clancy (colored), of North 
Carolina, also seconded the nomination. 

A motion was made to suspend the rules 
and make the nomination of Logan by 
acclamation. It was put to vote, and a 
majority voted for it, but as a two-third 
vote was necessary, the chair ordered the 
roll called, in order to ascertain whether 
the necessary two-thirds voted for it. 

The rules were then suspended and sev- 
eral delegates made speeches in favor of 
Logan. On motion of Congressman 
Davis the roll was called with the follow- 
ing result : Logan 779 ; Gresham 6 ; For- 
aker, i. The nomination was then made 
unanimous. Before the convention had ad- 
journed Emery A. Storrs took the platform 
and spoke for an hour. 

The convent on then adjourned ja«^ die. 



THE ISSUES OF 188-4. 



The cardinal principles of the Repub- 
lican Party have been so long enunciated, 
and are so well known to the people of the 
country that a full exposition of them 
would seem to be an act of supererogation. 
The exigencies of the times that called it 
into existence necessarily made it a par- 
ticipant in the vital current issues, and its 
advanced and frank position on all na- 
tional questions has became a part of the 
history of the country. In its incipiency 
it gathered around it the devoted, union- 
loving statesmen of the day, and ignoring 
old platforn^s, unmeaning platitudes, and 
dead issues, it boldly launched out as 
the party of progress and national ad- 
vancement. It had no ancient landmarks 
to define its limits or to resist its expansion 
and development. As a party of the people 
it grew with the rapidly expanding nation, 
and by precept and practice it fostered 
legitimate industries of every class, devel- 
oped the country's resources, promoted 
personal liberty, advanced civilization, 
and protected national honor. 

Its Flr^t Gnat KfTorts. 

The herculean task of conquering a re- 
bellion which involved the cost of thou- 
sands of lives and the expenditure of almost 
countless millions of money, for which a 
loyal people accepted its promise of pay- 
ment, a pledge which has been faithfully 
kept, gave it a prestige abroad, and a po- 
tency at home never attained by any other 
political organization. In patriotism, in 
statesmanship, and in financial ability it is 
without a peer in the long role of historic 
revolutions ; as it sprung from the people, 
by the fiat of the people, for the protection 
of the people and the preservation of their 
nation, developing at once into a vigorous 
and stalwart manhood, so it has remained, 
their motor in the calm, and their anchor 
in the storm. Under its beneficent ad- 
ministrations the nation has made such 
80 



rapid strides in the path of progress as to 
surprise even its most enthusiastic sup- 
porters — for the development, increased 
freedom, and prosperous growth of the 
nation during the past c[uartcr of a cen- 
tury is but the result of the benign policy 
of the Republican Party. 

The stars in its galaxy represent every 
sphere and calling of life — they liave been 
gathered from the camp of the soldier, the 
cloister of the student, the study of the 
political economist, the portals of finance, 
the broad and elevated dais of statesman- 
ship and the blood-stained bannerette ot 
patriotism. 

A common danger which involved the 
country cemented its followers into a 
common faith, and, pledging that faith to 
the people, and true to its glorious birth- 
right, it won its victories, cemented the 
union of the States, and made its name 
before the world. 

The Grand Allsslou of the Partjr. 

Its Mission has been, and is, to elevate 
the nation by protecting its industries and 
enlarging the freedom of the masses, re- 
garding capital as the plant of labor, and 
giving, by legal enactments, each a com- 
' mon and undivided interest with the other. 
The money which moves the giant wheels 
of machinery, and the fingers that manipu- 
late the delicate tissues, are nature's co- 
partners and common workers. 

As expressed by President Lincoln it is 
a party " of the people, by the people, and 
for the people," and it has been so closely 
allied with their interests both as a nation 
' and as individuals as to give it the well- 
earned name of " The Peoples' Party." 

It is a true maxim that whatever contrib- 
utes to the national prosperity, contributes 
alike to the welfare of the individuals com- 
posing the nation — that public good is pri- 
vate weal — and that national disaster 
brings individual ruin. When you destroy 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



81 



the tree's roots its trunk and branches will 
perish. Recognizing industry as not only 
the source of wealth, but as the actual 
wealth of a nation, the policy of the Re- 
publican Party has been to throw around 
that industry such guards and protection, 
as would promote its growth, insure its 
permanency, and make it remunerative. 

A party that has proven so true to na- 
tional permanency and national honor, 
could not do otherwise than protect and 
defend its citizens in all the legitimate call- 
ings of life. 

Its Cardinal Principle Is to Protect Labor. 

The policy of the party is to bring into 
prosperous harmony and speedy develop- 
ment, on its own territory, the great 
branches of industry, without which na- 
tional life cannot be sustained, as our trade 
interests rest largely on internal circum- 
stances. The same condition of nature 
which brings individuals into competition 
also leads to conflict between nations and 
renders legal enactments necessary to pro- 
tect each from the encroachments of the 
other. Protection is a broad field, and 
governments recognize it in many ways 
outside of the mere question of revenue, or 
tariff restrictions. They organize and keep 
in discipline standing armies and expen- 
sive navies, not to quell insurrections at 
home nor to repel an existing foreign in- 
vasion, but in the midst of profound peace 
— to prevent them. They enact laws, to 
prevent the spread of contagious diseases, 
and the influx of paupers and criminals. 
They pass naturalization laws to protect 
the ballot box homestead laws to protect 
the settlers, usury laws to protect the man 
who needs from he who advances money. 
Protection is engraved in the Constitution 
and written all over the statute book. 

Governmenta are for the Protection of the 
People. 

Protection to capital and labor is quite 
as necessary for the common good of the 
people. Governments are formed for the 
protection of their people, just as corpora- 
tions are conducted for the benefit of their 
stockholders. The general common wel- 
fare of nations is had through treaty 
stipulations, or is arbitrated in a congress 
of the nations. Governments protect and 



defend their people by the same rights that 
men defend their households — fir«t, under 
the law, lastly, when that fails, vi et armis. 

AVe Cannot Re^^ilate other Liabor than 
oui- Own. 

We should remember that labor and 
trade in other nations cannot be regulated 
by our laws, and have no interest in our 
institutions other than that we may be com- 
pelled to purchase their surplus goods, 
at prices which we cannot regulate. Our 
poverty adds to their wealth, and vice 
versa. The working world abroad is only 
benefited by our prosperity when it 
emigrates to our shores. It has taken a 
century of our history, and thousands of 
millions of capital to establish our indus- 
trial interests and place us in our present 
attitude before the world, and this has been 
done by protective legislation whereby 
the capitalist could receive an equitable 
interest on his investment, and the laborer 
fully compensated for his toil. This has 
been done for the sole benefit of our own 
people — of those who develop our resour- 
ces, pay no taxes, fight our battles, and 
change our forests into pregnant fields, 
flourishing towns and villages. Shall we 
blot out all the labor of the past, and 
destroy the industries of the nation through 
a " tariff for revenue only?". 

Protection a Constitutional Right and 
Liberty. 

The Constitution of the United States 
as construed by the ablest statesmen 
expressly authorizes protection to labor. 
The power to impose duties on importations 
originally was exercised by the several 
States. Subsequently the States delegated 
their whole authority to the general gov- 
ernment, without restriction or reservation, 
except what related to inspection laws. 
Having passed from State authority, it 
must exist with the general government, 
or be extinct. It is simply absurd to sup- 
pose the latter, as it would present th€ 
strange status of a nation of people de- 
prived of the power to increase or protect 
its own industries. Every administration 
since the formation of the government 
has recognized this right under the Consti- 
tution, and a century's acceptance of the 
fact should be sufficient. But the advo- 



82 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



cates of Free Trade, fearful of a discussion 
of its merits, affect to deny the constitu- 
tional right to pass tariff laws except for 
revenue alone, and every man of ordinary 
information knows that "a tariff for rev- 
enue only," would be as disastrous to our 
industries as the most open and avowed 
free trade. They are homogeneous and 
cannot be separated in their effect on the 
country. 

The Republican Party declares that 
Congress has plenary power under the 
Constitution to enact such tariff laws as it 
deems proper, and that this power coupled 
with the obligation to provide for the com- 
mon defence and general welfare, without 
any restriction as to revenue, makes it self- 
evident that those who framed the Consti- 
tution not only gave the power, but made 
it mandatory on them to exercise it. "To 
regulate Commerce'' is a phrase in the 
Constitution that was not carelessly framed 
•or vaguely understood by its framers. Its 
true meaning had been given in the re- 
peated discussions between the colonies 
and the mother country, and is precisely 
as interpreted in the platforms of the Re- 
publican Party. 

The first tariff law passed by Congress, 
July 4th, 1798, declared that one of its 
•objects was to encourage and protect 
manufactures ; and when at the next 
;session the duties were increased, the same 
principle was enunciated. 

It Re-Affirni8 the Policy of Snarly Legis- 
lation. 

All the leading statesmen of the early 
days of the Republic, so construed it, and 
many of those who framed and de- 
liberated upon the Constitution were sub- 
sequently chosen to execute its provisions 
— all of whom gave it this construction and 
meaning. It cannot for a moment be 
supposed that they were ignorant of their 
own work, or that when" called on to act 
•under its provisions that they would per- 
vert its true meaning, and yet those who 
deny the constitutional power to protect 
home labor must arrive at one or the other 
of these conclusions. 

The several functions of the government, 
legislative, judicial and executive are 
directed to protect the rights of persons 



and property. It is for this that they are 
instituted. Different nations have different 
interests, just as individuals have under 
the same form of government, but at the 
same time all have a common welfare in 
the general national prosperity. When 
one is affected, the others suffer corre- 
spondingly. 

Upon this great question of capital and 
labor, political parties always have and 
probably always will be at issue. 

The advocates of Free Trade strive to 
have such a revision of the tariff laws as 
will enable this foreign element to have 
the preference over our own people simply 
to procure from abroad what we now pro- 
duce at home, and thus to reduce the com- 
pensation of labor to such a standard as 
will ultimately destroy it. 

"Wliat is meant l>y Free Trade. 

Free Trade in the unlimited sense of the 
word has a comparatively small following 
— the term as generally used does not im- 
ply actual free trade between different 
nations. The Free Trade theory is to 
collect sufficient revenue from duties on 
imports to maintain the government to 
the utter rejection of incidental protection 
— in a word, to open our ports as mere 
collection agencies, and to fill the national 
coffers at the expense of our own in- 
dustries. Great Britain is the head centre 
of what is known as free trade, and the 
celebrated Cobden Club of England that 
represents it, has its plants in free trade 
organizations in this country. But Eng- 
land with its ostensible free trade policy, 
fosters its industries to a greater extent 
than any other nation by laying excessive 
duties on certain items of manufacture, 
and permitting free trade on those which 
it can produce at lower prices than any 
other nation. Its tariff policy is one of 
ultra-protection to its industries, and to 
enable its people to sell their surplus 
goods abroad. 

Comparison between Great Britain and 
tlie United States. 

Great Britain and the United States, 
although of a common stock, do not have 
a common interest as nations. England 
strives to manufacture for the world, to 
monopolize the productive power, and 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



83 



through its cheap labor, to undersell other 
nations in their own markets. She 
willingly permits competition at home in 
all raw materials, so that she can procure 
them at her own price, and to have com- 
petition in her home market for manu- 
factured goods to enable her to name the 
selling .price, and thus through this in- 
strumentality to control the markets abroad. 

' How the TarlflF Is made I'rotective. 

At the .present time England pays about 
one half, and the rest of Europe about one 
third of the rates that prevail here, so that 
when this shield of protection is removed, 
and the products of their cheap labor flood 
our market they would easily be able to 
undersell our own people. Hence, a 
tariff to protect, must be regulated by a 
comparison of the relative cost of materials 
and price of labor. To ascertain the in- 
trinsic value' of anything, we must compare 
it with our unit of value, just as we do with 
the sovereign of England, or the franc of 
France, when estimated by ouf own dol- 
lar. It is just as reasonable, and equitable 
to value these coins at their purchasing 
power in their own countries without any 
reference to their intrinsic value here. 
Labor is the intrinsic value of manufac- 
tured goods and it is valued under a protec- 
tive tariff by a comparison with our home 
labor. For example five francs repre- 
sent the value of a day's labor by an 
artisan in Paris, and $t,.oo, that of one in 
the United States. Shall we increase 
the value of the franc in this country 
to threefold its value at home, and conse- 
quently depreciate the true value of our 
dollar to one-thircl its value as defined by 
law ? Or shall we declare that a day's 
labor, all over the world shall be valued at 
a day's labor in the United States, upon all 
articles of industry sent from abroad to 
sell in our market? If this is not done, 
our labor must compete with foreign labor, 
and our men be paid at foreign prices. 
As has been said by an able expounder of 
the question : 

" Persons who denounce tarifif protec- 
tion are therefore compelled to take the 
untenable position that they are unwilling 
to permit the existence of natural prices 
for American products ; or, to state the 



case in another form, are opposed to the 
continuance of all domestic industries 
which can be undersold in our market by 
foreign competition." 

We believe in the dignity of labor and 
strive to elevate it, instead of debasing it 
into a miserable servitude but little above 
that of human slavery. The true policy of 
government is not to sacrifice labor in 
order to have cheap production. Abandon 
the doctrine of protection, open our ports 
to the market of the world, let revenue 
onlybethe cry, andShylock-like, insistonly 
for the pound of flesh, and whilst we would 
manufacture goods as cheaply, and furnish 
products at as low rates, labor would be 
degraded, and wages would be as low as 
it is across the ocean. Under such circum- 
stances we can compete with the world, 
but do we desire to pay such a price for its 
great market ? Our gain would be a loss, 
which would not only destroy/ our in- 
dustries but would break up our nation. 
In the words of a celebrated writer on this 
question : 

" This would, to begin with, treat men as 
made for trade, not trade as made for men. 
Our laborers deprived of justly high, or 
comfort, or freedom of wages, would 
quickly sink in the scale of civilization. 
Within a few generations they would cease 
to be intelligent, and become ignorant, 
debased, superstitious, servile, and unfit to 
be trusted with the ballot. No longer 
having chances to improve their condition, 
or to arise above it they would lose their 
present incentives to self-respect, to 
courage, to ambition, to enterprise, to hope. 
The spirit of man falls with his wages — 
declines as declines the reward of his in- 
dustry, toil and care. Crush this and he 
is crushed. Take away from the labor in 
the United States the elevated, important 
and commanding position which it now 
occupies, and let its wages and its situa- 
tion sink to the European level, then its 
descent would drag down the edifice of 
republican institutions, and of human 
freedom. These cannot long exist where 
the rights of labor are not respectcd.-- 
Would general cheapness in the price of 
commodities be any compensation for this 
tremendous sacrifice of all we hold dear and 
sacred as the results of American liberty ?" 



84 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



"What a Judicious Scale of Duties will 
Effect. 

Fully satisfied with the truth of this 
proposition, the Republican Party has 
stood between the people, and those who 
would destroy their industries, and by 
means of a judicious tariff warded off these 
disasters. Cheap goods can be, and are 
manufactured through home competition, 
which is in the main, healthful. The manu- 
facturer who charges more than a fair 
profit on his goods offers an inducement 
for another to furnish them at a less cost, 
and thus home competition will always 
give our people goods at the lowest figures 
at which they can be made. There can be 
no monopoly of manufacture or prices 
where capital has an open field, and, 
skilled labor is ever ready to develop it. On 
the contrary, open the doors to Free Trade, 
until our industries shall have been driven 
from their posts by foreign goods, and as 
soon as the market is controlled by them 
the prices will be advanced beyond our own 
standard, to be reduced only when protec- 
tion shall again stand between home and 
foreign labor. 

°We must either Protect Home or Foreign 
Labor. 

If we do not protect our own people in 
their industries we are protecting those 
under other governments. Omission in 
the first case is equivalent to a direct action 
in the other. In our governmental action 
we are compelled to chose between home 
and foreign labor, and if we refuse it to 
our own people we confer it on others to 
their exclusion. In the words of the 
writer already quoted : 

" To repeal the laws which punish crime 
is to protect criminals ; and to legislate out 
of existence the protection which guards 
and sustains American industry, is to 
transfer the protection to European indus- 
try. A tariff too low for home Protection, 
thus becomes a law to protect transatlantic 
manufacturers against the rivalry of our 
own manufacturers in the latter's domestic 
market. The issue between the protec- 
tionists and the Free Traders, when 
reduced to its seminal principle, dwindles 
to simply this, whether we shall protect 
our own labor and capital or that of 



other nations. Doing the latter may be 
symbolized as dismantling our forts, level- 
ing our breastwork, and disarming our 
troops, in the face of an invading enemy, 
leaving him at his leisure to reap all the 
fruits of unopposed conquest." 

Tariff Hlstor}-. 

The revision of existing tariff laws, in 
order to protect the industries of the 
country, and to inaugurate what was then 
known as " The American System," came 
up before Congress at the session of 1823 
and 24, and the heated debate that en- 
sued matured into a serious conflict of 
authority between the general government, 
and a few of the slave-holding States. So 
prominent did the question become at 
that time, it entered very largely into the 
presidential issue and party lines were 
drawn accordingly. 

The protection of home industry had 
not been recognized among the powers 
granted, was looked for in the incidental; 
and denied by the strict constructionists 
to be a substantive term, to be exercised 
for the direct purpose of protection ; but 
admitted by all at that time and ever 
since the first tariff act of 1789, to be an 
incident to the revenue raising power, and 
an incident to be regarded in the exercise 
of that power. Revenue the object, pro- 
tection the incident, had been the rule m 
the earlier tariffs; now that rule was sought 
to be reversed, and to make protection the 
object of the law, and revenue the inci- 
dent. Henry Clay was the leader in the 
proposed revision and the champion of 
the American system ; he was ably sup- 
ported in the House by many able and 
effective speakers, who based their argu- 
ment on the general distress then alleged 
to be prevalent in the country. 

When a measure becomes oppressive or 
odious or destructive of the interests of 
the masses, it soon becomes a matter of 
public complaint, and the right of petition 
to Congress for redress is freely and fully 
exercised. 

In the face of onr Industrial Prosperltjr, 
the Democrats Insist on a Repeal of the 
Protective Tariff La^vs. 

No such reason appears to have existed 
for the effort to change existing tariff laws, 




F 1884. 



85 



so as to open the door for foreign compi 
tition. The Morrison bill, which was only- 
defeated by Republican votes, is a fair ex- 
hibit of the opinion and policy of the 
Democratic party on the issue, having 
been prepared for that special purpose. 
Not a single petition was presented to the 
House, or referred to the Committee of 
Ways and Means even suggesting the re- 
duction of duties proposed by this bill, or 
any other reduction of customs duties. 
On the contrary, the petitions have all 
been in direct opposition to such legisla- 
tion. Outside of a majority of Democratic 
members, and the Free Trade Clubs or- 
ganized in the interests of English capital- 
ists there has been no expressed sentiment 
in favor of such a measure. 

The measure was a blow at the farmers 
of the countiy. Mr. Hewitt of New York, 
in a speech delivered in the House of 
Representatives, March 27th last, said: — 

How 9Ir. Hewitt Views It. 

" Now how can the farmer be benefited ? 
What does he want ? He wants to sell 
his productions at a higher price. And 
how is he going to sell his products at a 
higher price as the grain trade stands to- 
day ? The markets of Europe are over- 
crowded with food products. To-day the 
farmer is met at Liverpool and London 
by the food products of India, and that 
competition so far from being less is going 
to increase. Therefore the farmer has 
reached the limit of the demand for his 
products in foreign lands. Where then, 
is he to find his market for them ? He 
must find his market at home, and how is 
he going to get it at home ? Why, only 
by one method— manufactures must be 
fostered and grow and not be diminished. 

This foreign market, for which every 
tariff idealist and every Democratic free- 
trader longingly sighs, is only mythical in 
the present condition of our country. We 
should capture the home market, first get 
control of it, before we seek the foreign 
one. We can not command a foreign 
market until we can control our own. It 
seems to me that proposition is so plain 
and palpable that it must commend itself 
to every intelligent man. 



Dutjr on Raw Material. 

It is probable that free raw material has 
nothing to commend it to legislative favor 
which is not common to every other Amer- 
ican product. The same necessity for 
protection, within reasonable limits, ap- 
plies to what are commonly called raw 
materials as to the finished or more ad- 
vanced manufacture. There is no such 
thing as raw materials distinguished from 
other products of labor. Labor enters into 
all productions, the commonest as well as 
the higher forms. 

The ore costs something to mine it ; the 
coal, to take it from the ground ; the stone, 
to quarry it ; much labor enters into the 
production of wool ; leather costs some- 
thing to tan ; and to the extent that labor 
enters into their preparation, what are 
usually termed raw materials should have 
ratable protection with the completed pro- 
duct. Pig-iron is the raw material for bar- 
iron, and yet no one has been heard to 
advocate free pig-iron. Cloth is the raw 
material for the tailor, the finest steel is 
the crude material of the watch maker, 
and so on interminably. There can be no 
just line drawn, and no reason exists for 
such a discrimination. When the country 
is ready for free trade let us have it in all 
things without exception or restriction. 

Facts are more potent than Theories. 

What has been accomplished during 
the period when a protective tariff has 
been in operation is a stronger argument 
in its favor than all the thin spun theories 
of so called political economists, or the 
prophecies of visionary enthusiasts, and 
although the Democracy has called it ex- 
tortion and robbery, and declared that it 
obstructed the progress and permanency 
of our industries, and the development of 
our growth to wealth and national great- 
ness, still the actual result has become a 
record for all to read, so that no man 
need go astray. 

How it contrasts with the low tariff pe- 
riod from 1847 to i860, when we had prac- 
tically a revenue tariff, such as is advocated 
by the Democratic party of to-day ! It was 
a period of universal business depression, 
deficiencies in the public Treasury, when 
both nation and individuals were compelled 



\ 



86 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



to borrow money at the most exorbitant 
rates of interest; and it was in this condition 
that the RepubHcan party found the country 
when it came into power on the 4th of 
March, 1861. The Democratic pohcy of 
the tariff was immediately reversed ; and 
the splendid achievements in every de- 
partment of industrial activity, the large 
revenues of the Government, its improved 
credit, and its present flourishing monetary 
conditions are the highest vindication of its 
policy. Every class in the country has 
been benefited. The necessities of life 
have been cheapened to the consumer. 
Every article of merchandise that has been 
made possible of manu^'acture in this 
country by reason of protective duties has 
been cheapened, instead of being en- 
hanced in price. 

Deiuoci-atic Tai-Uf from a Brltlsli Stand- 
point. 

The Democratic party is legislating for 
England's interests rather than those of 
America — for the protection of foreign 
labor instead of home industry. 

The LondcKi Iron and Coal Trades Re- 
view for December 1883 says : 

"Our best customer for iron, steel, 
hardwares, and many other goods, has 
long been the United States, notwithstand- 
ing the very heavy duties that are there 
levied, and the greatest interest is always 
manifested by our businessmen in Ameri- 
can politics where they are likely to affect 
the tariff. It is pretty evident that the pro- 
tectionists are no longer to have it all 
their own way.'' 

In addition to this, the following ex- 
tracts from British labor periodicals puts 
the whole case in its true light : 

"The year is likely to see important 
political changes on the other side of the 
Atlantic which will have their influence 
here. Events move rapidly in America, 
and the coming triumph of the Democratic 
party there means the triumph of the free- 
trade movement in the States. It is not to 
be supposed that there will be free imports 
into the States, but " a tariff for revenue 
only,'' which is the leading cry of De- 
mocrats, will open an immense additional 
field for the sale of English manufactured 
goods in the States." 

The same journal said in March last : 



"It appears, therefore, that we are buy- 
ing nearly as much in the way of manufac- 
tures in iron and steel, machinery, &c., 
from the States as we are selling to them. 
The result must be looked upon as miser- 
able, and is not equal to our position as a 
manufacturing country. The United States 
is a producing country, not a manufactur- 
ing, in the sense to which we apply this 
term to ourselves. It is high time we turned 
our attention actively elsewhere for a better 
customer, not forgetting all the same to 
watch the opportunities which the tariff 
reduction in the States will open out 
to us.'' 

The London Iron and Coal Trades Re- 
view for February 8, 1884, says: 

"Though our trade with the United States 
has fallen off very much of late, that 
country still occupies the position of our 
leading customer, and every change in 
its condition yet has its inflaence upon 
our market. It is, therefore, important to 
notice that the intelligence from the other 
side has been of a rather more encouraging 
character during the last few days." 

The Pall Mall Gazette published the 
following : 

" The progress of the Morrison bill will 
be watched with considerable interest by 
English exporters to the American mar- . 
ket, inasmuch as it can hardly fail to tend 
in their favor." 

Hon. Major MeKinley's Views. 

Hon. William McKinley of Ohio, who 
has recently been ousted from his seat in 
the House, and a Democrat put in his 
place, gives this vivid presentation of the 
case : 

Importers Celebrate Democratic Victo-les. 

One firm of importers celebrated that free- 
trade victory by christening a line of 
English goods with the significant trade- 
mark, " The Carlisle shape," and pub- 
lished it as "the coming thing" [applause], 
named in honor of Speaker Carlisle, to 
whom the country looked to reduce the 
present outrageous tariff on crockery. 
This Democratic House is now employed 
under the leadership of the distinguished 
Mr. Morrison. Tliii line of goods named 
for one of the ablest and purest Democrats 
in the House or the country comes froin 
his representative capacity. He stands at 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



87 



the head of a great political organization 
committed to the English system, which all 
England believes will increase her pros- 
perity and enrich her manufacturers. 

These goods, made in a foreign pottery 
with foreign materials, foreign labor, and 
foreign capital, are fittingly crowned with 
the head of the British lion. Pass this bill 
and you will all have shapes and .be 
honored with like manifestations of ap- 
proval. I know my honored friend the 
Speaker craves no such distinction ; I know 
he would shrink from such public demon- 
strations of approval, and 1 believe he will 
not feel flattered by this well-intentioned 
compliment ; but they could not avoid 
expression in some public way their appre- 
ciation of his victory. This is but an 
advance manifestation of the joy which 
will be felt on the other side should the bill 
pass. 

American "Wages tlie best In tlie World. 

Our wages are higher here than in any 
other nation of the world, and we are all 
proud and grateful that it is so. I know it 
is denied, but experience outweighs theo- 
ries or misleading statistics. One thing 
we do know is that our work people do not 
go abroad for better wages, and every 
other nationality comes here for increased 
wagoii and gets them. In Great Britain 
and the United States the rate of wages is 
on ihi average about 50 per cent, higher 
here than there." 

We are confronted with this problem at 
the very threshold of this discussion, and 
we must meet it. The proposition of the 
chairman of the Committee of Ways and 
Means will result in reducing the wages of 
labor or the destruction of many of our 
most valuable industries, and the depriva- 
tion of employment to thousands. The 
one or the other alternative must come; 
either, will be most disastrous and attended 
by business depression and individual 
suffering. 

We must not reduce the price paid to 
labor; it is already sufficiently low. We 
can only prevent it by defeating this bill, 
and it should be done without unnecessary 
delay. The sooner the better, and remove 
this menace which hangs over all of our 
industrial life and threatens the comfort 



and independence of millions of American 
workingman. 

How Hcni-y Clay, tlic Fatlier of Protec- 
tion Presents It. 

Henry Clay, whose reputation as a 
statesman, and whose life was devoted to 
the great question of political economy, 
came from the same state which is now 
represented by the Champion of Free 
Trade, and where the demand is made by 
the Democracy to wipe all laws for the 
protection of American Industry from the 
statute book. So fully was he convinced 
that protection should form a prominent 
part of the national policy, that he em- 
braced every opportunity to hand his name 
down to the future artisans and laborers 
of his country as their friend and champion. 

His defence of the American system 
made in the Senate in 1832, so fully sus- 
tains the position of the Republican party, 
as to entitle it to the careful consideration 
of the American people. 

" If the term of seven years were to be 
selected, of the greatest prosperity which 
this people have enjoyed since the estab- 
lishment of their present constitution, it 
would be exactly that period of seven years 
which immediately followed the passage of 
the tariff of 1824." 

This transformation of the condition of 
the country from gloom and distress to 
brightness and prosperity, has been main- 
ly the work of American legislation, foster- 
ing American industry, instead of allowing 
it to be controlled by foreign legislation, 
cherishing foreign industry. The foes of 
the American System, in 1824, with great 
boldness and confidence, predicted, ist. 
The ruin of the public revenue, and the 
creating of a necessity to resort to direct 
taxation. The gentleman from South 
Carolina, (General Hayne,) I believe, 
thought that the tariff of 1824 would op- 
erate a reduction of revenue to the large 
amount of eight millions of dollars. 2d. 
The destruction of our navigation. 3d. 
The desolation of commercial cities. And 
4th. The augmentation of the price of ob- 
jects of consumption, and farther decline' 
in that of the articles of our exports. 
Every prediction which they made has 
failed — utterly failed. Instead of the ruin 
of the public revenue, with which they 



88 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



then sought to deter us from the adoption 
of the American System, we are now 
threatened with its subversion, by the vast 
amount of the pubHc revenue produced by 
that system. Every branch of our naviga- 
tion has increased. 

Why, sir, there is scarcely an interest, 
scarcely a vocation in society, which is not 
embraced by the beneficence of this sys- 
tem. 

It comprehends our coastingtonnage and 

trade, from which all foreign tonnage is 
absolutely excluded. 

It includes all our foreign tonnage, with 
the inconsiderable exception made by 
treaties of reciprocity with a few foreign 
powers. 

It embraces our fisheries, and all our 
hardy and enterprising fishermen. 

It extends to almost every mechanic 
an :***** 

Its History. 

The subject of the American system was 
again brought up in 1820, by the bill re- 
ported by the chairman of the committee 
of manufactures, now a member of the 
bench of the Supreme Court of the United 
States, and the principle was successfully 
maintained by the representatives of the 
people ; but the bill which they passed was 
defeated in the Senate. It was revived in 
1824; the whole ground carefully and de- 
liberately explored, and the bill then in- 
troduced, receiving all the sanctions of the 
constitution, became the law of the land. 
An amendment of the system was proposed 
in 1828, to the history of which I refer 
with no agreeable recollections. The bill 
of that year, in some of its provisions, was 
framed on principles directly adverse to 
the declared wishes of the friends of the 
policy of protection. I have heard, with- 
out vouching for the fact, that it was so 
framed upon the advice of a prominent 
citizen now abroad, with the view of ulti- 
mately defeating the bill, and with assur- 
ances that, being altogether unacceptable 
to the friends of the American system, the 
bill would be lost. Be that as it may, the 
most exceptional features of the bill were 
stamped upon it, against the earnest re- 
monstrances of the friends of the system, 
by the votes of southern members, upon a 
principle, I think, as unsound in legisla- 



tion as it is reprehensible in ethics. The 
bill was passed, notwithstanding all this, it 
having been deemed better to take the bad 
along with the good which it contained, 
than reject it altogether. Subsequent le- 
gislation has corrected the error then per- 
petrated, but still that measure is vehe- 
mently denounced by gentlemen who con- 
tributed to make it what it was. 

Thus, sir, has this great system of pro- 
tection been gradually built, stone upon 
stone, and step by step, from the Fourth of 
July, 1789, down to the present period. In 
every stage of its progress it has received 
the deliberate sanction of Congress. A 
vast majority of the people of the United 
States has approved and continue to ap- 
prove it. Every chief magistrate of the 
United States, from Washington to the 
present, in some form or other, has given 
to it the authority of his name ; and how- 
ever the opinions of the existing President 
are interpreted south of Mason's and Dix- 
on's line, in the north they are at least 
understood to favor the establishment of a 
judicious tariff. 

Gentlemen deceive themselves. It is not 
free trade that they are recommending to 
our acceptance. It is in effect, the British 
colonial system that we are invited to 
adopt ; and, if their policy prevail, it will 
lead substantially to the re-colonization of 
these States, under the commercial domin- 
ion of Great Britain, And whom do we 
find some of the principal supporters, out 
of Congress, of this foreign system ? Mr. 
President, there are some foreigners who 
always remain exotics, and never become 
naturalized in our country ; whilst, happily, 
there are many others who readily attach 
themselves to our principles and our insti- 
tutions. The honest, patient and indus- 
trious German readily unites with our peo- 
ple, establishes himself upon some of our 
fat land, fills his capacious barn, and enjoys 
in tranquillity the abundant fruits which 
his diligence gathers around him, always 
ready to fly to the standard of his adopted 
country, or of its laws, when called by 
the duties of patriotism. The gay, the 
versatile, the philosophic Frenchman, ac- 
commodating himself cheerfully to all the 
vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself 
without difficulty in our society. But, of 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



89 



all foreigners, none amalgamate themselves 
so quickly with our people as the natives 
of the Emerald Isle. In some of the vis- 
ions which have passed through my im- 
aginaiion, I have supposed that Ireland 
was originally part and parcel of this con- 
tinent, and that, by some extraordinary 
convulsion of nature, it was torn from 
America, and drifting across the ocean, 
was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of 
Great Britain. The same open-hearted- 
ness; the same generous hospitality; the 
same careless and uncalculating indiffer- 
ence about human life, characterize the 
inhabitants of both countries. 

[The Lair of Labor. 

The great law of price is determined by 
supply and demand. Whatever affects 
either, affects the price. If the supply is 
increased, the demand remaining the 
same, the price declines ; if the demand is 
increased, the supply remaining the same, 
the price advances ; if both supply and de- 
mand are undiminished, the price is sta- 
tionary, and the price is influenced exactly 
in proportion to the degree of disturbance 
to the demand or supply. It is therefore 
a great error to suppose that an existing or 
new duty necessarily becomes a component 
element to its exact amount of price. If 
the proportion of demand and supply are 
varied by the duty, either in augmenting 
the supply, or diminishing the demand, or 
vice versa, price is affected to the extent of 
that variation. But the duty never becomes 
an integral part of the price, except in the 
instances where the demand and the supply 
remain after the duty is imposed, precisely 
what they were before, or the demand is 
increased and the supply remains station- 
ary. 

Gentlemen have allowed to the manu- 
facturing portions of the community no 
peace ; they have been constantly threat- 
ened with the overthrow of the American 
System. From the year 1820, if not 
from 1 8 16, down to this time, they have 
been held in a condition of constant alarm 
and insecurity. Nothing is more prejudi- 
cial to the great interests of a nation than 
unsettled and varying policy. 

Let the country breathe, let its vast re- 
sources be developed, let its energies be 
fully put forth, let it have tranquillity, and 



my word for it, the degree of perfection in the 
arts which it will exhibit, will be greater than 
that which has been presented, astonishing 
as our progress has been. Although some 
branches of our manufactures might, and 
in foreign markets how do, fearlessly con- 
tend with similar foreign fabrics, there are 
many others yet in their infancy, struggling 
with the difficulties which encompass them. 

Tariff makes a Home 9Iarket. 

That under the operation of the Amer- 
ican System, the products of our agricul- 
ture command a higher price than they 
would do without it, by the creation of a 
home market; and by the augmentation 
of wealth produced by manufacturing in- 
dustry, which enlarges our powers of con- 
sumption both of domestic and foreign 
articles. The importance of the home 
market is among the established maxims 
which are universally recognized by all 
writers and all men. It is nearer to us ; 
beyond the control of foreign legislation ; 
and undisturbed by those vicissitudes to 
which all international intercourse is more 
or less exposed. The most stupid are sen- 
sible of the benefit of a residence in the 
vicinity of a large manufactory, or of a 
market town, of a good road, or of a navi- 
gable stream, which connects their farms 
with some great capital. It is only in the 
diversity of the vocations of the members 
of a community that the means can be 
found for those salutary exchanges which 
conduce to the general prosperity. And 
the greater that diversity, the more exten- 
sive and the more animating is the circle 
of exchange. I conclude this part of the 
argument with the hope that my humble 
exertions have not been altogether unsuc- 
cessful in showing — 

1. That the policy which we have been 
considering ought to continue to be re- 
garded as the genuine American System. 

2. That the Free Trade System, which 
is proposed as its substitute, ought really 
to be considered as the British Colonial 
System. 

3. That the American System is bene- 
ficial to all parts of the Union, and abso- 
lutely necessary to much the larger 
portion. 

4. That the price of the great staple of 
cotton, and of all our chief productions of 



90 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



agriculture, has been sustained and up- 
held, and a decline averted by the Protec- 
tive System. 

5. That if the foreign demand for cot- 
ton has been at all diminished by the 
operation of that system, the diminution 
has been more than compensated in the 
additional demand created at home. 

6. That the constant tendency of the 
system, by creating competition among 
ourselves, and between American and Eu- 
ropean industry, reciprocally acting upon 
each other, is to reduce prices of manufac- 
tured objects. 

7. That in point of fact, objects within 
the scope of the policy of protection have 
greatly fallen in price. 

8. That if, in a season of peace, these 
benefits are experienced, in a season of 
war, when the foreign supply might be 
cut off, they would be much mxore exten- 
sively felt. 

9. And finally, that the substitution of 
the Bridsh Colonial System for the Ameri- 
can System, without benefiting any sec- 
tion of the Union, by subjecting us to a 
foreign legislation, regulated by foreign 
interest, would lead to the prostration of 
our manufactures, general impoverishment, 
and ultimate ruin." 

Horace Greeley stated the question in 
his succinct and masterly way under the 
following proposidons : 

Horace Greeley's Proposition. 

1. "A Nation which would be prosper- 
ous, tnust prosecute various branches of 
Industry, and supply its vital IVants 
mainly by the Labor of its own Hands. 

2. There is a natural tendency in a 
comparatively new Country to become and 
continue an Exporter of Grain and other 
rude Staples and an Importer of Manu- 
factures. 

3. // is injurious to the New Country 
thus to continue dependent for its supplies 
of Clothing and Manufactured Fabrics on 
the Old. 

4. That Equilibrium between Agricul- 
ture, Manufactures and Conunerce, which 
we need, can only be maintained by Pro- 
tective Duties. 

5. Protection is necessary and proper to 



sustain as well as to create a beneficent 
adjustment of our National Industry.'' 

Diversity of Lalior. 

That the United States is a nadon of 
marked progress is due mainly to two 
causes, the area of undeveloped territory 
to allow expansion and the diversity of its 
industries. Any nation or people, or com- 
munity that depends upon a single indus- 
try cannot have a sound basis of prosperity, 
for when that industry is affected it 
seriously afiects its all — when it is des- 
troyed, all is destroyed. The larger the 
scale of diversity the greater is the sus- 
taining power, and vice versa. A diversi- 
fied industry constitutes the foundation of 
all true progress, as it increases the 
avenue of labor and trade, and provides 
an increased market for our commodities 
whether the products of the soil, or the 
handiwork of machinery under the defty 
skill of the artisan. 

Nations like individuals have to pass 
through the steps of infancy, childhood 
and youth, to attain their full vigor of 
manhood, and governments are the 
parental guardians to sustain, advance, 
protect and defend, restrain and punish 
their people. 

Tlie Republican Party's Consistency. 

Having hastily glanced at the protec- 
tive issue, as presented by the Republican 
party, and given a brief abstract of some 
of the reasons in favor of protecting 
American home industry it is proper to 
observe its devotion to its faith ever since 
its organization. 

The convention held at Chicago May 
17, i860 imbodied in its platform the 
following tariff plank. 

"That while providing revenue for the 
support of the general government by 
duties upon imports, sound policy requires 
such an adjustment of these imports as to 
encourage the industrials interest of the 
whole country ; and we commend that 
policy of national exchanges which secures 
to the working men liberal wages, to 
agriculture remunerative prices, to 
mechanics and manufacturers an adequate 
reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, 
and to the nation commercial prosperity 
and independence.'' 



THE ISSULo ^r 1884. 



91 



In 1872, the Republication national 
convention which convened June 5th, at 
Philadelphia, incorporated into its platform 
the following continuation of the same 
doctrine announced twelve years before : 

" Among the questions which press for 
attention is that which concerns the rela- 
tions of capital and labor, and the Repub- 
lican party recognizes the duty of so 
shaping legislation as to secure full pro- 
tection and the amplest field for capital, 
and for labor, the creator of capital the 
largest opportunities and a just share of 
the mutual profits of these two great 
servants of civilization." 

" Revenue except so much as may be 
derived from a tax upon tobacco and 
liquors, should be raised by duties on im- 
portations, the details of which should be 
so adjusted as to aid in securing remunera- 
ting wages to labor, and promote the in- 
dustries, prosperity and growth of the 
whole country.'' 

It is both proper and instructive to con- 
trast the policy of the two parties, at the 
same periods of time, and under the same 
conditions of exigency. Thus in i860, 
when the Republican party declared un- 
equivocally in favor of Protection, the 
Democrats in their national convention 
reaffirmed the position they took four years 
before, as follows : 

" The time has come for the people of 
the United States to declare themselves in 
favor of * * progressive free trade 
throughout the world.'' 

In 1872, when the question of protection 
was discussed throughout the country, and 
the previous record of the Democratic 
party was damaging its prospects, it fled 
from the position taken in 1856, and re- 
affirmed in i860, and inserted the follow- 
ing plank in its platform to straddle the 
issue : 

" Recognizing that there are hi our 
midst, honest but irreconcilable differences 
of opinion with regard to the respective 
systems of protection and free trade, we 
remit the discussion of the subject to the 
people in their congressional districts and 
to the decision of the Congress thereon, 
wholly free from executive interference or 
dictation." 

June 14, 1876, the Republican conven- 



tion held at Cincinnati again endorsed its 
previous policy, as follows : 

" The revenue necessary for current ex- 
penditures, and the obligations of the 
public debt, must be largely derived from 
duties on importations, which, so far as 
possible, should be adjusted to promote the 
interests of American labor and advance 
the prosperity of the whole country." 

In the same year the Democratic Con- 
vention placed in its platform the following 
ultimatum, ignoring the claims of labor, 
insulting the sons of toil, and opening the 
doors of competition with pauper labor : 

"We demand that all custom house 
taxation shall be for revenue only." 

Both parties re-affirmed their former 
position on the tariff question in 1880, and 
hence they now stand before the people of 
the country as shown by their acts as 
above given from official records. This 
so clearly demonstrates that the prosperity 
and even the very life of our industries is 
in the hands of the Republican party, and 
that ultimate Free Trade with all its con- 
comitant evils will follow Democratic 
success, that no intelligent man need be 
led astray by specious platitudes. 

He closes his Argiiineiit for Protection In 
tlie follovrlng words. 

"You will understand me, then, to be 
utterly hostile to that idol of Free Trade 
worship, known as free or unlimited com- 
petition. The sands of my hour are run- 
ning low, and 1 cannot ask time to ex- 
amine this topic more closely ; yet I am 
confident I could show that this Free Com- 
petition is a most delusive and dangerous 
element of political economy. Bear with 
a brief illustration : At this moment com- 
mon shirts are made in London at the 
incredibly low price of /^ree cents a pair. 
Should we admit these articles free of duty, 
and buy them because they are so cheap ? 
Free Trade says yes ; but I say no ! Sound 
Policy as well as Humanity forbids it. By 
admitting them we simply reduce a large 
and worthy and suffering class of our 
population from the ability they now pos- 
sess of procuring a bare subsistence by 
their labor to unavoidable destitution and 
pauperism. They must now subsist upon 
the charity of relatives or of the com- 



92 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



munity, — unless we are ready to adopt the 
demoniac doctrine of the Free Trade 
philosopher Malthus, that the dependent 
poor ought to be rigorously starved to 
death. Then what have we gained by 
getting these articles so exorbitantly 
cheap ? or, rather, what have we not lost ? 
The labor which formerly produced them 
is mainly struck out of existence ; the poor 
widows and seamstresses among us must 
still have a subsistence ; and the imported 
garments must be paid for : where are the 
profits of our speculation ?'' 

Still "Worse Features of the Case. 

"But even this is not the worst feature 
of the case. The labor which we have 
here thrown out of employment by the 
cheap importation of this article is now 
ready to be employed again at any price, 
— if not one that will afford bread and 
straw, then it must accept one that will 
produce potatoes and rubbish ; and with 
the product some Free Trader proceeds 
to break down the price and destroy the 
reward of similar labor in some other 
portion of the earth. And thus each de- 
pression of wages produces another, and 
that a third, and so on, making the circuit 
of the globe, — the aggravated necessities 
of the Poor acting and reacting upon each 
other, increasing the omnipotence of 
Capital and deepening the dependence of 
Labor, swelling and pampering a bloated 
and factitious commerce, grinding down 
and grinding down the destitute, until 
Malthus's remedy for Poverty shall become 
a grateful specific, and, amid the splendors 
and luxuries of an all-devouring Com- 
mercial Feudalism, the squalid and 
famished Millions, its dependents and 
victims, shall welcome death as a de- 
liverer from their sufferings and despair.'' 

The Inconsistency of Free Trade Lieaders. 

" I wish time permitted me to give a hasty 
glance over the doctrines and teachings of 
the Free Trade sophists who esteem them- 
selves the Political Economists, christen 
their own views liberal and enlightened, 
and complacently put ours aside as be- 
nighted and barbarous. I should delight 
to show you how they mingle subtle fal- 
lacy with obvious truth, how they reason 



acutely from assumed premises, which, 
being mistaken or incomplete, lead to 
false and often absurd conclusions; how 
they contradict and confound each other, 
and often, from Adam Smith, their patri- 
arch, down to McCuUoch and Ricardo, 
either make admissions which undermine 
their whole fabric, or confess themselves 
ignorant or in the dark on points the most 
vital to a correct understanding of the 
subject they profess to have reduced to a 
science. Yet, even Adam Smith, himself, 
expressly approves and justifies the British 
Navigation Act, the most aggressively 
Protective measure ever enacted ; a mea- 
sure which, not being understood and 
seasonably counteracted by other nations, 
changed for centuries the destinies of the 
world ; which silently sapped and over- 
threw the commercial and political great- 
ness of Holland; which silenced the thunder 
of Van Tromp, and swept the broom from 
his masthead. But I must not detain you 
longer. I do not ask you to judge of this 
matter by authority, but from facts which 
come home to your reason and your daily 
experience. There is not an observing 
and strong-minded mechanic in our city 
who could not set any one of those doctors 
of the law right on essential points. I 
beg you to consider how few great practi- 
tical statesmen they have ever been able 
to win to their standards — I might almost 
say none ; for Huskisson was but a nomi- 
nal disciple, and expressly contravened 
their whole system upon an attempt to 
apply it to the corn laws ; and Calhoun is 
but a Free Trader by location, and has 
never yet answered his own powerful ar- 
guments in behalf of protection.'' 

The Roll of the Friendt of Protection. 

"On the other hand, we poinf you to 
the long array of mighty names which 
have illustrated the annals of statesman- 
ship of modern times — to Chatham, Pitt 
and the great Frederick of Prussia ; to the 
whole array of memorable French states- 
men, including Napoleon the first of them 
all ; to our own Washington, Hamilton, 
Jefferson and Madison; to our two 
Clintons, Tompkins, to say nothing of 
the eagle-eyed and genial-hearted living 
master-spirit, Henry Clay, of our time. 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



93 



The opinions and the arguments of all 
these are on record ; it is by hearkening 
to and heeding their counsels that we 
shall be prepared to walk in the light of 
experience and look forward to a glorious 
National destiny.'' 

Platform nnanlinonaly adopted at tlie 

Republican Nominating Convention 

at Chicago, June 5, 1884. 

The Republicans of the United States, 
in Convention assembled, renew their al- 
legiance to the principles upon which they 
have triumphed in six successive presi- 
dential elections, and congratulate the 
American jieople on the attainment of so 
many results in legislation and adminis- 
tration by which the Republican Party 
has, after saving the Union, done so much 
to render its institutions just, equal and 
beneficent — the safeguard of liberty and 
the embodiment of the best thought and 
highest purposes of our citizens. The Re- 
publican Party has gained its strength by 
quick and faithful response to the demands 
of the people for the freedom and the 
equality of all men ; for a united nation 
assuring the rights of all citizens ; for the 
elevation of labor; for an honest currency ; 
for purity in legislation, and for integrity 
and accountability in all departments of 
the Government, and it accepts anew the 
duty of leading in the work of progress 
and reform. 

We lament the death of President Gar- 
field, whose sound statesmanship, long 
conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of 
a strong and successful administration, a 
promise fully realized during the short 
period of his office as President of the 
United States, His distinguished success 
in war and in peace has endeared him to 
the hearts of the American people. 

In the administration of President Ar- 
thur, we recognize a wise, conservative 
and patriotic policy under which the coun- 
try has been blessed with remarkable 
prosperity, and we believe his eminent 
services are entitled to and will receive 
the hearty approval of every citizen. It 
is the first duty of a good government to 
protect the rights and promote the inte- 
rests of its own people ; the largest diver- 
sity of industry is most productive of 



general prosperity and of the comfort and 
independence of the people. 

Tlie Tarltr Plaulc. 

We, therefore, demand that the imposi- 
tion of duties on foreign imports shall be 
made not for " revenue only " but that, in 
raising the requisite revenues for the Gov- 
ernment, such duties shall be so levied as 
to afford security to our diversified indus- 
tries and protection to the rights and 
wages of the laborer, to the end that active 
and intelligent labor as well as capital, 
may have its just reward, and the laboring 
man his full share in the national pros- 
perity. 

Against the so-called economical system^ 
of the Democratic party, which would de- 
grade our labor to the foreign standard, 
we enter our earnest protest ; the Demo- 
cratic party has failed completely to re- 
lieve the people of the burden of unneces- 
sary taxation by a wise reduction of the^ 
surplus. 

The Republican party pledges itself to 
correct the inequalities of the tariff and to 
reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and 
indiscriminate process of horizontal reduc- 
tion, but by such methods as will relieve 
the taxpayer without injuring the laborer 
or the great productive interests of the 
country. 

We recognize the importance of sheep 
husbandry in the United States, the serious 
depression which it is now experiencing 
and the danger threatening its future pros- 
perity ; and we, therefore, respect the de- 
mands of the representatives of this im- 
portant agricultural interest for a readjust- 
ment of duty upon foreign wool in view 
that such industry shall have full and ad- 
equate industry. 

We have always recommended the best 
money known to the civilized world, and 
we urge that an effort be made to unite all 
commercial nations in the establishment 
of the international standard, which shall 
fix for all the relative value of gold and 
silver coinage. 

The regulation of commerce with for- 
eign nations and between the states is one 
of the most important prerogatives of the 
general Government, and the Republican 
party distinctly announces its purpose to 



94 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



support such legislation as will fully and 
efficiently carry out the constitutional 
power of Congress over inter-state com- 
merce. The principle of the public regu- 
lation of railway corporations is a wise 
and salutary one for the protection of all 
classes of people, and we favor legislation 
that shall prevent unjust discrimination 
and excessive charges for transportation, 
and that shall secure to the people and to 
the railroads alike the fair and equal pro- 
tection of the laws. 

Protection to Ijabor. 

We favor the establishment of a nation- 
al bureau of labor, the enforcement of the 
eight-hour law, a wise and judicious sys- 
tem of general education by adequate ap- 
propriation from the national revenues 
wherever the same is needed. 

We believe that everywhere the protec- 
tion to a citizen of American birth must be 
secured to citizens by American adoption, 
and we favor the settlement of national 
differences by international arbitration. 

The Republican party, having its birth 
in a hatred of slave labor, and in a desire 
that all men rnay be free and equal, is un- 
alterably opposed to placing our working- 
men in competition with any form of servile 
labor, whether at home or abroad. In this 
spirit we denounce the importation of con- 
tract labor, whether from Europe or Asia, 
as an offence against the spirit of Ameri- 
can institutions, and we pledge ourselves 
to sustain the present law restricting Chi- 
nese immigration, and to provide such 
further legislation as is necessary to carry 
out its purposes. 

ClvU Service Reform. 

The reform of the civil service auspicious- 
ly begun under Republican administration 
should be completed by the further exten- 
sion of the reform system already establish- 
ed by law — to all the grades of the service 
to which it is applicable. The spirit and 
purpose of the reform should be observed 
in all executive appointments, and all laws 
at variance with the objects of existing re- 
formed legislation should be repealed, to 
the end that the dangers of free institu- 
tions which lurk in the power of official 
patronage may be wisely and effectively 
avoided. 



The public lands are a heritage of the 
people of the United States, and should be 
reserved as far as possible for small hold- 
ings by actual settlers. We are opposed 
to the acquisition of large tracts of these 
lands by corporations or individuals, es- 
pecially where such holdings are in the 
hands of non-resident aliens, and we will 
endeavor to obtain such legislation as will 
tend to correct this evil. 

We demand. of Congress the speedy for- 
feiture of all land grants which have lapsed j 
by reason of non-compliance with acts of 
incorporation, in all cases where there has 
been no attempt in good faith to perform 
the conditions of such grants. 

The grateful thanks of the American 
people are due to the Union solders and 
sailors of the late war, and the Hepublican 
party stands pledged to suitable pensions 
to all who were disabled and for the v/id- 
ows and orphans of those who died in the 
war. The Republican party pledges itself 
to the repeal of the limitation contained in 
the Arrears act of 1879, ^° ^hat all invalid 
soldiers shall share alike, and their pen- 
sions shall begin with the date of disability 
or discharge and not with the date of the 
application. 

Regarding a Foreign Policy. 

The Republican party favors a policy 
which shall keep us from entangling aUi- 
ances with foreign nations, and which shall 
give the right to expect that foreign nations 
shall refrain from meddling in America, 
and the policy which seeks peace can 
trade with all powers, but especially with 
those of the Western Hemisphere. We 
demand the restoration of our navy to its 
old-time strength and efficiency, that it 
may in any sea protect the rights of Amer- 
ican citizens and the interest of American 
commerce, and we call upon Congress to 
remove the burdens under which American 
shipping has been depressed, so that it 
may again be true that we have a com- 
merce which leaves no sea unexplored, 
and a navy which takes no law from su- 
perior force. 

Resolved, That apppointments by the 
President to offices in the territories should 
be made from the bona fide citizens and 
residents of the territories wherein they 
are to serve. 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 



95 



Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress 
to enact such laws as shall promptly and 
effectually suppress the system of po- 
lygamy within our territory and divorce 
the political from the ecclesiastical power 
of the so-called Mormon Church and that 
the law so enacted should be rigidly en- 
forced by the civil authorities if possible, 
and by the militaiy if need be. 

Denouitclng Southern Outrages. 

The people of the United States in their 
organized capacity constitute a nation and 
not a mere confederacy of states. The 
National Government is supreme within 
the sphere of its national duty, but the 
states have reserved rights which should 
be faithfully maintained ; each should be 
guarded with jealous care so that the har- 
mony of our system of government may 
be preserved and the Union kept inviolate. 
The perpetuity of our institutions rests 
upon the maintenance of a free ballot, an 
honest count and a correct return. We 
denounce the fraud and violence prac- 



ticed by the Democratic party in Southern 
States, by which the will of the voter is 
defeated, as dangerous to the preservation 
of free institutions, and we solemnly ar- 
raign the Democratic party as being the 
guilty recipient of the fruit of such fraud 
and violence. 

We extend to the Republicans of the 
South, regardless of their former party 
affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and 
pledge them our most earnest efforts to 
promote the passage of such legislation as 
will secure to every citizen, of whatever 
race and color, the full and complete re- 
cognition, possession and exercise of all 
civil and political rights. 

Mr. Bush, of California — I move the 
adoption of the resolutions. 

The Chair — The gentleman from Cali- 
fornia moves the adoption of the resolu- 
tions. The question is upon the adoption 
of the resolutions. Those in favor of the 
same will say yea, and contrary nay. 

The resolutions were adopted unani- 
mously. 



96 



THE ISSUES OF 1884. 





























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* In Connecticut, the vote for Sheriff is taken. In New York, the average vote on four of the five 
State officers chosen, exchirting Secretary of State. In Nebraska, Democratic and Anti-Monopoly vote 
combined on Judge, t American, 707 ; scattering, 989. % Scatt"?ring, 106. g In these States the vole on 
Lieutenant-Governor was taken, as being, from special cause.s, a fairer test of party strength. In the 
others the principal State officer was taken. Where State officers were not elected, the Congressiounl 
vote was tnken. In Georgia, Congressmen-at-Large was taken. || The vote for Chief Judge, f The 
Regular and Independent Republican vote is combined. ** Vote of the two Democratic candid ates is 
combined. 



PART 11. 



OF 

POLITICAL PARTIES. 



^ 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Colonial Parties— Wlilg and Tory. 

The parties peculiar to our Colonial 
times hardly have a place in American 
politics. They divided people in senti- 
ment simply, as they did in the mother 
country, but here there was little or no 
power to act, and were to gather results 
from party victories. Men were then 
Whigs or Tories because they had been 
prior to their emigration here, or because 
their parents had been, or because it has 
ever been natural to show division in in- 
dividual sentiment. Political contests, 
however, were unknown, for none enjoyed 
the pleasures and profits of power; the 
crown made and unmade rulers. The 
local self-government which our fore- 
fathers enjoyed, were secured to them by 
their charters, and these were held to be 
contracts not to be changed without the 
consent of both parties. All of the inhabi- 
tants of the colonies claimed and were 
justly entitled to the rights guaranteed by 
the Magna Charta, and in addition to 
these they insisted upon the supervision of 
all internal interests and the power to levy 
and collect taxes. These claims were con- 
ceded until their growing prosperity and 
England's need of additional revenues 
suggested schemes of indirect taxation. 
Against these the colony of Plymouth pro- 
tested as early as 1636, and spasmodic pro- 
tests from allthe colonies followed. These 
increased in frequency and force with the 
growing demands of King George III. In 
1651 the navigation laws imposed upon the 
colonies required both exports and imports 
to be carried la British ships, and all who 



traded were compelled to do it with Eng- 
land. In 1672 inter-colonial duties were 
imposed, and when manufocturing sought 
to flank this policy, their establishment 
was forbidden by law. 

The passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 
caused high excitement, and for the first 
time parties began to take definite shape 
and manifest open antagonisms, and the 
words Whig and Tory then had a plainer 
meaning in America than in England. 
The Stamp Act was denounced by the 
Whigs as direct taxation, since it provided, 
that stamps previously paid for should be 
affixed to all legal papers. The colonies 
resented, and so general were the protests 
that for a time it seemed that only those 
who owed their livings to the Crown, or 
expected aid and comfort from it, re- 
mained with the Tories. The Whigs were 
the patriots. The war for the rights of 
the colonies began in 1775, and it was 
supported by majorities in all of the Co- 
lonial Assemblies. These majorities were 
as carefully organized then as now to pro- 
mote a popular cause, and this in the face 
of adverse action on the part of the sev- 
eral Colonial Governors. Thus in Vir- 
ginia, Lord Dunmore had from time to 
time, until 1773, prorogued the Virginia 
Assembly, when it seized the opportunity 
to pass resolves instituting a committee of 
correspondence, and recommending joint 
action by the legislatures of the other 
colonies. In the next year, the same body, 
under the lead of Henry, Randolph, Lee, 
Washington, Wythe and other patriots, 
officially deprecated the closing of the 

3 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



port of Boston, and set apart a day to im- 
plore Divine interposition in behalf of the 
colonies. The Governor dissolved the 
House for this act, and the delegates, 89 in 
number, repaired to a tavern, organized 
thsmselves into a committee, signed arti- 
cles of association, and advised with other 
colonial committees the expediency of 
**^ appointing deputies to meet in a general 
correspondence" — really a suggestion for 
a Congress. The idea of a Congress, how- 
ever, originated with Doctor Franklin the 
year before, and it had then been approved 
by town meetings in Providence, Boston 
and New York. The action of Virginia 
lifted the proposal above individual advice 
and the action of town meetings, and 
called to it the attention of all the colo- 
nial legislatures. It was indeed fortunate 
in the incipiency of these political move- 
ments, that the people were practically 
unanimous. Only the far-seeing realized 
tne drift and danger, while nearly all could 
join their voices against oppressive taxes 
and imposts. 

The war went on for colonial rights, the 
Whigs wisely insisting that they were wil- 
ling to remain as colonists if their rights 
should be guaranteed by the mother coun- 
try ; the Tories, chiefly fed by the Crown, 
were willing to remain without guarantee 
— a negative position, and one which in 
the high excitement of the times excited 
little attention, save where the holders of 
such views made themselves odious by the 
enjoyment of high official position, or by 
harsh criticism upon, or treatment of the 
patriots. 

The first Continental Congress assembled 
in Philadelphia in September, 1774, and 
there laid the foundations of the Republic. 
While its assemblage was first recom- 
mended by home meetings, the cause, as 
already shown, was taken up by the as- 
semblies of Massachusetts and Virginia. 
Georgia alone was not represented. The 
members were called delegates, who de- 
clared in their official papers that they 
were " appointed by the good people of 
these colonies." It was called the " revo- 
lutionary government," because it derived 
its power from the people, and not from 
the functionaries of any existing govern- 
ment. In it each colony was allowed but 
a single vote, regardless of the number of 
delegates, and here began not only the 
unit rule, but the practice which obtains 
in the election of a President when the 
contest reaches, under the constitution and 
law, the National House of Representa- 
tives. The original object was to give 
equality to the colonies as colonies. 

In 1775, the second Continental Con- 
gress assembled at Philadelphia, all the 
colonies being again represented save 
Georgia. The delegates were chosen prin- 
cipally by conventions of the people, 



though some were sent by the popular 
branches of the colonial legislatures. In 
July, and soon after the commencement 
of hostilities, Georgia entered the Con- 
federacy. 

The Declaration of Independence, passed 
in 1776, drew yet plainer lines between the 
Whigs and Tories. A gulf of hatred sepa- 
rated the opposing parties, and the Tory 
was far more despised than the open foe, 
when he was not such, and was the first 
sought when he was. Men who contend 
for liberty ever regard those who are not 
for them as against them — a feeling which 
led to the expression of a political maxim 
of apparent undying force, for it has since 
found frequent repetition in every earnest 
campaign. After the adoption of the De- 
claration by the Continental Congress, the 
Whigs favored the most direct and abso- 
lute separation, while the Tories supported 
the Crown. On the 7th of June, 1776, 
Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved 
the Declaration in these words: 

"Resolved, That these united colonies are, 
and of right ought to be, free and indepen- 
dent states ; that they are absolved from 
all allegiance to the British Crown, and 
that all political connection between them 
and the State of Great Britain is, and 
ought to be, totally dissolved." 

Then followed preparations for the for- 
mal declaration, whicn was adopted on the 
4th of July, 1776, in the precise language 
submitted by Thomas Jefferson. All of 
the state papers of the Continental Con- 
gress evince the highest talent, and the 
evils which led to its exhibition must have 
been long but very impatiently endured to 
impel the study of the questions involved. 
Possibly only the best lives in our memory 
invite our perusal, but certain it is that 
higher capacity was never called to the 
performance of graver political duties in 
the history of the world. 

It has been said that the Declaration is 
in imitation of that published by the Uni- 
ted Netherlands, but whether this be true 
or false, the liberty-loving world has for 
more than a century accepted it as the 
best protest against oppression known to 
political history. A great occasion con- 
spired with a great author to make it 
grandly great. 

Dr. Franklin, as early as July, 1775, first 
prepared a sketch of articles of confedera- 
tion between the colonies, to continue until 
their reconciliation with Great Britain, 
and in failure thereof to be perpetual. 
John Quincy Adams says this plan was 
never discussed in Congress. June 11, 
1776, a committee was appointed to pre- 
pare the force of a colonial confederation, 
and the day following one member from 
each colony was appointed to perform the 
duty. The report was submitted, laid 
aside August 20, 1776, taken up April 7, 



PARTICULARISTS— STRONG GOVERNMENT WHIGS. 



1777, and debated from time to time until 
November 15tb, of the same year, when 
the report was agreed to. It was then 
submitted to the legislatures of the several 
states, these being advised to authorize 
their delegates in Congress to ratify the 
same. On the 2Gth of June, 1778, the rat- 
ification was ordered to be engrossed and 
signed by the delegates. Those of New 
Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, New York, Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia and South Carolina 
signed July 9tli, 1778 ; those of North Car- 
olina July 21st ; Georgia July 24th ; Jersey 
November 2Gth, same year ; Delaware 
February 22d and May 5th, 1779. Mary- 
land refused to ratify until the question of 
the conflicting claims of the Union and 
of the separate States to the property of 
the crown-lands should be adjusted. This 
was accomplished by the cession of the 
lands in dispute to the United States, and 
Maryland signed March 1st, 1781. On 
the 2d of March, Congress assembled un- 
der the new powers, and continued to act 
for the Confederacy until the 4th of March, 
1789, the date of the organization of the 
government under the Federal constitu- 
tion. Our political life has therefore three 
periods, " the revolutionary government," 
"the confederation," and that of the "fed- 
eral constitution," which still obtains. 

The federal constitution is the result of 
the labors of a convention called at Phila- 
delphia in May, 1787, at a time when it 
was lieared by many that the Union was 
in the greatest danger, from inability to 
pay soldiers who had, in 1783, been dis- 
banded on a declaration of peace and an 
acknowledgment of independence ; from 
prostration of the public credit and faith 
of the nation ; from the neglect to provide 
for the payment of even the interest on 
the public debt ; and from the disappoint- 
ed hopes of many who thought freedom 
did not need to face responsibilities. A 
large portion of the convention of 1787 
still clung to the confederacy of the states, 
and advocated as a substitute for the con- 
stitution a revival of the old articles of 
confederation with additional powers to 
Congress. A long discussion followed, 
and a most able one, but a constitution for 
the people, embodying a division of legis- 
lative, judicial and executive powers pre- 
vailed, and the result is now daily wit- 
nessed in the federal constitution. While 
the revolutionary war lasted but seven 
years, the political revolution incident to, 
identified with and directing it, lasted 
thirteen years. This was completed on 
the 30th of April, 1789, the day on which 
Wa-shington was inauirurated as the first 
President under the federal constitution. 



The Partlcnlarlsts. 

As questions of government were evolved 



by the struggles for independence, the 
Whigs, who of course greatly outnumbered 
all others during the Revolution, naturally 
divided in sentiment, though their divi- 
sions were not sufficiently serious to excite 
the establishment of rival parties — some- 
thing which the great majority of our fore- 
fathers were too wise to think of in time of 
war. When the war closed, however, an J 
the question of establishing the Union was 
brought clear to the view of all, one class 
of the Whigs believed that state govern- 
ment should be supreme, and that no cen- 
tral power should have sufficient authority 
to coerce a state, or keep it to the com- 
pact against its will. AH accepted the 
idea of a central government; all realized 
the necessity of union, but the fear that 
the states would lose their power, or sur- 
render their independence was very great, 
and this fear was more naturally shown by 
both the larger and the smaller states. This 
class of thinkers were then called Partic- 
ularists. Their views were opposed by 
the 



Strong Government 'Wltlgs 

who argued that local self-government wag 
inadequate to the establishment and per- 
petuation of political freedom, and that it 
afforded little or no power to successfully 
resist foreign invasion. Some of these 
went so far as to favor a government pat- 
terned after that of England, save that it 
should be republican in name and spirit. 
The essential differences, if they can be re- 
duced to two sentences, were these : The 
Particularist Whigs desired a government 
republican in form and democratic in 
spirit, with rights of local ^elf-government 
and state rights ever uppermost. The 
Strong Government Whigs desired a gov- 
ernment republican in form, with checks 
upon the impulses or passions of the peo- 
ple ; liberty, sternly regulated by law, and 
that law strengthened and confirmed by 
central authority — the authority of the na- 
tional government to be final in appeals. 
As we have stated, the weakness of the 
confederation was acknowledged by many 
men, and the majority, as it proved to be 
after much agitation and discussion 
thought it too imperfect to amend. The 
power of the confederacy was not acknow- 
edged by the states, its congress not re- 
spected by the people. Its requisitions 
were disregarded, foreign trade could not 
be successfully regulated ; foreign nations 
refused to bind themselves by commercial 
treaties, and there was a rapid growth of 
very dangerous business rivalries and 
jealousies between the several states, 
rhose which were fortunate enough, in- 
dependent of congress, to possess or se- 
cure ports for domestic or foreign com- 
merce, taxed the imports of their Cflier 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



states. There was confusion which must 
soon have approached violence, for no 
authority beyond the limits of the state 
was respected, and Congress was notably 
powerless in its attempts to command aid 
from the states to meet the payment of 
the war debt, or the interest thereon. In- 
Htead of general respect for, there was al- 
most general disregard of law on the part 
of legislative bodies, and the people were 
not slow in imitating their representatives. 
Civil strife became imminent, and Shay's 
Rebellion in Massachusetts was the tirst 
warlike manifestation of the spirit which 
was abroad in the land. 

Alive to the new dangers, the Assembly 
of Virginia in 178G, appointed commis- 
sioners to invite all the states to take part 
in a convention for the consideration of 
questions of commerce, and the i)ropriety 
of altering the Articles of Confederation. 
This convention met at Annapolis, Sept. 
11th, 178G. But five states sent representa- 
tives, the others regarding the movement 
with jealousy. This convention, however, 
adopted a report which urged the appoint- 
ment of commissioners by all the states, 
" to devise such other provisions as shall, 
to them seem necessary to render the con- 
dition of the Federal government adequate 
to the exigencies of the Union ; and to re- 
]>ort such an act for that purpose to the 
United States in Congress assembled, as, 
when agreed to by them and afterwards 
confirmed by the legislatures of every state, 
will effectually provide for the same." 
Congress approved this action, and passed 
resolutions favoring a meeting in conven- 
tion for the "sole and express purpose of 
revising the Articles of Confederation, and 
report to Congress and the State legisla- 
tures." The convention met in Philadel- 
phia in May, 1787, and continued its ses- 
sions un til September 17th, of the same year. 
The Strong Government Whigs had previ- 
ously made every possible eflbrt for a full 
and able representation, and the result did 
not disappoint them, for instead of simply 
revising the Articles of Confederation, the 
convention framed a constitution, and sent 
it to Congress to be submitted to that body 
and through it to the several legislatures. 
The act submitting it provided that, if it 
should be ratified by nine of the thirteen 
states, it should be binding upon those 
ratifying the same. Just here was started 
the custom which has since passed into 
law, that amendments to the national con- 
stitution shall be submitted after ai)proval 
by Congress, to the legislatures of the sev- 
eral states, and after approval by three- 
fourths thereof, it shall be binding vjwn all 
— a veiy proper exercise of constitutional 
authority, as it seems now, hut which 
would not have won popular approval 
when Virginia proposed the Annapolis 
convention in 1786. Indeed, the reader of 



our political history must ever be impressed 
with the fact that changes and reforms 
ever moved slowly, and that those of slow- 
est growth seem to abide the longest. 



The Federal and Anti-Federal Parties. 

The Strong Government Whigs, on the 
submission of the constitution of 1787 to 
Congress and the legislatures, and indi- 
rectly through the latter to the people, who 
elect the members on this issue, became 
the Federal party, and all of its power was 
used to promote the ratification of the in- 
strument. Its ablest men, headed by 
Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, 
advocated adoption before the people, and 
their pens supplied much of the current 
political literature of that day. Eighty- 
five essays, still noted and quoted for their 
ability, under the nom deplume of " Pub- 
lius," were published in " The Federalist." 
They were written by Hamilton, Madison 
and Jay, and with irresistible force advo- 
cated the Federal constitution, which was 
ratified by the nine needed states, and 
Congress was ofilcially informed of the fact 
July 2d, 1788, and the first Wednesday in 
March, 1789, was fixed as the time " for 
commencing proceedings under the con- 
stitution." 

This struggle for the first time gave the 
Federalists an admitted majority. The 
complexion of the State legislature prior 
to it showed them in fact to be in a mi- 
nority, and the Particularist Whigs, or 
Anti-Federals opposed every preliminary 
step looking to the abandonment of the 
Articles of Confederation and the adoption 
of a Federal constitution. They were 
called Anti-Federals because they opposed 
a federal governm.ent and constitution and 
adhered to the rights of the States and 
those of local self-government. Doubtless 
party rancor, then as now, led men to op- 
pose a system of government which it 
seems they must have approved after fight- 
ing for it, but the earlier jealousies of the 
States and the prevailing ideas of liberty 
certainly gave the Anti-Federals a popu- 
larity which only a test so sensible as that 
proposed could have shaken. They were 
not without popular orators and leaders. 
Patrick Henry, the earliest of the pa- 
triots, and " the-old-man-eloquent," Samuel 
Adams, took special pride in espousmg 
their cause. The war questions between 
Whig and Tory must have passed quickly 
away, as living issues, though the news- 
papers and contemporaneous history show 
that the old taunts and battle cries were 
applied to the new situation with a pJain- 
ness and virulence that must still be envied 
by the sensational and more bitterly parti- 
san journals of our own day. To read 
these now, and some of our facts are gajth 



FEDERALS AND ANTI-FEDERALS. 



ered from such sources, is to account for 
the frequent use of the saying toucliing 
" the ingratitude of republics," for when 
partisan Iiatred could deride the still re- 
cent utterances of Henry before the startled 
assembly of Virginians, and of Adams in 
advocating the adoption of the Declaration, 
there must at least to every surface view 
have been rank ingratitude. Their good 
names, however, survived the struggle, as 
good names in our republic have ever sur- 
vived the passions of the law. In politics 
the Americans then as now, hated with 
promptness and forgave with generosity. 

The Anti-Federals denied nearly all that 
the Federals asserted. The latter had for 
the first time assumed the aggressive, and 
had the advantage of position. They 
showed the deplorable condition of the 
country, and their opponents had to bear 
the burdens of denial at a time when nearly 
all public and private obligations were dis- 
honored ; when labor was poorly paid, work- 
men getting but twenty-five cents a day, with 
little to do at that ; when even the rich in 
lands were poor in purse, and when com- 
merce on the seas was checked by the cold- 
ness of foreign nations and restricted by 
the action of the States themselves ; when 
manufactures were without protection of 
any kind, and when the peojjle thought 
their struggle for freedom was about to end 
in national poverty. Still Henry, and 
Adams and Hancock, Avith hosts of others, 
claimed that the aspirations of the Anti- 
Federals were the freest, that they pointed 
to personal liberty and local sovereignty. 
Yet many Anti-Federals must have accept- 
ed the views of the Federals, who under 
the circumstances must have presented the 
better reason, and the result was as stated, 
the ratification of the Federal constitution 
of 1787 by three-fourths of the States of 
the Union. After this the Anti-Federalists 
were given a new name, that of " Close 
Constructionists," because they naturally 
desired to interpret the new instrument in 
such a way as to bend it to their views. 
The Federalists became " Broad Construc- 
tionists," because they interpreted the con- 
stitution in a way calculated to broaden 
the power of the national government. 

The Confederacy once dissolved, the 
Federal party entered upon the enjoy- 
ment of full political power, but it was not 
without its responsibilities. The govern- 
ment had to be organized upon the basis 
of the new constitution, as upon the suc- 
cess of that organization would depend not 
alone the stability of the government and 
the happiness of its people, but the repu- 
tation of the party and the fame of its 
leaders as statesmen. 

Fortunately for all, party hostilities were 
not manifested in the Presidential election. 
All bowed to the popularity of Washing- 
ton, and he was unanimously nominated 



by the congressional caucus and appointed 
by the electoral college. He selected his 
cabinet from the leading minds of both 
parties, and while himself a recognized 
Federalist, all felt that he was acting for 
the good of all, and in the earlier years of 
his administration, none disputed this 
fact. 

As the new measures of the government 
advanced, however, the anti-lederalists or- 
ganized an opposition to the party in 
power. Immediate danger had passed. 
The constitution worked well. The lawa 
of Congress were respected ; its calls for 
revenue honored, and Washington de- 
voted much of his first and second mes- 
sages to showing the growing prosperity 
of the country, and the respect which it 
was beginning to excite abroad. But 
where there is political power, there is 
opposition in a free land, and the great 
leaders of that day neither forfeited their 
reputations as patriots, or their characters 
as statesmen by the assertion of honest dif- 
ferences of opinion. Washington, Adams, 
and Hamilton were the recognized leaders 
of the Federalists, the firm friends of the 
constitution. The success of this instru- 
ment modified the views of the anti- 
Federalists, and Madison of Virginia, its 
recognized friend when it was in prepara- 
tion, joined with others who had been its 
friends — notably, * Doctor Williamson, of 
North Carolina, and Mr. Langdon, of 
Georgia, in opposing the administration, 
and soon became recognized leaders of the 
anti-Federalists. Langdon was the Presi- 
dent pro tern, of the Senate. Jefferson was 
then on a mission to France, and not until 
some years thereafter did he array himself 
with those opposed to centralized power in 
the nation. He returned in November, 

1789, and was called to Washington's 
cabinet as Secretary of State in March, 

1790. It was a great cabinet, with Jeffer- 
son as its premier (if this term is suited to 
a time when English political nomenclature 
was anything but popular in the land;) 
Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury; 
Knox, Secretary of War, and Edmund 
Randolph, Attorney-General. There was 
no Secretary of the Navy until the ad- 
ministration of the elder Adams, and no 
Secretary of the Interior. 

The first session of Congress under the 
Federal constitution, held in New York, 
sat for nearly six months, the adjournment 
taking place September 29th, 1789. Nearly 
all the laws framed pointed to the organi- 
zation of the government, and the discus- 
sions were able and protracted. Indeed, 
these discussions developed opposing views, 
which could easily find separation on much 
the same old lines as those which separated 
the founders of constitutional government 

* Edwia Williams in Stateeman's Manual. 



8 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



from those who favored the old confederate 
methods. The Federalists, on pivotal 
questions, at this session, carried their 
measures only by small majorities. 

Much of the second session was devoted 
to the discussion of the able reports of 
Hamilton, and their final adoption did 
much to build up the credit of the nation 
and to promote its industries. He was 
the author of the protective system, and at 
the first session gave definite shape to his 
theories. He recommended the funding 
of the war debt, the assumption of the 
state war debts by the national government, 
the providing of a system of revenue from 
the collection of duties on imports, and an 
internal excise. His advocacy of a pro- 
tective tariff was plain, for he declared it 
to be necessary for the support of the gov- 
ernment and the encouragemvnt of manu- 
factures that duties be laid on goods, wares, 
and merchandise imported. 

The third session of the same Congress 
was held at Philadelphia, though the seat 
of the national government had, at the 
previous one, been fixed on the Potomac 
instead of the Susquehanna — this after a 
compromise with Southern members, who 
refiised to vote for the Assumption Bill 
until the location of the capital in the 
District of Columbia had been agreed 
upon ; by the way, this was the first exhi- 
bition of log-rolling in Congress. To 
complete Hamilton's financial system, a 
national bank was incorporated. On this 
project both the members of Congress and 
of the cabinet were divided, but it passed, 
and was promptly approved by Washing- 
ton. By this time it was well known that 
Jefferson and Hamilton held opposing 
views on many questions of government, 
and these found their way into and influ- 
enced the action of Congress, and passed 
naturally from thence to the people, who 
were thus early believed to be almost 
equally divided on the more essential po- 
litical issues. Before the close of the ses- 
sion, Vermont and Kentucky were ad- 
mitted to the Union. Vermont was the 
first state admitted in addition to the 
original thirteen. True, North Carolina 
and Rhode Island had rejected the consti- 
tution, but they reconsidered their action 
and came in — the former in November, 
1789, and the latter in May, 1790. 

The election for members of the Second 
Congress resulted in a majority in both 
branches favorable to the administration. 
It met at Philadelphia in October, 1791. 
The exciting measure of the session was 
the excise act, somewhat similar to that of 
the previous year, but the opposition 
wanted an issue on which to rally, they 
accepted this, and this agitation led to vio- 
lent and in one instance warlike opposi- 
tion on the part of a portion of the people. 
Those of western Pennsylvania, largely 



interested in distilleries, prepared for 
armed resistance to the excise, but at the 
same session a national militia law had 
been passed, and Washington took ad- 
vantage of this to suppress the " Whisky 
Rebellion" in its incipiency. It was a 
hasty, rash undertaking, yet was dealt with 
so firmly that the action of the authorities 
strengthened the law, and the respect for 
order. The four counties which rebelled 
did no further damage than to tar and 
feather a government tax collector and rob 
him of his horse, though many threats 
were made and the agitation continued 
until 1794, when Washington's threatened 
appearance at the head of fifteen thousand 
militia settled the whole question. 

The first session of the Second Congress 
also passed the first methodic apportion- 
ment bill, which based the congressional 
representation on the census taken in 1790, 
the basis being 33,000 inhabitants for each 
representative. The second session which 
sat from November, 1792, to March, 1793, 
was mainly occupied in a discussion of the 
foreign and domestic relations of the coun- 
try. No important measures were adopted. 



The Republican and Federal Parties. 

The most serious objection to the con- 
stitution before its ratification was the ab- 
sence of a distinct bill of rights, which 
should recognize "the equality of all 
men, and their rights to life, liberty and 
the pursuit of happiness," and at the first 
session of Congress a bill was framed con- 
taining twelve articles, ten of which were 
afterwards ratified as amendments to the 
constitution. Yet state sovereignty, then 
imperfectly defined, was the prevailing 
idea in the minds of the Anti-Federalists, 
and they took every opportunity to oppose 
any extended delegation of authority from 
the states of the Union. They contended 
that the power of the state should be 
supreme, and charged the Federalists with 
monarchical tendencies. They opposed 
Hamilton's national bank scheme, and 
Jefferson and Randolph plainly expressed 
the opinion that it was unconstitutional — 
that a bank was not authorized by the 
constitution, and that it would prevent the 
states from maintaining banks. But when 
the Bill of Rights had been incorporated 
in and attached to the constitution as 
amendments, Jefferson with rare political 
sagacity withdrew all opposition to the in- 
strument itself, and the Anti-Federalists 
gladly followed his lead, for they felt that 
they had labored under many partisan dis- 
advantages. The constitution was from 
the first too strong for successful resistance, 
and when opposition was confessedly 
abandoned the party name was changed, 
also at the suggestion of Jefferson, to thai 



REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS. 



of Republican. The Anti-Federalists were 
at first disposed to call their party the 
Democratic-Republicans, but finally called 
it simply Republican, to avoid the opposite 
of the extreme which they charged against 
the Federalists. Each party had its taunts 
in use, the Federalists being denounced as 
monarchists, the Anti-Federalists as Dem- 
ocrats ; the one presumed to be looking 
forward to monarchy, the other to the rule ! 
of the mob. 

By 1793 partisan lines under the names 
of Federalists and Republicans, were plain- 
ly drawn, and the schism in the cabinet 
was more marked than ever. Personal 
ambition may have had much to do with 
it, for Washington had previously shown 
his desire to retire to private life. While 
he remained at the head of affairs he was 
unwilling to part with Jefferson and Ham- 
ilton, and did all in his power to bring 
about a reconciliation, but without suc- 
cess. Before the close of the first consti- 
tutional Presidency, however, Washington 
had become convinced that the people de- 
sired him to accept a re-election, and he 
was accordingly a candidate and unani- 
mously chosen. John Adams was re-elect- 
ed Vice-President, receiving 77 votes to 
50 for Geo. Clinton, (5 scattering) the Re- 
publican candidate. Soon after the inau- 
guration Citizen Genet, an envoy from the 
French republic, arrived and sought to 
excite the sympathy of the United States 
and involve it in a war with Great Britain. 
Jefferson and his Republican party warmly 
sympathized with France, and insisted 
that gratitude for revolutionary favors 
commanded aid to France in her struggles. 
The Federalists, under Washington and 
Hamilton, favored non-intervention, and 
insisted that wo should maintain friendly 
relations with Great Britain. Washington 
showed his usual firmness, and before the 
expiration of the month in which Genet 
arrived, had issued his celebrated procla- 
mation of neutrality. This has ever since 
been the accepted foreign policy of the 
nation. 

Genet, chagrined at the issuance of this 
proclamation, threatened to appeal to the 
people, and made himself so obnoxious to 
Washington that the latter demanded his 
recall. The French government sent M. 
Fauchet as his successor, but Genet con- 
tinued to reside in the United States, and 
under his inspiration a number of Demo- 
cratic Societies, in imitation of the French 
Jacobin clubs, were founded, but like all 
such organizations in this country, they 
were short-lived. Secret political societies 
thrive only under despotisms. In Repub- 
lics like ours they can only live when the 
great parties are in confusion and greatly 
divided. They disappear with the union 
of sentiment into two great parties. If 
there were many parties and factions, as in 



Mexico and some of the South American 
republics, there would be even a wider 
field for them here than there. 

The French agitation showed its impress 
upon the nation as late as 1794, when a 
resolution to cut off intercourse with Great 
Britain passed the House, and was de- 
feated in the Senate only by the casting 
vote of the Vice-President. Many people 
favored France, and to such silly heights 
did the excitement run that these insisted 
on wearing a national cockade. Jefferson 
had left the cabinet the December pre- 
vious, and had retired to his plantation in 
Virginia, where he spent his leisure in 
writing political essays and organizing the 
Republican party, of which he was the ac- 
knowledged founder. Here he escaped the 
errors of his party in Congress, but it was 
a potent fact that his friends in official 
station not only did not endorse the non- 
intervention policy of Washington, but 
that they actively antagonized it in many 
ways. The Congressional leader in these 
movements was Mr. Madison, The policy 
of Britain fed this opposition. The forts 
on Lake Erie were still occupied by the 
British soldiery in defiance of the treaty of 
1783; American vessels were seized on 
their way to French ports, and American 
citizens were impressed. To avoid a war, 
Washington sent John Jay as special en- 
voy to England. He arrived in June, 
1794, and by November succeeded in mak- 
ing a treaty. It was ratified in June, 1795, by 
the Senate by the constitutional majority 
of two-thirds, though there was much de- 
clamatory opposition, and the feeling be- 
tween the Federal and Republican parties 
ran higher than ever before. The Republi- 
cans denounced while the Federals con- 
gratulated Washington, Under this treaty 
the British surrendered possession of all 
American ports, and as Gen'l Wayne dur- 
ing the previous summer had conquered 
the war-tribes and completed a treaty with 
them, the country was again on the road 
to prosperity. 

In Washington's message of 1794, ho 
plainly censured all " self-created political 
societies," meaning the democratic so- 
cieties formed by Genet, but this part of 
the message the House refused to endorse, 
the speaker giving the casting vote in the 
negative. The Senate was in harmony 
with the political views of the President, 
Party spirit had by this time measurably 
affected all classes of the people, and as 
subjects for agitation here multiplied, the 
opposition no longer regarded Washing- 
ton with that respect and decorum which 
it had been the rule to manifest. His wis- 
dom as President, his jjatriotism, and in- 
deed his character as a man, were all 
hotly questioned by political enemies. He 
was even charged with corruption in ex- 
pending more of the public moneys than 



10 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



had been appropriated — charges which were 
soon shown to be groundless. 

At the first session of Congress in De- 
cember, 1795, the Senate's administration 
majority had increased, but in the House 
the opposing Republicans had also in- 
creased their numbers. The Senate by 14 
to 8 endorsed the message ; the House at 
first refused but finally qualified its an- 
swers. 

In March, 1796, a new political issue 
was sprung in the House by Mr. Living- 
stone of Kew York, who offered a resolu- 
tion requesting of the President a copy of 
the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy wlio 
made the ti-eaty with Great Britain. Alter 
a debate of several days, more bitter than 
any which had preceded it, the House 
passed the resolution by 57 to 35, the Re- 
publicans voting aye, the Federals no. 
Washington in answer, took the position 
that the House of Representatives was not 
part of the treaty-making power of the 
government, and could not therefore be 
entitled to any papers relating to such 
treaties. The constitution had placed this 
treaty making and ratifying power in the 
hands of the Senate, the Cabinet and the 
President. 

This answer, now universally accepted 
as the proper one, yet excited the House 
and increased political animosities. The 
Republicans charged the Federals with 
being the "British party," and in some 
instances hinted that they had been pur- 
chased with British gold. Indignation 
meetings were called, but after much 
sound and fury, it was ascertained that the 
peojile really favored abiding by the treaty 
in good faith, and finally the House, alter 
more calm and able debates, passed the 
needed legislation to carry out the treaty 
by a vote of 51 to 48. 

In August, 1796, prior to the meeting 
of the Congressional caucus which then 
placed candidates for the Presidency in 
nomination, ^Vashington issued his cele- 
brated Farewell Address, in which he gave 
notice that he would i-etire from public 
life at the expiration of his term. He had 
been solicited to be a candidate for re- 
election fa third term) and told that all 
the people could unite upon him — a state- 
ment which, without abating one jot, our 
admiration for the man, would doubtless 
have been called in question by the Re- 
publicans, who had become implacably 
hostile to his political views, and who were 
encouraged to believe they could win con- 
trol of the Presidency, by their rapidly in- 
creasing power in the House. Yet the ad- 
dress was everywhere received with marks 
of admiration. Legislatures commended 
it by resolution and ordered it to be en- 
grossed upon their records ; journals 
praised it, and upon the strength of its 
plain doctrines the Federalists took new 



courage, and prepared to win in the Presi- 
dential battle which followed. Both parties 
were plainly arrayed and confident, and 
so close was the result that the leaders of 
both were elected — John Adams, the nom- 
inee of the Federalists, to the Presidency, 
and Thomas Jetferson, the nominee of the 
Republicans, to the Vice-Presidency. The 
law which then obtained was that the 
candidate who received the highest num- 
ber of electoral votes, took the first place, 
the next highest, the second. Thomas 
Pinckney of South Carolina was the Fed- 
eral nominee for Vice-President, and Aaron 
Burr of the Rejiublicans. Adams received 
71 electoral votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 
59, Burr 30, scattering 48. Pinckney had 
lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38 — a loss of 
popularity which the latter regained four 
years later. The first impressions which 
our forel'athers had of this man were the 
best. 

John Adams was inaugurated as Pres- 
ident in Philadelphia, at Congress Hall, 
]\larch 4th, 1797, and in his inaugural was 
careful to deny the charge that the Fed- 
eral party had any sympathy for England, 
but reaffirmed his endorsement of the 
policy of Washington as to strict neutral- 
ity. To this extent he sought to soften the 
asperities of the parties, and measurably 
succeeded, though the times were etill 
stormy. The French revolution had 
reached its highest point, and our people 
still took sides. Adams found he would 
have to arm to preserve neutrality and at 
the same time punish the aggression of 
either of the combatants. This was our 
first exhibition of " armed neutrality." 
An American navy was quickly raised, and 
every preparation made for defending the 
rights of Americans. An alliance with 
France was refused, after which the 
American Minister was dismissed and the 
r'rench na^^' began to cripple our trade. 
In May, 1797, President Adams felt it his 
duty to call an extra session of Congress, 
which closed in July. The Senate ap- 
proved of negotiations for reconciKation 
with France. They were attempted but 
])roved fruitless ; in May, 1798, a lull naval 
armament was authorized, and soon several 
French vessels were captured before there 
was any declaration of war. Indeed, neith- 
er power declared war, and as soon as 
France discovered how earnest the Ameri- 
cans were she made overtures for an ad- 
justment of difficulties, and these resulted 
in the treaty of 1800. 

The Republicans, though warmly favor- 
ing a contest, did not heartily support that 
inaugurated by Adams, and contended 
after this that the militia and a small naval 
force were sufficient for internal defense. 
They denounced the position of the Fed- 
erals, who favored the enlargement of the 
army and navy, as measures calculated to 



REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS. 



11 



overawe public sentiment in time of peace. 
The Federals, however, through their 
prompt resentment of the aggressions of 
France, had many adherents to their 
party. They organized their power and 
sought to perpetuate it by the passage of 
the alien and sedition, and a naturaliza- 
tion law. 

The alien and sedition law gave the 
President authority " to order all such 
aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the 
peace and safety of the United States, or 
shall have reasonable grounds to suspect 
are concerned in any treasonable or secret 
machinations against the government 
thereof, to depart out of the territory of 
the United States, within such time as 
shall be expressed in such order." The 
provisions which followed were in keeping 
with that quoted, the 3d section command- 
ing every master of a ship entering a port 
of the United States, immediately on his 
arrival, to make report in writing to the 
collector of customs, the names of all aliens 
on board, etc. The act was to continue 
in force for two years from the date of its 
passase, and it was approved June 2oth, 
1798." 

A resolution was introduced in the Sen- 
ate on the 25tlv of April, 1798, by Mr. 
Hillhouse of Connecticut, to inquire what 
provision of law ought to be made, &c., as 
to the removal of such aliens as may be 
dangerous to the peace of the country, &c. 
This resolution was adopted the next day, 
and Messrs. PliUhouse, Livermore and 
Read were appointed the committee, and 
subsequently reported the bill. It passed 
the Senate by 16 to 7, and the House by 
46 to 40, the Republicans in the latter 
body resisting it warmly. The leading 
opposing idea was that it lodged with the 
Executive too much power, and was liable 
to great abuse. It has frequently since, 
in arguments against centralized power, 
been used for illustration by political 
speakers. 

The Naturalization law, favored by the 
Federalists, because they knew they could 
acquire few friends either from newly ar- 
rived English or French aliens, among 
other requirements provided that an alien 
must reside in the United States fourteen 
years before he could vote. The Republi- 
cans denounced this law as calculated to 
check immigration, and dangerous to our 
country in the fact that it caused too 
many inhabitants to owe no allegiance. 
They also asserted, as did those who op- 
posed Americanism later on in our histor^^ 
that America was properly an asylum for 
all nations, and that those coming to 
America should freely share all the privi- 
leges and liberties of the government. 

These laws and the political resentments 
which they created gave a new and what 
eventually proved a dangerous current to 



politica. thought and action. They were 
tlie immediate cause of the Kentucky and 
Virginia resolutions of 1798, Jefferson be- 
ing the author of the former and Madison 
of the latter. 

These resolutions were full of political 
significance, and gave tone to sectional dis- 
cussion up to the close of the war for the 
Union. They first promulgated the doc- 
trine of nullification or secession, and 
political writers mistake who point to Cal- 
houn as the lather of that doctrine. It 
began with the old Republicans under the 
leadership of Jefferson and Madison, and 
though directly intended as protests against 
the alien and sedition, and the naturaliza- 
tion laws of Congress, they kept one eye 
upon the question of slavery — rather that 
interest was kejJt in view in their declara- 
tions, and yet the authors of both were 
anything but Avarm advocates of slavery. 
They were then striving, however, to rein- 
force the opposition to the Federal party, 
which the administration of Adams had 
thus far apparently weakened, and they 
had in view the brief agitation which had 
sprung up in 1793, five years before, on the 
petition to Congress of a Pennsylvania 
society *' to use its jjowers to stop the traffic 
in slaves." On the question of referring 
this petition to a committee there arose a 
sectional debate. Men took sides not be- 
cause of the party to which they belonged, 
but the section, and for the first time the 
North and South were arrayed against each 
other on a question not then treated either as 
partisan or j^olitical, but which most minds 
then saw must soon become both partisan 
and sectional. Some of the Southern de- 
baters, in their protests against interfer- 
ence, thus early threatened civil war. With 
a view to better protect their rights to slave 
property, they then advocated and suc- 
ceeded in passing the first fugitive slave 
law. This was approved February 12, 1793. 

The resolutions of 1798 will be found iu 
the book devoted to political platforms. 
So highly were these esteemed by the Re- 
publicans of that day, and by the interests 
whose support they so shrewdly invited, 
that they more than counterbalanced the 
popularity acquired by the Federals in their 
resistance to France, and by 1800 they 
caused a rupture in the Cabinet of Adams. * 

In the Presidential election of 1800 John 
Adams was the nominee for President and 
C. C. Pinckney for Vice-President, A 
" Congressional Convention" of Republi- 
cans, held in Philadelphia, nominated 
Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr as can- 
didates for these oflices. On the election 
which followed the Republicans chose 73 
electors and the Federalists 6o. Each 
elector voted for tAVO persons, and the Re- 
publicans so voted that they unwisely gave 
Jefferson and Burr each 73 votes. Neither 
being highest, it was not legally determined 



12 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



which should be President or Vice-Presi- 
dent, and the election had to go to the 
House. The Federalists threw 65 votes to 
Adams and 64 to Pinckney. The Repub- 
licans could have done the same, but Burr's 
intrigue and ambition prevented this, and 
the result was a prttracted contest in 
the House, and one which put the country 
in great peril, but which plainly pointed 
out some of the imperfections of the elec- 
toral features of the Constitution. The 
Federalists proposed to confess the inabil- 
ity of the House to agree through the vote 
by States, but to this proposition the Re- 
publicans threatened armed resistance. 
The Federalists next attempted a combina- 
tion with the friends of Aaron Burr, but 
this specimen of bargaining to deprive a 
nominee of the place to which it was the 
plain intention of his party to elect him, 
really contributed to Jetferson's popularity, 
if not in that Congress, certainly before the 
people. He was elected on the 36th ballot. 

The bitterness of this strife, and the 
dangers which similar ones threatened, led 
to an abandonment of the system of each 
Elector voting for two, the highest to be 
President, the next highest Vice-President, 
and an amendment was offered to the Con- 
stitution, and fully ratified by September 
25, 1804, requiring the electors to ballot 
separately for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

Jefferson was the first candidate nomi- 
nated by a Congressional caucus. It con- 
vened in 1800 at Philadelphia, and nomi- 
nated Jefferson for President and Burr for 
Vice-President. Adams and Pinckney 
were not nominated, but ran and were ac- 
cepted as natural leaders of their party, 
just as Washington and Adams were be- 
fore them. 



Do-wnfall of tlie Federal Party. 

This contest broke the power of the 
Federal party. It had before relied upon 
the rare sagacity and ability of its leaders, 
but the contest in the House developed 
such attempts at intrigue as disgusted 
many and caused all to quarrel, Hamilton 
having early showed his dislike to Adams. 
As a party the Federal had been peculiarly 
brave at times when high bravery was 
needed. It had framed the Federal Gov- 
ernment and stood by the powers given it 
until they were too firmly planted for even 
newer and triumphant partisans to reck- 
lessly trifle with. It stood for non-inter- 
ference with foreign nations against the 
eloquence of adventurers, the mad impulses 
of mobs, the generosity of new-born free- 
men, the harangues of demagogues, and 
best of all against those who sought to fan 
these popular breezes to their own comfort. 
It provided for the payment of the debt, 
had the courage to raise revenues both 



from internal and external sources, and to 
increase expenditures, as the gnjwth of the 
country demanded. Though it passed out 
of power in a cloud of intrigue and in a 
vain grasp at the " flesh-pots," it yet had a 
glorious history, and one which none un- 
tinctured with the better prejudices of that 
day, can avoid admiring. 

The defeat of Adams Wiis not unexpect- 
ed by him, yet it was greatly regretted by 
his friends, for he was justly regarded as 
second to no other civilian in the estab- 
lishment of the liberties of the colonies. 
He was eloquent to a rare degree, possessed 
natural eloquence, and made the most 
famous speech in advocacy of the Declara- 
tion. Though the proceedings of the 
Revolutionary Congress were secret, and 
what was said never printed, yet Webster 
gives his version of the noted speech of 
Adams, and we reproduce it in Book III. 
of this volume as one of the great speeches 
of noted American orators. 

Mr. Jefierson was inaugurated the third 
President, in the new cai)itol at ^V'^ashing- 
ton, on the 4th of March, 1801, and Vice- 
President Burr took his seat in the Senate 
the same day. Though Burr distinctly dis- 
avowed any participancy in the House 
contest, he was distrusted by Jefferson's 
warm friends, and jealousies rapidly 
cropped out. Jefferson endeavored through 
his inaugural to smooth factious and party 
asperities,and so well were his words chosen 
that the Federalists indulged, the hope that 
they Avould not be removed from office be- 
cause of their political views. 

Early in June, however, the first ques- 
tion of civil service was raised. Mr. Jeffer- 
son then removed Elizur Goodrich, a Fed- 
eralist, from the Collectorship of New 
Haven, and apjiointed Samuel Bishop, a 
Republican, to the place. Tha citizens re- 
monstrated, saying that Goodrich was 
prompt, reliable and able, and showed that 
his successor was 78 years old, and too in- 
firm for the duties of the office. To these 
remonstrances Mr. Jefferson, under date of 
July 12th, replied in language which did 
not then, as he did later on, plainly assert 
the right of every administration to have 
its friends in office. We quote the fol- 
lowing : 

" Declarations by myself, in favor of 
political tolerance, exhortations to har- 
mony and affection in social intercourse, 
and respect for the equal rights of the 
minority, have, on certain occasions, been 
quoted and misconstrued into assurances 
that the tenure of office was not to be dis- 
turbed. But could candor apply such a 
construction? When it is considered that, 
during the late administration, those who 
were not of a particular sect of politics 
were excluded from all office ; Avhen, by a 
steady pursuit of this measure, nearly the 
whole offices of the United States were 



DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS. 



13 



monopolized by that sect ; when the public 
sentiment at length declared itself, and 
burst open the doors of honor and confi- 
dence to those whose opinions they ap- 
proved; was it to be imagined that this 
monopoly of office was to be continued in 
the hands of the minority ? Does it violate 
their equal rights to assert some rights in 
the majority also? Is it political intolerance 
to clahn a proportionate share in the direc- 
. tion of the public affairs ? If a due partici- 
pation of office is a matter of right, how 
are vacancies to be obtained ? Those by 
death are few, by resignation none. Can 
any other mode than that of removal be 
proposed? This is a painful office; but it 
is made my duty, and I meet it as such. I 
proceed in the operation with deliberation 
and inquiry, that it may injure the best 
men least, and effect the purposes of justice 
and public utility with the least private 
distress, that it may be thrown as much as 
possible on delinquency, on oppression, on 
intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adhe- 
renoe to our enemies. 

" I lament sincerely that unessential dif- 
ferences of opinion should ever have been 
deemed sufficient to interdict half the 
society from the rights and the blessings 
of self-government, to proscribe them as 
unworthy of every trust. It would have 
been to me a circumstance of great relief, 
had I found a moderate participation of 
office in the hands of the majority. I 
would gladly have left to time and accident 
to raise them to their just share. But their 
total exclusion calls for prompter correc- 
tions. I shall correct the procedure ; but 
that done, return with joy to that state of 
things when the only questions concerning 
a candidate shall be : Is he honest? Is he 
capable? Ishe faithful to the constitution?" 

Mr. Adams had made few removals, and 
none because of the political views held 
by the incumbents, nearly all of whom 
had been appointed by Washington and 
continued through good behavior. At the 
date of the appointment of most of tJiem, 
Jefferson's Republican party had no exist- 
ence; so that the reasons given in the 
quotation do not comport with the facts. 
Washington's rule was integrity and ca- 
pacity, for he could have no regard for 
politics where political lines had been ob- 
literated in his Own selection. Doubtless 
these office-holders were human, and ad- 
hered with warmth to the administration 
which they served, and this fact, and this 
alone, must have angered the Republicans 
and furnished them with arguments for a 
change. 

Mr. Jefferson's position, however, made 
his later conduct natural. He was the ac- 
knowledged leader of his party, its founder 
indeed, and that party had carried him 
into power. He desired to keep it intact, 
to strengthen its lines with whatever pa- 



tronage he had at his disposal, and he evi- 
dently regarded the cause of Adams in not 
rewarding his friends as a mistake. It 
was, therefore, Jefferson, and not Jackson, 
who was the author of the theory that " to 
the victors belong the spoils." Jackson 
gave it a sharp and perfectly defined shape 
by the use of these words, but the spirit 
and principle were conceived by Jefferson, 
who throughout his life showed far greater 
originality in politics than any of the early 
patriots. It was his acute sense of just 
what was right for a growing political 
party to do, which led him to turn the 
thoughts of his followers into new and 
popular directions. Seeing that they were 
at grave disadvantage when opposing the 
attitude of the government in its policy 
with foreign nations ; realizing that the 
work of the Federalists in strengthening 
the power of the new government, in pro- 
viding revenues and ways and means for 
the payment of the debt, were good, he 
changed the character of the opposition 
by selecting only notoriously arbitrary 
measures for assault — and changed it even 
more radically than this. He early saw 
that simple opposition was not progress, 
and that it was both wise and popular to 
be progressive, and in all his later politi- 
cal papers he sought to make his party the 
party favoring personal freedom, the one 
of liberal ideas, the one whieh, instead of 
shirking, should anticipate every change 
calculated to enlarge the liberties and the 
opportunities of citizens. These things 
were not inconsistent with his strong views 
in favor of local self-government ; indeed, 
in many particulars they seemed to sup- 
port that theory, and by the union of 
the two ideas he shrewdly arrayed po- 
litical enthusiasm by the side of politi- 
cal interest. Political sagacity more pro- 
found than this it is difficult to imagine. 
It has not since been equalled in the his- 
tory of our land, nor do we believe in the 
history of any other. 

After the New Haven episode, so jealous 
was Jefferson of his good name, that while 
he confided all new appointments to the 
hands of his political friends, he made few 
removals, and these for apparent cause. 
The mere statement of his position had 
, proved an invitation to the Federalists in 
office to join his earlier friends in the sup- 
port of his administration. Many of them 
did it, so many that the clamorings of 
truer friends could not be hushed. With 
a view to create a new excuse, Jefferson 
declared that all appointments made by 
Adams after February 14th, when the 
House began its ballotings for Presid«it, 
were void, these appointments belonging 
of right to him, and from this act of 
Adams we date the political legacies which 
some of our Presidents have since handed 
down to their successors. One of the 



14 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



magistrates whose commission had been 
made out under Adams, Bought to compel 
Jefferson to sign it by a writ of mandamus 
before the Supreme Court, but a " profound 
investigation of constitutional law " in- 
duced the court not to grant the motion. 
All commissions signed by Adams after 
the date named were suppressed. 

Jefferson's apparent bitterness against 
the Federalists is mainly traceable to the 
contest in the House, and his belief that 
at one time they sought a coalition with 
Burr. This coalition he regarded as a vio- 
lation of the understanding when he was 
nominated, and a supposed effort to ap- 
point a provisional office he regarded as an 
usurpation in fact. In a letter to James 
ilonroe, dated February 15th, speaking of 
this contest, he says : 

" Four days of balloting have produced 
not a single change of a vote. Yet it is 
confidently believed that to-morrow there 
is to be a coalition. I know of no founda- 
tion for this belief. If they could have 
been permitted to pass a law for putting 
the government in the hands of an officer, 
they would certainly have prevented an 
election. But we thought it best to de- 
clare openly and firmly, one and all, that 
the day such an act passed, the Middle 
States would arm, and that no such usur- 
pation, even for a single day, should be 
submitted to." 

It is but fair to say that the Federalists 
denied all such intentions, and that James 
A. Bayard, of Delaware, April 3, 1806, 
made formal oath to this denial. In this 
he says that three States, representing 
Federalist votes, off'ered to withdraw their 
opposition if John Nicholas, of Virginia, 
and the personal friend of Jefferson, would 
secure pledges that the public credit should 
be supported, the navy maintained, and 
that subordinate public officers, employed 
only in the execution of details, established 
by law, should not be removed from office 
on the ground of their public character, 
nor without complaint against their con- 
duct. The Federalists then went so far as 
to admit that officers of " high discretion 
and confidence," such as members of the 
cabinet and foreign ministers, should be 
known friends of the administration. This 
proposition goes to show that there is noth- 
ing very new in what are called our 
modern politics ; that the elder Bayard, as 
early as 1800, made a formal proposal to 
bargain. Mr. Nicholas offered his assur- 
ance that these things would prove accep- 
table to and govern the conduct of Jeffer- 
son's administration, but he declined to con- 
sult with Jefferson on the points. General 
Smith subsequently engaged to do it, and 
Jefferson replied that the points given 
corresponded with his views and inten- 
tions, and that Mr. Bayard and his friends 
might confide in him accordingly. The 



opposition of Vermont, Maryland and De- 
laware was then immediately withdrawn, 
and Mr Jefferson was made President. 
Gen'l Smith, twelve days later, made an 
affidavit which substantially confirmed 
that of Bayard. Latimer, the collector of 
the port of Philadelphia, and M'Lane, col- 
lector of Wilmington, (Bayard's special 
friend) were retained in office. He had 
cited these two as examples of his opposi- 
tion to any change, and Jefi'erson seemed 
to regard the pledges as not sacred beyond 
the parties actually named in Bayard's ne- 
gotiations with Gen'l Smith. 

This misunderstanding or misconstruo- 
tion of what in these days would be plain- 
ly called a bargain, led to considerable 
political criticism, and Jefferson felt it ne- 
cessary to defend his cause. This he did 
in letters to friends which both then and 
since found their way into the public 
prints. One of these letters, written to 
Col. Monroe, March 7th, shows in every 
word and line the natural politician. In 
this he says : 

" Some (removals) I know must be 
made. They must be as few as possible, 
done gradually, and bottomed on some 
malversation or inherent disqualification. 
Where we shall draw the line between all 
and none, is not yet settled, and will not 
be till we get our administration together ; 
and perhaps even then we shall proceed 
a talons, balancing our measures according 
to the impression we perceive them to 
make. This may give you a general 
view of our plan." 

A little later on, March 28, he wrote to 
Elbridge Gerry : 

" Officers who have been guilty of gross 
abuses of office, such as marshals packing 
juries, etc., I shall now remove, as my 
predecessor ought in justice to have done. 
The instances will be few, and governed 
by strict rule, not party passion. The 
right of opinion shall suffer no invasion 
from me." 

Jefferson evidently tired of this subject, 
and gradually modified his views, as shown 
in his letter to Levi Lincoln, July 11, 
wherein he says : 

" I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse 
on me personally, has been with the de- 
sign and the hope of provoking me to make 
a general sweep of all Federalists out of 
office. But as I have carried no passion 
into the execution of this disagreeable 
duty, I shall suffer none to be excited. The 
clamor which has been raised will not pro- 
voke me to remove one more, nor deter 
me from removing one less, than if not a 
word had been said on the subject. In the 
course of the summer, all which is neces- 
sary will be done ; and we may hope that, 
this cause of offence being at an end, the 
measures we shall pursue and propose for 
jthe amelioration of the public afiairs, will 



DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS, 



15 



be so confessedly salutary as to unite all 
men not monarchists in principle." In 
the same letter he warmly berates the 
monarchical federalists, saying, " they are 
incurables, to be taken care of in a mad- 
house if necessary, and on motives of 
charity." 

The seventh Congress assembled. Po- 
litical parties were at first nearly equally 
divided in the Senate, but eventually 
there was a majority for the administration. 
Jefferson then discontinued the custom es- 
tablished by Washington of delivering in 
person his message to Congress. The 
change was greatly for the better, as it 
afforded relief from the requirement of 
immediate answers on the subjects con- 
tained in the message. It has ever since 
been followed. 

The seventh session of Congress, pursu- 
ant to the recommendation of President 
Jefferson, established a uniform system of 
naturalization, and so modified the law as 
to make the required residence of aliens 
five years, instead of fourteen, as in the act 
of 1798, and to permit a declaration of in- 
tention to become a citizen at the expiration 
of three years. By his recommendation 
also was established the first sinking fund 
for the redemption of the public debt. It 
required the setting apart annually for this 
purpose the sum of seven millions and three 
hundred thousand dollars. Other mea- 
sures, more partisan in their character, 
were proposed, but Congress showed an 
aversion to undoing what had been wisely 
done. A favorite law of the Federalists 
establishing circuit courts alone was re- 
pealed, and this only after a sharp debate, 
and a close vote. The provisional army 
had been disbanded by a law of the previ- 
ous Congress. A proposition to abolish the 
naval department was defeated, as was that 
to discontinue the mint establishment. 

At this session the first law in relation to 
the slave trade was passed. It was to pre- 
vent the importation of negroes, mulattoes 
and other persons of color into any port of 
the United States within a state which had 
prohibited by law the admission of any 
such person. The penalty was one thou- 
sand dollars and the forfeiture of the vessel. 
The slave trade was not then prohibited by 
the constitution, nor was the subject then 
generally agitated, though it had been as 
early as 1793, when, as previously stated, 
an exciting sectional debate followed the 
presentation of a petition from Pennsylva- 
nia to abolish the slave trade. 

Probably the most important occurrence 
nnder the first administration of Jefferson 
was that relating to the purchase and ad- 
mission of Louisiana. There had been 
apprehensions of a war with Spain, and with 
a view to be ready Congress had passed an 
act authorizing the President to call upon 
the executives of such of the states as he 



might deem expedient, for detachments of 
militia not exceeding eighty thousand, or 
to accept the services of volunteers for a 
term of twelve months. The disagreement 
arose over the south-western boundary line 
and the right of navigating the Mississippi. 
Our government learned in the spring of 
1802, that Spain had by a secret treaty 
made in October, 1800, actually ceded 
Louisiana to France. Our government had 
in 1795 made a treaty with Spain which 
gave us the right of deposite at New Or- 
leans for three years, but in October, 1802, 
the Spanish authorities gave notice by 
proclamation that this right was withdrawn. 
Excitement followed all along the valley 
of the Mississipjn, and it was increased by 
the belief that the withdrawal of the privi- 
lege was made at the suggestion of France, 
though Spain still retained the territory, as 
the formalities of ceding it had not been 
gone through with. Jefferson promptly 
took the ground that if France took pos- 
session of New Orleans, the United States 
would immediately become allies of Eng- 
land, but suggested to Minister Livingston 
at Paris that France might be induced to 
cede the island of New Orleans and the 
Floridas to the United States. It was his 
belief, though a mistaken one, that France 
had also acquired the Floridiis. Louisiana 
then comprised much of the territory west 
of the Mississippi and south of the Mis- 
souri. 

The Federalists in Congress seized upon 
this question as one upon which they could 
make an aggressive war against Jefferson's 
administration, and resolutions were intro- 
duced asking information on the subject. 
Jefferson, however, wisely avoided all en- 
tangling suggestions, and sent Monroe to 
aid Livingston in effecting a purchase. 
The treaty was formed in April, 1803, and 
submitted by JeffeK^on to the Senate in 
October following. The Republicans ral- 
lied in favor of this scheme of annexation, 
and claimed that it was a constitutional 
right in the government to acquire territory 
— a doctrine widely at variance with their 
previous position, but occasions are rare 
where parties quarrel with their administra- 
tions on pivotal measures. There was also 
some latitude here for endorsement, as the 
direct question of territorial acquisition had 
not before been presented, but only hypo- 
thetically stated in the constitutional dis- 
putations then in great fashion. Jefferson 
would not go so far as to say that the con- 
stitution warranted the acquisition to for- 
eign territory, but the scheme was never- 
theless his, and he stood in tvith his friends 
in the political battle which followed. 

The Federalists claimed that we had no 
power to acquire territory, and that the 
acquirement of Louisiana would give the 
South a preponderance which would " con- 
tinue for all time (poor prophets they I), 



16 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



since southern would be more rapid than 
northern development ; " that states cre- 
ated west of the Mississippi would injure 
the commerce of New England, and they 
even went so far as to say that the " ad- 
mission of the Western World into the 
Union would compel the Eastern States to 
establish an eastern empire," Doubts 
were also raised as to the right of Louisi- 
anians, when admitted to citizenship un- 
der our laws, as their lineage, language 
and religion were different from our own. 
Its inhabitants were French and descend- 
ants of French, with some Spanish Cre- 
oles, Americans, English and Germans — 
in all about 90,000, including 40,000 slaves. 
There were many Indians of course, in a 
territory then exceeding a million of square 
miles— a territory which, in the language 
of First Consul Napoleon, "strengthens 
forever the power of the United States," 
and which will give to England a mari- 
time rival that will sooner or later humble 
her pride " — a military view of the change 
fiilly justified by subsequent history. Na- 
poleon sold because of needed prepara- 
tions for war with England, and while he 
had previously expressed a willingness to 
take fifty million francs for it, he got sixty 
through the shrewd diplomacy of his min- 
isters, who hid for the time their fear of 
the capture of the port of New Orleans by 
the English navy. 

Little chance was afforded the Federal- 
ists for adverse criticism in Congress, for 
the purchase proved so popular that the 
people greatly increased the majority in 
both branches of the eighth Congress, and 
Jefferson called it together earlier for the 
purpose of ratification. The Senate rati- 
fied the treaty on the 20th of October, 1803, 
by a vote of 24 to 7, while the House 
adopted a resolution for carrying the treaty 
into effect by a vote of 90 to 25. Eleven 
million dollars of the purchase money was 
appropriated, the remaining four millions 
being reserved for the indemnity of Amer- 
ican citizens who had sustained losses by 
French assaults upon our commerce — from 
which fact subsequently came what is 
known as the French Spoliation Bill. 

Impeachment trials were first attempted 
before the eighth Congress in 1803. Judge 
Pickering, of the district court of the 
United States for New Hampshire, was 
impeached for occasional drunkenness, 
and dismissed from office. Judge Chase 
of the U. S. Supreme Court, and Judge 
Peters of the district court of Pennsylva- 
nia, both Federalists, were charged by arti- 
cles proposed in the House with illegal 
and arbitrary conduct in the trial of par- 
ties charged with political offenses. The 
Federalists took alarm at these proceed- 
ings, and so vehement were their charges 
against the Bepublicaua of a desire to de* 



stroy the judiciary that their impeach* 
ments were finally abandoned. 

The Republicans closed their first na- 
tional administration with high prestige. 
They had met several congressionak.re- 
verses on questions where defeat proved 
good fortune, for the Federalists kept a 
watchful defence, and were not always 
wrong. The latter suffered numerically, 
and many of their best leaders had fallen 
in the congressional contest of 1800 and 
1802, while the Republicans maintained 
their own additions m talent and number. 

In 1804, the candidates of both parties 
were nominated by congressional caucuses. 
Jefferson and Clinton were the Republi- 
can nominees ; Charles C. Pinckney and 
Rufus King, the nominees of the Federal- 
ists, but they only received 14 out of 173 
electoral votes. 

The struggle of Napoleon in Europe 
with the allied powers now gave Jefferson 
an opportunity to inaugurate a foreign 
policy. England had forbidden all trade 
with the French and their allies, and 
France had in return forbidden all com- 
merce with England and her colonies. 
Both of these decrees violated our neutral 
rights, and were calculated to destroy our 
commerce, which by this time had become 
quite imposing. 

Congress acted promptly, and on the 21st 
of December passed what is known as the 
Embargo Act, under the inspiration of the 
Republican party, which claimed that the 
only choice of the people lay between the 
embargo and war, and that there was no 
other way to obtain redress from England 
and France. But the promised effects of 
the measure were not realized, and so soon 
as any dissatisfaction was manifested by 
the people, the Federalists made the ques- 
tion a political issue. They declared it 
unconstitutional because it was not limited 
as to time; that it helped England as 
against France (a cunning assertion in 
view of the early love of the Republicans 
for the cause of the French), and that it 
laid violent hands on our home commerce 
and industries. Political agitation in- 
creased the discontent, and public opinion 
at one time turned so strongly against the 
law that it was openly resisted on the 
eastern coast, and treated with almost as 
open contempt on the Canadian border. 
The bill had passed the House by 87 to 
35, the Senate bv 19 to 9. In January. 
1809, the then closing administration of 
Jefferson had to change front on the ques- 
tion, and the law was repealed on the 18th 
of March. The Republicans when they 
changed, went all the way over, and advo- 
cated full protection by the use of a navy, 
of all our rights on the high seas. If the 
Federals could have recalled their old 
leaders, or retained even a considerable 
portion of their power, the opportunity 



DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS. 



17 



presented by the embargo issue could 
have brought them back to full political 
power, but lacking these leaders, the op- 
portunity passed 



Democrats and Federals. 

During the ninth Congress, which as- 
sembled on the second of December, 1805, 
the Republicans dropped their name and 
accepted that of " Democrats." In all 
their earlier strifes they had been charged 
by their ojiponents with desiring to run to 
the extremes of the democratic or " mob 
rule," and fear of too general a belief in 
the truth of the charge led them to denials 
and rejection of a name which the father 
of their party had ever shown a fondness 
for. The earlier dangers which had 
threatened their organization, and the re- 
collection of defeats suffered in their at- 
tempts to establish a government anti-fed- 
eral and confederate in their composition, 
had been greatly modified by later suc- 
cesses, and with a characteristic cuteness 
peculiar to Americans they accepted an 
epithet and sought to turn it to the best 
account. In this they imitated the patriots 
who accepted the epithets in the British 
satirical song of " Yankee Doodle," and 
called themselves Yankees. From the 
ninth Congress the Jeffersonian Republi- 
cans called themselves Democrats, and the 
•word Republican passed into disuse until 
later on in the history of our political 
parties, the opponents of the Democracy 
accepted it as a name which well filled the 
meaning of their attitude in the j^olitics of 
the country. 

Mr. Randolph of Roanoke, made the 
first schism in the Rejjublican party under 
Jefferson, when he and three of his friends 
voted against the embargo act. He resisted 
its passage with his usual earnestness, and 
all attempts at reconciling him to the mea- 
sure were unavailing. Self-willed, strong 
in argument and sarcasm, it is believed 
that his cause made it even more desirable 
for the Republicans to change name in 
the hope of recalling some of the more 
wayward " Democrats " who had advoca- 
ted Jacobin democracy in the years gone 
by. The politicians of that day were 
never short of expedients, and no man so 
abounded in them as Jefferson himself. 

Randolph improved his opportunities by 
getting most of the Virginia members to 
act with him against the foreign policy of 
the administration, but he was careful not 
to join the Federalists, and quickly denied 
any leaning that way. The first fruit of 
L is faction was to bring forth Monroe as a 
candidate for President against Madison — 
a movement which proved to be quite 
opular in Virginia, but which Jefferson 
anked by bringing about a reconcijiation 



between Monroe and Madison. The now 
usual Congressional caucus followed at 
Washington, and although the Virginia 
Legislature in its caucus proviously held 
had been unable to decide between Madi- 
son and Monroe, the Congressional body 
chose Madison by 83 to 11, the minority 
being divided between Clinton and Mon- 
roe, though the latter could by that time 
hardly be considered as a candidate. This 
action broke up Randolph's faction in 
Virginia, but left so much bitterness be- 
hind it that a large portion attached them- 
selves to the Federalists. In the election 
which followed Madison received 122 elec- 
toral votes against 47 for C. C. Pinckney, 
of South Carolina, and 6 for Geo. Clinton 
of New York. 

Before Jefferson's administration closed 
he recommended the passage of an act to 
prohibit the African slave trade after Jan- 
uary 1st, 1808, and it was passed accord- 
ingly. He had also rejected the form of a 
treaty received from the British minister 
Erskine, and did this without the formality 
of submitting it to the Senate — first, be- 
cause it contained no provision on the ob- 
jectionable practice of impressing our sea- 
men ; second, * because it was accompanied 
by a note from the British ministers, by 
which the British government reserved to 
itself the right of releasing itself from the 
stipulations in favor of neutral rights, if 
the United States submitted to the British 
decree, or other invasion of those rights by 
France." This rejection of the treaty by 
Jefferson caused public excitement, and 
the Federalists sought to arouse the com- 
mercial community against his action, antl 
cited the fact that his own trusted friends, 
Monroe and Pinckney had negotiated it. 
The President's party stood by him, and 
they agreed that submission to "the Senate 
was immaterial, as its advice could not 
bind him. This refusal to consider the 
treaty was the first step leading to the war 
of 1812, for embargoes followed, and Britain 
openly claimed the right to search Amer- 
ican vessels for her deserting seamen. In 
1807 this question was brought to issue 
by the desertion of five British seamen 
from the Halifax, and their enlistment on 
the U. S. frigate Chesapeake. Four sepa- 
rate demands were made for these men, 
liut all of the commanders, knowing the 
firm attitude of Jefferson's administration 
against the practice, refused, as did the 
Secretary of State refuse a fifth demand 
on the part of the British minister. On 
the 23d of June following, while the 
Chesapeake was near the capes of Virginia, 
Capt. Humphreys of the British ship Leo- 
pard attempted to search her for deserters. 
Capt. Barron denied the right of search, 
but on being fired i»to, lowered his flag, 



* From the Statesman' 
Williams. 



Manual, Vol. 1., by Edvrin 



18 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Humphreys then took four men from the 
Chesapeake, three of whom had previously 
entered the British service, but were 
Americans by birth, and had been form- 
ally demanded by Washington. The act 
was a direct violation of the international 
law, for a nation's ship at sea like its ter- 
ritory is inviolable. The British govern- 
ment disavowed the act of its officer and 
offered apology and reparation, which 
were accepted. This event, however, 
strengthened Jefferson's rejection of the 
Monroe-Pinckney treaty, and quickly stop- 
ped adverse political criticism at home. 
Foreign affairs remained, however, in a 
complicated state, owing to the wars be- 
tween England and the then successful 
Napoleon, but they in no wise shook the 
firm hold which Jefferson had upon the 
people, nor the prestige of his party. He 
stands in history as one of the best poli- 
ticians our land has ever seen, and then 
as now no one could successfully draw the 
line between the really able politician and 
the statesman. He was accepted as both. 
His administration closed on the 3d of 
March, 1809, when he expressed great 
gratification at being able to retire to pri- 
vate life. 

Mr. Madison succeeded at a time when 
the countr}% through fears of foreign aggres- 
sion and violence, was exceedingly gloomy 
and despondent — a feeling not encouraged 
in the least by the statements of the Fed- 
eralists, some of whom then thought politi- 
cal criticism in hours of danger not un- 
patriotic. They described our agriculture 
as discouraged, our fisheries abandoned, 
our commerce restrained, our waxy dis- 
mantled, our revenues destroyed at a time 
when war was at any moment probable 
with either France, England or Spain. 

Madison, representing as he did the same 
party, from the first resolved to follow the 
policy of Jefferson, a fact about which there 
was no misunderstanding. He desired to 
avert war as long as possible with England, 
and sought by skilful diplomacy to avert 
the dangers presented by both France and 
England in their attitude with neutrals. 
England had declared that a man who 
was once a subject always remained a 
subject, and on this plea based her deter- 
mination to impress again into her service 
all deserters from her navy. France, be- 
cause of refusal to accede to claims equally 
at war with (jur rights, had authorized the 
seizure of all American vessels entering 
the ports of France. In May, 1810, when 
the non-intercourse act had expired, Madi- 
son caused proposals to be made to both 
belligerents, that if either would revoke its 
hostile edict, the non-intercourse act should 
be revived and enforced against the other 
nation. This act had been passed by the 
tenth Congress as a saibstitute for the em- 
bargo. France quickly accepted Madison's 



proposal, and received the benefits of the 
act, and the direct result was to increase 
the growing hostility of England. From 
this time forward the negotiations had more 
the character of a diplomatic contest than 
an attempt to maintain peace. Both coun- 
tries were upon their mettle, and early in 
1811, Mr. Pinckney, the American minister 
to Great Britain, was recalled, and a year 
later a formal declaration of war was made 
by the United States. 

Just prior to this the old issue, made by 
the Republicans against Hamilton's 
scheme for a National Bank, was revived 
by the fact that the charter of the bank 
ceased on the 4th of March, 1811, and an 
attempt was made to recharter it. A bill 
for this purpose was introduced into Con- 
gress, but on the lltli of January, 1811, it 
was indefinitely postponed in the House, 
by a vote of 65 to 64, while in the Senate 
it was rejected by the casting .vote of the 
Vice-President, Geo. Clinton, on the 6th 
of February, 1811 — this notwithstanding 
its provisions had been framed or approved 
by Gallatin, the Secretary of the Treasury. 
The Federalists were all strong advocates 
of the measure, and it was so strong that 
it divided some of the Democrats who en- 
joyed a loose rein in the contest so far as 
the administration was concerned, the 
President not specially caring for political 
(quarrels at a time when war was threatened 
with a powerful foreign nation. The views 
of the Federalists on this question descend- 
ed to the Whigs some years later, and this 
fact led to the charges that the Whigs 
were but Federalists in disguise. 

The eleventh Congress continued the 
large Democratic majority, as did the 
twelfth, which met on the 4th of Novem- 
ber, 1811, Henry Clay, then an ardent 
supporter of the policy of Madison, suc- 
ceeding to the House speakership. He had 
previously served two short sessions in the 
U. S. Senate, and had already acquired a 
high reputation as an able and fluent debat- 
er. He preferred the House, at that period 
of life, believing his powers better calcu- 
lated to Avin fame in the more popular rep- 
resentative hall. Calhoun was also in the 
House at this time, and already noted for 
the boldness of his views and their asser- 
tion. 

In this Congress jealousies arose against 
the political power of Virginia, which had 
already named three of the four Presi- 
dents, each for two terms, and De Witt 
Clinton, the well-known Governor of New 
York, sought through these jealousies to 
create a division which would carry him 
into the Presidency. His efforts were for a 
time warmly seconded by several northern 
and southern states. A few months later 
the Legislature of New York formally 
opened the ball by nominating DeWitt 
Clinton for the Presidency. An address 



THE JEFFERSON DEMOCRATS. 



19 



was issued by his friends, August 17th, 1812, 
which has since become known as the Clin- 
tonian platform, and his followers were 
known as Clintonian Democrats. The ad- 
dress contained the first public protest 
against the nomination of Presidential can- 
didates by Congressional caucuses. There 
was likewise declared opposition to that 
"official regency which prescribed tenets of 
political faith." The eiforts of particular 
states to monopolize the principal offices 
was denounced, as was the continuance of 
public men for long periods in office. 

Madison was nominated for a second 
term by a Congressional caucus held at 
Washington, in May, 1812. John Langdon 
was nominated for Vice-President, but as 
he declined on account of age, Elbridge 
Gerry of Massachusetts, took his place. 
In September of the same year a conven- 
tion of the opposition, representing eleven 
states, was held in the city of New York, 
which nominated De Witt Clinton, with 
Jared IngersoU for Vice-President. This 
was the first national convention, partisan 
in character, and the Federalists have the 
credit of originating and carrying out the 
idea. The election resulted in the success 
of Madison, who received 128 electoral 
votes to 89 for Clinton. 

Though factious strife had been some- 
what rife, less attention was paid to poli- 
tics than to the approaching war. There 
were new Democratic leaders in the lower 
House, and none were more prominent 
than Clay of Kentucky, Calhoun, Cheves 
and Lowndes, all of South Carolina. The 
policy of Jefferson in reducing the army 
and navy was now greatly deplored, and 
the defenceless condition in which it left 
the country was the partial cause, at least a 
stated cause of the factious feuds which fol- 
lowed. Madison sought to change this 
policy, and he did it at the earnest solici- 
tation of Clay, Calhoun and Lowndes, who 
were the recognized leaders of the war 
party. They had early determined that 
Madison should be directly identified 
with them, and before his second nomina- 
tion had won him over to their more de- 
cided views in favor of war with England. 
He had held back, hoping that diplomacy 
might avert a contest, but when once con- 
vinced that war was inevitable and even 
desirable under the circumstances, his 
official utterances were bold and free. In 
the June following the caucus which re- 
nominated him, he declared in a message 
that our flag was continually insulted on 
the high seas ; that the right of searching 
American vessels for British seamen was 
still in practice, and that thousands of 
American citizens had in this way been 
impressed in service on foreign ships ; that 
peacful efforts at adjustment of the diffi- 
culties had proved abortive, and that the 
British ministry and British emissaries 



had actually been intriguing for the dis- 
memberment of the Union. 

The act declaring war was approved by 
the President on the 18th of June, 1812, 
and is remarkably short and comprehen- 
sive. It was drawn by the attorney -general 
of the United States, William Piuckney, 
and is in the words following : — 

" An act declaring war between the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and 
the dependencies thereof, and the United 
States of America and their territories. 

"Be it enacted, (&c. That war be, and 
the same is hereby declared to exist be- 
tween the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, 
and the United States of America, and their 
territories ; and that the President of the 
United States is hereby authorized to use 
the whole land and naval force of the 
United States to carry the same into effect, 
and to issue to private armed vessels of the 
United States commissions, or letters of 
marque and general reprisal, in such form 
as he shall think proper, and under the seal 
of the United States, against the vessels, 
goods, and effects, of the government of 
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
Ireland and the subjects thereof." 

This was a soul-stirring message, but it 
did not rally all the people as it should 
have done. Political jealousies were very 
great, and the frequent defeats of the Fed- 
eralists, while they tended to greatly reduce 
their numbers and weaken their power, 
seemed to strengthen their animosity, and 
they could see nothing good in any act of 
the administration. They held, especially 
in the New England states, that the war had 
been declared by a political party simply, 
and not by the nation, though nearly all of 
the Middle, and all of the Southern and 
Western States, warmly supported it. 
Clay estimated that nine-tenths of the peo- 
ple were in favor of the war, and under the 
inspiration of his eloquence and the strong 
state papers of Madison, they doubtless 
were at first. Throughout they felt their 
political strength, and they just as heartily 
returned the bitterness manifested by those 
of the Federalists who opposed the war, 
branding them as enemies of the republic, 
and monarchists who preferred the reign of 
Britain. 

Four Federalist representatives in Con- 
gress went so far as to issue an address, 
opposing the war, the way in which it had 
been declared, and denouncing it as unjust. 
Some of the New England states refused 
the order of the President to support it 
with their militia, and Massachusetts sent 
peace memorials to Congress. 

A peace party was formed with a view to 
array the religious sentiment of the coun- 
try against the war, and societies with sim- 
ilar objects were organized by the more 
radical of the Federalists. To such an ex- 



20 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



treme was this opposition carried, that 
some of the citizens of New London, Conn., 
made a practice of giving information to 
the enemy, by means of blue lights, of the 
dej^arture of American vessels. 



Tbe Hartford Couveiitlon. 

This opposition finally culminated in the 
asseml)ling of a convention at Hartford, at 
which delegates were present from all of the 
New England states. They sat for three 
weeks with closed doors, and issued an ad- 
dress which will be found in this volume 
in the book devoted to political platforms. 
It was charged by the Democrats that the 
real object of the convention Avas to nego- 
tiate a separate treaty of peace, on behalf 
of New England, with Great Britain, but 
this charge was as warmly denied. The 
exact truth has not since been discovered, 
the fears of the participants of threatened 
trials for treason, closing their mouths, if 
their professions were false. The treaty of 
Ghent, which was concluded on December 
14th, 1814, prevented other action by the 
Hartford convention than that stated. It 
had assembled nine days before the treaty, 
which is as follows : 



Treaty of Glieiit. 

This treaty was negotiated by the Right 
Honorable James Lord Gambler, Henry 
Goulburn, Esq., and William Adams, Esq., 
on the part of Great Britain, and John 
Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry 
Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gal- 
latin, on behalf of the L^nited States. 

The treaty can be found on p. 218, vol. 
8, of Little & Brown's Statutes at Large. 
The first aiticle provided for the restora- 
tion of all archives, records, or property 
taken by either party from the other dur- 
ing the war. This article expressly pro- 
vides for the restoration of " slaves or other 
private property." The second article pro- 
vided for the cessation of hostilities and 
limitation of time of capture. The third 
article provided for the restoration of 
prisoners of war. 

The fourth article defined the boundary 
established by the treaty of 1783, and pro- 
vided for commissioners to mark the same. 

The fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth 
articles established rules to govern the pro- 
ceedings of the commissioners. 

The ninth article bound the United 
States and His Britannic Majesty to end 
all hostilities with Indian tribes, with whom 
they were then respectively at war. 

The tenth article reads as follows : — 

" Whereas the traffic in slaves is irrecon- 
cilable with the principles of humanity 
and justice ; and, whereas, both His Ma- 



jesty and the United States are desirous of 
continuing their efforts to promote its entire 
abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the 
contracting parties shall use their best en- 
deavors to accomplish so desirable an ob- 
ject." 

The eleventh and last article provides for 
binding effect of the treaty, upon the ex- 
change of ratifications. 

The position of New England in the war 
is explained somewhat by her exposed po- 
sition. Such of the militia as served en- 
dured great hardships, and they were al- 
most constantly called from their homes to 
meet new dangers. Distrusting their loy- 
alty, the general government had with- 
held all supplies from the militia of Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut for the year 1814, 
and these States were forced to bear the 
burden of supporting them, at the same time 
contributing their quota of taxes to tbe 
general government — hardships, by the 
way, not greater than those borne by Penn- 
sylvania and Ohio in the late war for the 
Union, nor half as hard as those borne by 
the border States at the same time. True, 
the coast towns of Massachusetts were sub- 
jected to constant assault from the British 
navy, and the people of these felt that they 
were defenceless. It was on their petition 
that the legislature of Massachusetts final- 
ly, by a vote of 226 to 67, adopted the report 
favoring the calling of the Hartford Con- 
vention. A circular was then addressed to 
the Governors of the other States, with a 
request that it be laid before their legisla- 
tures, inviting them to appoint delegates, 
and stating that the object was to deliber- 
ate upon the dangers to which the eastern 
section was exposed, " and to devise, if 
practicable, means of security and defence 
which might be consistent with the preser- 
vation of their resources from total ruin, 
and not repugnant to their obligations as 
members of the Union.'^ The italicized por- 
tion shows that there was at least then no 
design of forming a separate treaty, or of 
promoting disunion. The legislatures of 
Connecticut and Rhode Island endorsed 
the call and sent delegates. Those of New 
Hampshire and Vermont did not, but de- 
legates were sent by local conventions. 
These delegates, it is hardly necessary to 
remark, were all members of the Eederal 
party, and their suspected designs and ac- 
tion made the " Hartford Convention " a 
bye-word and reproach in the mouths of 
Democratic orators for years thereafter. It 
gave to the Democrats, as did the entire 
history of the war, the prestige of superior 
patriotism, and they profited by it as long 
as the memory of the war of 1812 was 
fresh. Indeed, directly after the war, all 
men seemed to keep in constant view the 
reluctance of the Federalists to support the 
war, and their almost open ho.stility to it 
in New England. Peace brought pros- 



THE CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS. 



21 



perity and plenty, but not oblivion of the 
old political issues, and this was the be- 
ginning of the end of the Federal party. 
Its decay thereafter was rapid and con- 
stant. 

The eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth Con- 
gresses had continued Democratic. The 
fourteenth began Dec. 4, 1815, with the 
Democratic majority in the House increased 
to 30. Clay had taken part in negotiating 
the treaty, and on his return was again 
elected to the House, and was for the third 
time elected speaker. Though 65 Feder- 
alists had been elected, but 10 were given 
to Federal candidates for speaker, this 
party now showing a strong, and under the 
circumstances, a very natural desire to 
rub out party lines. The internal taxes 
and the postage rates were reduced. 



Tlie Protective Tariff. 

President Madison, in his message, had 
urged upon Congress a revision of the 
tariff, and pursuant to his recommendation 
what was at the time called a protective 
tariff was passed. Even Calhoun then 
supported it, while Clay proclaimed that 
protection must no longer be secondary to 
revenue, but of primary importance. The 
rates fixed, however, were insufficient, and 
many American manufactures were soon 
frustrated by excessive importations of for- 
eign manufiictures. The position of Cal- 
houn and Lowndes, well known leaders 
from South Carolina, is explained by the 
fact that just then the proposal of a pro- 
tective tariff was popular in the south, in 
view of the heavy duties upon raw cotton 
which England then imposed. The Feder- 
alists in weakness changed their old posi- 
tion when they found the Democrats advo- 
cating a tariff", and the latter quoted and 
published quite extensively Alexander 
Hamilton's early report in favor of it. 
Webster, in the House at the time and a 
leading Federalist, was against the bill. 
The parties had exchanged positions on 
the question. 

Peace brought with it another exchange 
of positions. President Madison, although 
he had vetoed a bill to establish a National 
Bank in 1815, was now (in 1816) anxious 
for the establishment of such an institution. 
Clay had also changed his views, and 
claimed that the experiences of the war 
showed the necessity for a national curren- 
cy. The bill met with strong opposition 
from a few Democrats and nearly all of the 
Federalists (the latter having changed po- 
sition on the question since 1811), but it 
passed and was signed by the President. 

A bill to promote internal improvements, 
advocated by Clay, was at first favored by 
Madison, but his mind changed and he ve- 
toed the measure — the first of its kind 
passed by Congress. 



The Democratic members of Congress, 
before the adjournment of the first session, 
held a caucus for the nomination of can- 
didates to succeed Madison and Gerry. 
It was understood that the retiring officers 
and their confidential friends' favored 
James Monroe of Virginia. Their wishes 
were carried out, but not without a strug- 
gle, Wm. H. Crawford of Georgia receiv- 
ing 54 votes against 65 for Monroe. The 
Democrats opposed to Virginia's domina- 
tion in the politics of the country, made a 
second effort, and directed it against Monroe 
in the caucus. Aaron Burr denounced 
him as an improper and incompetent can- 
didate, and joined in the protest then made 
against any nomination by a Congressional 
caucus; he succeeding in getting nineteen 
Democrats to stay out of the caucus. Later 
he advised renewed attempts to break 
down the Congressional caucus system, and 
before the nomination favored Andrew 
Jackson as a means to that end. Daniel 
B. Tompkins was nominated by the Demo- 
crats for Vice-President. The Federalists 
named Eufus King of New York, but in 
the election which followed he received 
but 24 out of 217 electoral votes. The 
Federalists divided their votes for Vice- 
President. 

Monroe was inaugurated on the 14th of 
March, 1817, the oath being administered 
by Chief Justice Marshall. The inaugural 
address was so liberal in its tone that it 
seemed to give satisfaction to men of all 
shades of political opinion. The questions 
which had arisen during the war no longer 
had any practical significance, while the 
people were anxious to give the disturbing 
ones which ante-dated at least a season of 
rest. Two great and opposing policies had 
previously obtained, and singularly enough 
each seemed exactly adapted to the times 
when they were triumphant. The Fed- 
eral power had been asserted in a govern- 
ment which had gathered renewed strength 
during what was under the circumstances 
a great and perilous war, and the exi- 
gencies of that war in many instances 
compelled the Republicans or Democrats, 
or the Democratic-Republicans as some 
still called them, to concede points which 
had theretofore been in sharp disjiute, and 
they did it with that facility Avhich only 
Americans can command in emergencies: 
yet as a party they kept firm hold of the 
desire to enlarge the scope of liberty in its 
application to the citizens, and just here 
kept their original landmark. 

It is not singular then that the adminis- 
tration of Monroe opened what has ever 
since been known in politics as the " Era 
of Good Feeling." Party differences ra- 
pidly subsided, and political serenity was 
the order of the day. Monroe made a tour 
of the States, with the direct object of in- 
specting fortifications and means of de- 



22 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



fence, and in this way spread the good 
feeling, without seeming to have any such 
object. He was everywhere favorably 
greeted by the people, and received by 
delegations which in many instances were 
specially made up of all shades of opinion. 

The Cabinet was composed of men of 
rare political distinction, even in that day 
of great men. It was probably easier to 
be great then than now, just as it is easier 
to be a big political hero in the little State 
of Delaware than it is in the big States of 
New York or Pennsylvania. Yet these 
men were universally accepted as great 
without regard to their localities. All were 
Republicans or Democrats, with John 
Quincy Adams as Secretary of State, Wm. 
H. Crawford (Monroe's competitor for the 
nomination) as Secretary of the Treasury, 
John C. Calhoun as Secretary of War, 
William Wirt as Attorney General. All 
of these united with the President in the 
general de^iire to call a halt upon the 
political asperities which were then recog- 
nized as a public evil. On one occasion, 
during his tour, the citizens of Kennebunk 
and its vicinity, in Maine, having in their 
address alluded to the prospects of a politi- 
cal union among the people in support of 
the administration, the President said in 
reply : 

" You are pleased to express a confident 
hope that a spirit of mutual conciliation 
may be one of the blessings which may re- 
sult from my administration. This in- 
deed would be an eminent blessing, and I 
pray it may be realized. Nothing but 
union is waiting to make us a great people. 
The present time affords the happiest 
presage that this union is fast consumma- 
ting. It cannot be otherwise ; I daily see 
greater proofs of it. The further I ad- 
vance in my progress in the country, the 
more I perceive that we are all Americans 
— that we compose but one family — that 
our rei)ublicau institutions will be sup- 
ported and perpetuated by the united zeal 
and patriotism of all. Nothing could 
give me greater satisfaction than to behold 
a perfect union among ourselves — a union 
which is necessary to restore to social in- 
tercourse its former charms, and to render 
our happiness, as a nation, unmixed and 
complete. To promote this desirable re- 
sult requires no compromise of principle, 
and I promise to give it ray continued at- 
tention, and my best endeavors." 

Even General Jackson, since held up to 
public view by historians as the most 
austere and " stalwart " of all politicians, 
caught the sweet infection of peace, and 
thus advised President Monroe : — 

" Now is the time to exterminate that 
monster, called party spirit. By select- 
ing [for cabinet officers] characters most 
conspicuous for their probity, virtue, 
eapacity, and firmness, without regard to 



party, you will go far to, if not entirely, 
eradicate those feelings, which, on former 
occasions, threw so many obstacles in the 
way of government. The chief magis- 
trate of a great and powerful nation should 
never indulge in party feelings. His con- 
duct should be liberal and disinterested ; 
always bearing in mind, that he acts for the 
whole and not a part of the community." 

This advice had been given with a view 
to influence the appointment of a mixed 
political Cabinet, but while Monroe pro- 
fessed to believe that a free government 
could exist without political parties, he 
nevertheless sought to bring all of the peo- 
ple into one political fold, and that the 
Democratic. Yet he certainly and plainly 
sought to allay factions in his own party, 
and with this view selected Crawford for 
the Treasury — the gentleman who had 
been so warmly supported in the nomina- 
ting struggle by the Clintonians and by all 
who objected to the predominating in- 
fluence of Virginia in national politics. 

Monroe, like his immediate predecessor, 
accepted and acted upon the doctrines of 
the new school of Republicans as repre- 
sented by Clay and Calhoun, both of whom 
still favored a tariff, while Clay had be- 
come a warm advocate of a national sys- 
tem of internal improvements. These two 
statesmen thus early differed on some 
questions, but they were justly regarded as 
the leading friends and advisers of the ad- 
ministration, for to both still clung the 
patriotic recollections of the war which 
they had so warmly advocated and sup- 
ported, and the issue of which attested 
their wisdom. Clay preferred to be called 
a Republican ; Calhoun preferred to be 
called a Democrat, and just then the terms 
were so often exchanged and mingled that 
history is at fault in the exact designation, 
Avhile tradition is colored by the bias of 
subsequent events and lives. 

Monroe's first inaugural leaned toward 
Clay's scheme of internal improvements, 
but questioned its constitutionality. Clay 
was next to Jefferson the most original of 
all our statesmen and politicians. He was 
prolific in measures, and almost resistless 
in their advocacy. From a political stand- 
point he was the most direct author of the 
war of 1812, for his advocacy mainly 
brought it to the issue of arms, which 
through him and Calhoun were substituted 
for diplomacy. And Calhoun then stood 
in broader view before the country than 
since. His sectional pride and bias had 
been rarely aroused, and like Clay he 
seemed to act for the countr}' as an en- 
tirety. Subsequent sectional issues changed 
the views held of him by the people of 
both the North and South. 

We liave said that Monroe leaned 
toward internal improvements, but he 
thought Congress was not clothed by the 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 



23 



Constitution with the power to authorize 
measures supporting it, and when the op- 
portunity was presented (May 4, 1822) he 
vetoed the bill " for the preservation and 
repair of the Cumberland road," and ac- 
companied the veto with a most elaborate 
message in which he discussed the consti- 
tutional aspects of the question. A plain 
majority of the friends of the administra- 
tion, under the leadership of Clay, sup- 
ported the theory of internal improve- 
ments from the time the administration 
began, but were reluctant to permit a divi- 
sion of the party on the question. 

Mississippi and Illinois were admitted 
to the Union during the " Era of Good 
Feeling," without serious political disturb- 
ance, while Alabama was authorized to form 
a state constitution and government, and 
Arkansas was authorized as a separate 
territorial government from part of Mis- 
souri. In 1819 President Monroe made a 
tour through the Southern States to ex- 
amine their defenses and see and get ac- 
quainted with the people. From the first 
inauguration of Monroe up to 1819 party 
lines can hardly be said to have existed, 
but in the sixteenth session of Congress, 
which continued until May, 1820, new 
questions of national interest arose, pro- 
minent among which were additional pro- 
tective duties for our manufactures ; inter- 
nal improvements by the government ; 
acknowledgments of the independence of 
the South American States. 



The Monroe Doctrine. 

Upon tne question of recognizing the in- 
dependence of the South American States, 
the President made a record Avhich has 
ever since been quoted and denominated 
"The Monroe Doctrine." It is embodied 
in the following abstract of his seventh 
annual message, under date of Dec. 2d, 
1823: 

" It was stated, at the commencement of 
the last session, that a great effort was then 
making in Spain and Portugal to improve 
the condition of the people of those coun- 
tries, and that it appeared to be conduct- 
ed with extraordinary moderation. It 
need scarcely be remarked that the result 
has been, so far, very different from what 
was then anticipated. Of events in that 
quarter of the globe, with which we have 
so much intercourse, and from which we 
derive our origin, we have always been 
anxious and interested spectators. The 
citizens of the United States cherish 
sentiments the most friendly in favor of the 
liberty and happiness of their fellow men 
on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars 
of the European powers, in matters relat- 
ing to themselves, we have never taken any 
part, nor does it comport with our policy 



to do so. It is only when rights are in- 
vaded or seriously menaced, that we re- 
sent injuries, or make preparation for our 
defense. With the movements in this 
hemisphere we are of necessity more im- 
mediately connected, and by causes which 
must be obvious to all enlightened and 
impartial observers. The political system 
of the allied powers is essentially different 
in this respect from that of America. This 
difference proceeds from that which exists 
in their respective governments. And to 
the defense of our own, which has been 
achieved by the loss of so much blood and 
treasure, and matured by the wisdom of 
their most enlightened citizens, and under 
which we have enjoyed unexampled felici- 
ty, this whole nation is devoted. We owe 
it, therefore, to candor, and to the amica- 
ble relations existing between the United 
States and those powers, to declare, that 
we should consider any attempt on their 
part to extend their system to any portion 
of this hemisphere as dangerous to our 
peace and safety. With the existing colo- 
nies or dependencies of any European 
power we have not interfered, and shall 
not interfere. But with the governments 
who have declared their independence, and 
maintained it, and whose independence we 
have, on great consideration, and on just 
principles, acknowledged, we could not 
view any interposition for the purpose of 
oppressing them, or controlling in any 
other manner their destiny, by any Euro- 
pean power, in any other light than as the 
manifestation of an unfriendly disposition 
toward the United States. In the war 
between those new governments and Spain, 
we declared our neutrality at the time of 
their recognition, and to this we have ad- 
hered, and shall continue to adhere, pro- 
vided no change shall occur which, in the 
judgment of the competent authorities of 
this government, shall make a corres- 
ponding change on the part of the United 
States indispensable to their security. 

The late events in Spain and Portugal 
show that Europe is still unsettled. Of 
this important fact no stronger proof can 
be adduced, than that the allied powers 
should have thought it proper, on a prin- 
ciple satisfactory to themselves, to have 
interposed by force in the internal con- 
cerns of Spain. To what extent such in- 
terposition may be carried, on the same 
principle, is a question to which all inde- 
pendent powers, whose governments differ 
from theirs, are interested ; even those most 
remote, and surely none more so than the 
United States. Our policy in regard to 
Europe, which was adopted at an early 
stage of the wars which have so long agi- 
tated that quarter of the globe, neverthe- 
less remains the same, which is, not to in- 
terfere in the internal concerns of any 
of its powers ; to consider the government, 



24 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



de facto, as the legitimate government for 
us: to cultivate friendly relations with it, 
and to preserve those relations by a frank, 
firm, and manly policy ; meeting, in all 
instances, the just claims of every power, 
submitting to injuries from none. But in 
regard to these continents, circumstances 
are eminently and conspicuously different. 
It is impossible that the allied powers 
should extend their political system to any 
portion of either continent without endan- 
gering our peace and happiness ; nor can 
any one believe, that our southern breth- 
ren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of 
their own accord. It is equally impossible, 
therefore, that we should behold such 
interposition, in any form, with indiffer- 
ence. If we look to the comparative 
strength and resources of Spain and those 
new governments, and their distance from 
each other, it must be obvious that she can 
never subdue them. It is still the true 
policy of the United States to leave the 
parties to themselves, in the hope that 
other powers will pursue the same course." 
The second election of Monroe, in 1820, 
was accomplished without a contest. Out 
of 231 electoral votes, but one was cast 
against him, and that for John Quincy 
Adams. Mr. Tompkins, the candidate for 
Vice-President, was only a little less for- 
tunate, there being 14 scattering votes 
against him. Neither party, if indeed 
there was a Federalist party left made any 
nominations. 



Tile Missouri Compromise. 

The second session of the 17th Con- 
gress opened on the 4th day of March, 
1820, with James Monroe at the head of 
the Executive Department of the Govern- 
ment, and the Democratic party in the 
majority in both branches of the Federal 
Legislature. The Cabinet at that time 
was composed of the most brilliant minds 
of the country, indeed as most justly re- 
marked by Senator Thomas H. Benton in 
his published review of the events of that 
period, it would be difficult to find in any 
government, in any country, at any time, 
more talent and experience, more dignity 
and decorum, more purity of private life, a 
larger mass of information, and more ad- 
diction to business, than was comprised in 
the list of celebrated names then consti- 
tuting the executive department of the 
government. The legislative dejiartment 
was equally impressive. The exciting and 
agitajiing question then pending before 
Congress was on the admission of the 
State of Missouri into the Federal Union, 
the subject of the issue being the attempted 
tacking on of conditions restricting sla- 
very within her limits. She was admitted 
without conditions under the so-called 
compromise, which abolished it in certain 



portions of the then province of Louisiana. 
In this controversy, the compromise was 
sustained and carried entirely by the Dem- 
ocratic Senators and members from the 
Southern and slave-holding States aided 
and sanctioned by the Executive, and it 
was opposed by fifteen Senators from non- 
slave-holding States, who represented the 
opposite side on the political questions of 
the day. It passed the House by a close vote 
of 86 to 82. It has been seriously ques- 
tioned since whether this act was constitu- 
tional. The real struggle was political, and 
for the balance of power. For a while it 
threatened the total overthrow of all po- 
litical parties upon principle, and the sub- 
stitution of geographical parties discrimi- 
nated by the slave line, and thus destroy- 
ing the proper action of the Federal gov- 
ernment, and leading to a separation of 
the States. It was a federal movement, ac- 
cruing to the benefit of that party, and at 
first carried all the Northern democracy in 
its current, giving the supremacy to their 
adversaries. When this effect was per- 
ceived, democrats from the northern non 
slave-holding States took early opportu- 
nity to prevent their own overthrow, by 
voting for the admission of the States on 
any terms, and thus prevent the eventual 
separation of the States in the establish- 
ment of geographical parties divided by a 
slavery and anti-slavery line. 

The year 1820 marked a period of finan- 
cial distress in the country, which soon 
became that of the government. The army 
was reduced, and the general expenses of 
the departments cut down, despite which 
measures of economy the Congress deemed 
it necessary to authorize the President to 
contract for a loan of five million dollars. 
Distress was the cry of the day ; relief the 
general demand, the chief demand com- 
ing from debtors to the Government for 
public lands purchased under the then 
credit system, this debt at that time ag- 
gregating twenty-tliree millions of dollars. 
The banks failed, money vanished, instal- 
ments were coming due which could not 
be met ; and the opening of Congress in 
November, 1820, was saluted by the arrival 
of memorials from all the new States pray- 
ing for the relief to the purchaser of the 
public lands. The President referred to it 
in his annual message of that year, and 
Congress passed a measure of relief by 
changing the system to cash sales instead 
of credit, reducing the price of the lands, 
and allowing present debtors to apply pay- 
ments already made to portions of the 
land purchased, relinquishing the remain- 
der. Applications were made at that 
time for the esta])lishment of the pre- 
emptive system, but without effect ; the 
new States continued to press the question 
and finally prevailed, so that now the pre- 
emptive princiiile has become a fixed part 



THE TARIFF — AMERICAN SYSTEM. 



25 



of our land system, permanently incorpo- 
rated with it, and to the equal advantage 
of the settler and the government. 

The session of 1820-21, is remarkable as 
being the first at which any proposition 
was made in Congress for the occupation 
and settlement of our territory on the 
Columbia river — the only part then owned 
by the United States on the Pacific coast. 
It was made by Dr. Floyd, a representa- 
tive from Virginia, who argued that the 
establishment of a civilized j^ower on the 
American coast of the Pacific could not 
fail to produce great and wonderful bene- 
fits not only to our own country, but to 
the people of Eastern Asia, China and 
Japan on the opposite side of the Pacific 
Ocean, and that the valley of the Colum- 
bia might become the granary of China 
and Japan. This movement suggested to 
Senator Benton, to move, for the first time 
publicly in the United States, a resolution 
to send ministers to the Oriental States. 

At this time treaties with Mexico and 
Spain were ratified, by which the United 
States acquired Florida and ceded Texas ; 
these treaties, together with the Missouri 
compromise — a measure contemporaneous 
with them — extinguished slave soil in all 
the United States territory west of the 
Mississippi, except in that portion which 
was to constitute the State of Arkansas ; 
and, including the extinction in Texas 
consequent upon its cession to a non-slave- 
holding power, constituted the largest ter- 
ritorial abolition of slavery that was ever 
up to that period effected by any political 
power of any nation. 

The outside view of the slave question in 
the United States, at this time, is that the 
extension of slavery was then arrested, 
circumscribed, and confined within narrow 
territorial limits, while free States were 
permitted an almost unlimited expansion. 

In 1822 a law passed Congress abolish- 
ing the Indian factory system, which had 
been established during Washington's ad- 
ministration, in 1796, under which the 
Government acted as a factor or agent for 
the sale of supplies to the Indians and the 
]Hirchase of furs from them ; this branch of 
the service then belonged to the depart- 
ment of the Secretary of War. The abuses 
discovered in it led to the discontinuance 
of that sj'stem. 

The Presidential election of 1824 was 
approaching, the candidates were in the 
field, their respective friends active and 
busy, and popular topics for the canvass in 
earnest requisition. Congress was full of 
projects for different objects of internal 
nnprovement, mainly in roads and canals, 
and the friends of each candidate exerted 
themselves in rivalry of each other, under 
the supposition that their opinions would 
Btand for those of their principals. An act 
for the preservation of the Cumberland 



Road,which passed both hoases of Congress, 
met with a veto from President Monroe, 
accompanied by a state paper in exposi- 
tion of his opinions upon the whole sub- 
ject of Federal interference in matters of 
inter state commerce and roads and canals. 
He discussed the mea.sure in all its bear- 
ings, and plainly showed it to be uncon- 
stitutional. After stating the question, he 
examined it under every head of constitu- 
tional derivation under which its advo- 
cates claimed the power, and found it to 
be granted by no one of them and virtually 
prohibited by some of them. This was 
then and has since been considered to be 
the most elaborate and thoroughly con- 
sidered opinion upon the general question 
i which has ever been delivered by any 
American statesman. This great state pa- 
per, delivered at a time when internal im- 
jirovement by the federal government had 
become an issue in the canvass for the 
Presidency and was ardently advocated by 
three of the candidates and qualified by 
two others, had an immense current in its 
power, carrying with it many of the old 
strict constructionists. 

The revision of the tariff", with a view to 
the protection of home industry, and to the 
establishment of what was then called 
" The American System," was one of the 
large subjects before Congress at the ses- 
sion of 1823-24, and was the regular com- 
mencement of the heated debates on that 
question which afterwards ripened into a. 
serious difficulty between the federal gov- 
ernment and some of the Southern States. 
The presidential election being then de- 
jjending, the subject became tinctured with 
party politics, in which so far as that in- 
gredient was concerned, and was not con- 
trolled by other considerations, members 
divided pretty much on the line which al- 
ways divided them on a question of con- 
structive powers. The protection of do- 
mestic industry not being among the pow- 
ers granted, was looked for in the inciden- 
tal ; and denied by the strict construction- 
ists to be a substantive term, to be exer- 
cised for the direct purpose of protection ; 
but admitted by all at that time and ever 
since the first tariff act of 1789, to be an 
incident to the revenue raising power, and 
an incident to be regarded in the exercise 
of that power. Revenue the object, pro- 
tection the incident, had been the rule in 
the earlier tariffs ; now that rule was sought 
to be reversed, and to make protection the 
object of the law, and revenue the inci- 
dent. Mr. Henry Clay was the leader in 
the proposed revision and the champion of 
the American system ; he was ably sup- 
ported in the House by many able and 
effective speakers ; who based their argu- 
ment on the general distress then alleged to 
be prevalentin the country. Mr. Daniel 
Webster was the leading speaker on the 



26 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



other side, and disputed the universality 
of the distress which had been described ; 
and contested the propriety of high or pro- 
hibitory duties, in the present active and 
intelligent state of the world, to stimulate 
industry and manufacturing enterprise. ' 

The bill was carried by a close vote in 
both Houses. Though brought forward 
avowedly for the protection of domestic 
manufactures, it was not entirely supported 
on that ground ; an increase of revenue 
being the motive with some, the public 
debt then being nearly ninety millions. 
An increased protection to the products of 
several States, as lead in Missouri and Illi- 
nois, hemp in Kentucky, iron in Pennsyl- 
yania, wool in Ohio and New York, com- 
manded many votes for the bill ; and the 
impending presidential election had its in- 
fluence in its favor. 

Two of the candidates, Messrs. Adams 
and Clay, voted for and avowedly supported 
General Jackson, who voted for the bill, 
was for it, as tending to give a home sup- 
ply of the articles necessary in time of war, 
and as raising revenue to pay the public 
debt ; Mr. Crawford was opposed to it, and 
Mr. Calhoun had withdrawn as a Presiden- 
tial candidate. The Southern planting 
States were dissatisfied, believing that the 
new burdens upon imports which it im- 
posed, fell upon the producers of the ex- 
ports, and tended to enrich one section of 
the Union at the expense of another. 
The attack and support of the bill took 
much of a sectional aspect; Virginia, the 
two Carolinas, Georgia, and some others, 
being unanimous against it. Pennsylva- 
nia, New York, Ohio, and Kentucky being 
"unanimous for it. Massachusetts, which 
up to this time had no small influence in 
commerce, voted, with all, except one 
member, against it. With this sectional 
aspect, a tariff for protection, also began to 
assume a political aspect, being taken un- 
der the care of the party, afterwards de- 
nominated as Whig. The bill was ap- 
proved by President Monroe; a proof that 
that careful and strict constructionist of 
the constitution did not consider it as de- 
prived of its revenue character by the de- 
gree of protection which it extended. 

A subject which at the present time is 
exciting much criticism, viz: proposed 
amendments to the constitution relative to 
the election of President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, had its origin in movements in that 
direction taken by leading Democrats dur- 
ing the campaign of 1824. The electoral 
•college has never been since the early elec- 
tions, an independent body free to select 
a President and Vice-President; though 
in theory they have been vested with such 
powers, in practice they have no such prac- 
tical power over the elections, and have 
had none since their institution. In every 
ca»e the elector has been an instrument, 



bound to obey a particular impulsion, and 
disobedience to which would be attended 
with infamy, and with every penalty which 
public indignation could inflict. From the 
beginning they have stood pledged to vote 
for the candidate indicated by the public 
will ; and have proved not only to be use- 
less, but an inconvenient intervention be- 
tween the people and the object of their 
choice. Mr. McDuflie in the House of 
Representatives and Mr. Benton in the 
Senate, proposed amendments; the mode 
of taking the direct vote to be in districts, 
and the persons receiving the greatest 
number of votes for President or Vice- 
President in any district, to count one vote 
for such office respectively which is noth- 
ing but substituting the candidates them- 
selves for their electoral representatives. 

In the election of 1824 four candidates 
were before the people for the office of 
President, General Jackson, John Quincy 
Adams, William H. Crawford and Henry 
Clay. None of them received a majority 
of the 261 electoral votes, and the election 
devolved upon the House of Representa- 
tives. John C. Calhoun had a majority of 
the electoral votes for the office of Vice- 
President, and was elected. Mr. Adams 
was elected President by the House of 
Representatives, although General Jack- 
son was the choice of the people, having 
received the greatest number of votes at 
the general election. The election of Mr. 
Adams was perfectly constitutional, and as 
such fully submitted to by the people ; but 
it was a violation of the demos krateo prin- 
ciple ; and that violation was equally re- 
buked. All the representatives who voted 
against the will of their constituents, lost 
their favor, and disappeared from public 
life. The representation in the House of 
Representatives was largely changed at 
the first general election, and presented a 
full opposition to the new President. Mr. 
Adams himself was injured by it, and at 
the ensuing presidential election was beat- 
en by General Jackson more than two to 
one. 

Mr. Clay, who took the lead in the 
House for Mr. Adams, and afterwards took 
upon himself the mission of reconciling the 
people to his election in a series of public 
speeches, was himself crippled in the 
effort, lost his place in the democratic par- 
ty, and joined the Whigs (then called the 
national republicans). The democratic 
principle was victor over the theory of the 
Constitution, and beneficial results ensued. 
It vindicated the people in their right and 
their power. It re-established parties 
upon the basis of principle, and drew anew 
party lines, then almost obliterated under 
the fusion of parties during the "era of 
good feeling," and the efforts of leading 
men to make personal parties for them- 
selves. It showed the conservative power 



I 



TENURE OF OFFICE— ELIGIBILITY. 



27 



of our goverment to lie in the people, more 
than in its constituted authorities. It 
showed that they were capable of exercis- 
ing the function of self-government, and 
lastly, it assumed the supremacy of the de- 
mocracy for a long time, and until lost by 
causes to be referred to hereafter. The 
Presidential election of 1824 is remarkable 
under another aspect — its results cautioned 
all public men against future attempts to 
govern presidential elections in the House 
of Representatives ; and it put an end to 
the practice of caucus nominations for the 
Presidency by members of Congress. This 
mode of concentrating public opinion be- 
gan to be practiced as the eminent men of 
the Revolution, to whom public opinion 
awarded a preference, were passing away, 
and when new men, of more equal preten- 
sions, were coming upon the stage. It was 
tried several times with success and general 
approbation, because public sentiment was 
followed — not led — by the caucus. It was 
attempted in 1824 and failed ; all the op- 
ponents of Mr. Crawford, by their joint 
efforts, succeeded, and justly in the fact 
though not in the motive, in rendering 
these Congress caucus nominations odious 
to the people, and broke them down. 
They were dropped, and a different mode 
adopted — that of party nominations by 
conventions of delegates from the States. 

The administration of Mr. Adams com- 
menced with his inaugural address, in 
which the chief topic was that of internal 
national improvement by the federal gov • 
crnment. This declared policy of the ad- 
ministration furnished a ground of opposi- 
tion against Mr. Adams, and went to the 
reconstruction of parties on the old line of 
strict, or latitudinous, construction of the 
Constitution. It was clear from the begin- 
ning that the new administration was to 
have a settled and strong opposition, and 
that founded in principles of government 
— the same principles, under different 
forms, which had discriminated parties at 
the commencement of the federal govern- 
ment. Men of the old school — survivors 
of the contest of the Adams and Jefferson 
times, with some exceptions, divided ac- 
cordingly — the federalists going for Mr. 
Adams, the republicans against him, with 
the mass of the younger generation. The 
Senate by a decided majority, and the 
House by a strong minority, were opposed 
to the policy of the new President 

In 1826 occurred the famous debates in 
the Senate and the House, on the proposed 
Congress of American States, to contract 
alliances to guard against and prevent the 
establishment of any future European co- 
lony within its borders. The mission 
though sanctioned was never acted upon 
or carried out It was authorized bv very 
nearly a party vote, the democracy as a 
party being against it The President, Mr. 



Adams, stated the objects of the Congress 
to be as follows : " An agreement between 
all the parties represented at the meeting, 
that each will guard, by its own means, 
against the establishment of any future 
European colony within its own borders, 
may be advisable. This was, more than 
two years since, announced by my prede- 
cessor to the world, as a principle result- 
ing from the emancipation of both the 
American continents. It may be so de- 
veloped to the new southern nations, that 
they may feel it as an essential appendage 
to their independence." 

Mr. Adams had been a member of Mr. 
Monroe's cabinet, filling the department 
from which the doctrine would emanate. 
The enunciation by him as above of this 
"Monroe Doctrine," as it is called, is very 
different from what it has of late been sup- 
posed to be, as binding the Urtited States 
to guard all the territory of the New World 
from European colonization. The mes- 
sage above quoted was written at a time 
when the doctrine as enunciated by the 
former President through the then Secre- 
tary was fresh in the mind of the latter, 
and when he himself in a communication 
to the American Senate was laying it down 
for the adoption of all the American na- 
tions in a general congress of their depu- 
ties. According to President Adams, this 
" Monroe Doctrine " (according to which it 
has been of late believed that the United 
States were to stand guard over the two 
Americas, and repulse all intrusive colo- 
nists from their shores), was entirely con- 
fined to our own borders ; that it was only 
proposed to get the other States of the New 
World to agree that, each for itself, and by 
its own means, should guard its own terri- 
tories ; and, consequently, that the United 
States, so far from extending gratuitous 
protection to the territories of other States, 
would neither give, nor receive, aid in any 
such enterprise, but that each should use 
its own means, within its own borders, for 
its own exemption from European colonial 
intrusion. 

No question in its day excited more in- 
temperate discussion, excitement, and feel- 
ing between the Executive and the Senate, 
and none died out so quickly, than this, 
relative to the proposed congress of Ameri- 
can nations. The chief advantage to be 
derived from its retrospect — and it is a real 
one — is a view of the firmness with which 
the minority maintained the old policy of 
the United States, to avoid entangling al- 
liances and interference with the affairs of 
other nations; and the exposition, by one 
so competent as Mr. Adams, of the true 
scope and meaning of the Monroe doc- 
trine. 

At the session of 1825-26 attempt was 
again made to procure an amendment to 
the Constitution, ^Si relation to the mod* 



28 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



of election of President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, so as to do away with all intermedi- 
ate agencies, and give the election to the 
direct vote of the people. In the Senate 
the matter was referred to a committee who 
reported amendments dispensing with 
electors, providing for districts equal in 
number to the whole number of Senators 
and Representatives to which the State 
was entitled in Congress, and obviating all 
excuses for caucuses and conventions to 
concentrate public opinion by providing 
that in the event of no one receiving a ma- 
jority of the whole number of district votes 
cast, that a second election should be held 
limited to the two persons receiving the 
highest number of votes ; and in case of an 
equal division of votes on the second elec- 
tion then the House of Representatives 
shall choose one of them for President, as 
is prescribed by the Constitution. The 
idea being that the first election, if not re- 
sulting in any candidate receiving a ma- 
jority, should stand for a popular nomina- 
tion — a nomination by the people them- 
selves, out of which the election is almost 
sure to be made on the second trial. The 
same plan was suggested for choosing a 
Vice-President, except that the Senate was 
to finally elect, in case of failure to choose 
at first and second elections. The amend- 
ments did not receive the requisite support 
of two-thirds of either the Senate or the 
House. This movement was not of a par- 
tisan character ; it was equally supported 
and opposed respectively by Senators and 
Representatives of both parties. Substan- 
tially the same plan was recommended by 
Presidentj Jackson in his first annual mes- 
sage to Congress, December 8, 1829. 

It is interesting to note that at this Ses- 
sion of 1825 and '26, attempt was made by 
the Democrats to pass a tenure of office 
bill, as applicable to government em- 
ployees and office-holders ; it provided 
that in all nominations made by the 
President to the Senate, to fill vacancies 
occasioned by an exercise of the Presi- 
dent's power to remove from office, the 
fact of the removal shall be stated to the 
Senate at the same time that the nomina- 
tion is made, with a statement of the rea- 
sons for which such officer may have been 
removed." It was also sought at the same 
time to amend tlie Constitution to prohibit 
the appointment of any member of Con- 
gress to any federal office of trust or profit, 
during the period for which he was elec- 
ted ; the design being to make the mem- 
bers wholly independent of the Executive, 
and not subservient to the latter, and in- 
capable of receiving favors in the form of 
bestowals of official patronage. 

The tariff of 1828 is an era in our politi- 
cal legislation; from it the doctrine of 
" nullification " originated, and from that 
date began a serious division between the 



North and the South. Tliis tariff law was 
projected in the interest of the woolen 
manufacturers, but ended by including all 
manufacturing interests. The passage of 
this measure was brought about not because 
it was favored by a majority, but because 
of political exigencies. In the then ap- 
l^roaching presidential election, Mr. 
Adams, who was in favor of the " Ameri- 
can System," supported by Mr. Clay (hi:i 
Secretary of State) was opposed by Genei'al 
Jackson. This tariff was made an admin- 
istration measure, and became an issue in 
the canvass. The New England States, 
which had formerly favored free trade, on 
account of their commercial interests, 
changed their policy, and, led by Mr. 
Webster, became advocates of the j^rotec- 
tive system. The question of protective 
tariff had now not only become political, 
but sectional. The Southern States as a 
section, were arrayed against the system, 
though prior to 1816 had favored it, not 
merely as an incident to revenue, but as a 
substantive object. In fact these tariff 
bills, each exceeding the other in its de- 
gree of protection, had become a regular 
appendage of our presidential elections — 
carrying round in every cycle of four years, 
with that returning event ; starting in 1816 
and followed up in 1820-24, and now in 
1828, with successive augmentations of 
duties ; the last being often pushed as a 
party measure, and with the visible pur- 
pose of influencing the presidential elec- 
tion. General Jackson was elected, hav- 
ing received 178 electoral votes to 83 re- 
ceived by John Quincy Adams. Mr. 
Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, who was 
on the ticket with Mr, Adams, was de- 
feated for the office of Vice-President, and 
John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was 
elected to that office. 

The election of General Jackson was a 
triumph of democratic principle, and an 
assertion of the people's right to govern 
themselves. That principle had been vio- 
lated in the presidential election in the 
House of Representatives in the session of 
1824-25 ; and the sanction, or rebuke, of 
that violation was a leading question in the 
whole canvass. It was also a triumph 
over the high protective policy, and the 
federal internal improvement policy, and 
the latitudinous construction of the Con- 
stitution ; and of the democracy over the 
federalists, then called national republi- 
cans ; and was the re-establishment of par- 
ties on principle, according to the land- 
marks of the early years of the govern- 
ment. For although Mr. Adams had re- 
ceived confidence and office from Mr. 
Madison and Mr. Monroe, and had classed 
with the democratic party during the " era 
of good feeling," yet he had previously 
been federal ; and on the re-establishment 
of old party lines which began to take plac« 



NULLIFICATION— DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS. 



29 



after the election of Mr. Adams in the 
House of Representatives, his affinities 
and policy became those of his former 
party ; and as a party, with many indivi- 
dual exceptions, they became his sui)por- 
ters and his strength. General Jackson, 
on the contrary, had always been demo- 
cratic, so classing when he was a Senator 
in Congress under the administration of 
the first Mr. Adams ; and when party lines 
were most straightly drawn, and upon prin- 
ciple, and as such now receiving the support 
of men and States which took this political 
position at that time, and maintained it for 
years afterwards ; among the latter, notably 
the States of Virginia and Pennsylvania. 

The short session of 1829-30 was ren- 
dered famous by the long and earnest de- 
bates in the Senate on the doctrine of nul- 
lification, as it was then called. It started 
by a resolution of inquiry introduced by 
Mr. Foot of Connecticut; it was united 
with a proposition to limit the sales of the 
public lands to those then in the market- 
to suspend the surveys of the public lands 
— and to abolish the ofiice of Surveyor- 
General. The effect of such a resolution, 
if sanctioned upon inquiry and carried into 
legislative effect, would have been to check 
emigration to the new States in the West, 
and to check the growth and settlement of 
these States and Territories. It was warmly 
opposed by Western members. The de- 
bate spread and took an acrimonious turn, 
and sectional, imputing to the quarter of 
the Union from which it came an old and 
early policy to check the growth of the 
West at the outset by proposing to limit 
the sale of the Western lands, by selling 
no tract in advance until all in the rear 
was sold out ; and during the debate Mr. 
Webster referred to the famous ordinance 
of 1787 for the government of the north- 
western territory, and especially the anti- 
slavery clause which it contained. 

Closely connected with this subject to 
which Mr. Webster's remarks, during the 
debate, related, was another which excited 
some warm discussion — the topic of slavery 
— and the effect of its existence or non- 
existence in different States. Kentucky 
and Ohio were taken for examples, and 
the superior improvement and popula- 
tion of Ohio were attributed to its exemp- 
tion from the evils of slavery. This was 
an excitable subject, and the more so be- 
cause the wounds of the Missouri contro- 
versy in which the North was the undis- 
puted aggressor, were still tender. Mr. 
Hayne from South Carolina answered with 
warmth and resented as a reflection upon 
the Slave States this disadvantageous com- 
parison. Mr. Benton of Missouri followed 
on the same side, and in the course of his 
remarks said, " I regard with admiration, 
that is to say, with wonder, the sublime 
morality of those who cannot bear the ab- 



stract contemplation of slavery, at the dis- 
tance of five hundred or a thousand miles 
off"." This allusion to the Missouri con- 
troversy, and invective against the free 
States for their part in it, by Messrs. 
Hayne and Benton, brought a rej^ly from 
Mr. Webster, showing what their conduct 
had been at the first introduction of the 
slavery topic in the Congress of the United 
States, and that they totally refused to in- 
terfere between master and slave in any 
way whatever. But the tojjic which be- 
came the leading feature of the whole de- 
bate, and .gave it an interest which cannot 
die, was that of nullification — the assumed 
right of a State to annul an act of Congress 
— then first broached in the Senate — and 
in the discussion of which Mr. Webster 
and Mr. Hayne were the champion 
speakers on opposite sides — the latter 
voicing the sentiments of the Vice-Presi- 
dent, Mr. Calhoun. This turn in the de- 
bate was brought about, by Mr. Hayne 
having made allusion to the course of New 
England during the war of 1812, and espe- 
cially to the assemblage known as the 
Hartford Convention, and to which designs 
unfriendly to the Union had been at- 
tributed. This gave Mr. Webster an op- 
portunity to retaliate, and he referred to 
the public meetings which had just then 
taken place in South Carolina on the sub- 
ject of the tariff, and at which resolves 
were passed, and propositions adopted sig- 
nificant of resisistance to the act; and con- 
sequently of disloyalty to the Union. He 
drew Mr. Hayne into their defence and 
into an avowal of what has since obtained 
the current name of " Nullification" He 
said, " I understand the honorable gentle- 
man from South Carolina to maintain, that 
it is a right of the State Legislature to inter- 
fere, whenever, in their judgment, this 
government transcends its constitutional 
limits, and to arrest the operation of its 
laws, * *• * * that the States may law- 
fully decide for themselves, and each State 
for itself, whether, in a given case, the act 
of the general government transcends its 
powers, * * * * that if the exigency 
of the case, in the opinion of any State 
government require it, such State gov- 
ernment may, by its own sovereign au- 
thority, annul an act of the general •gov- 
ernment, which it deems plainly and pal- 
pably unconstitutional." Mr. Hayne was 
evidently unprepared to admit, or fully 
deny, the propositions as so laid down, but 
contented himself with stating the words 
of the Virginia Resolution of 1798, as fol- 
lows : " That this assembly doth explicitly 
and peremptorily declare, that it views the 
powers of the federal government as result- 
ing from the compact, to which the States 
are parties, as limited by the plain sense 
and intention of the instrument constituting 
that compact, as no farther valid than they 



30 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



are authorized by the grants enumerated 
in that compact, and that, in case of a de- 
liberate, palpable and dangerous exercise 
of other powers, not granted by the said 
compact, the States who are parties thereto 
have the right, and are in duty bound, to 
interpose, for arresting the progress of the 
evil, and for maintaining, within their re- 
spective limits, the authorities, rights, and 
liberties appertaining to them." 

This resolution came to be understood 
by Mr. Hayne and others on that side of 
the debate, in the same sense that Mr. 
Webster stated, as above, he understood 
the gentleman from the South to interpret 
it. On the other side of the question, he 
argued that the doctrine had no foundation 
either in the Constitution, or on the Vir- 
ginia resolutions — that the Constitution 
makes the federal government act upon 
citizens within the States, and not upon 
the States themselves, as in the old con- 
federation: that within their Constitution- 
al limits the laws of Congress were supreme 
— and that it was treasonable to resist 
them with force : and that the question of 
their constitutionality was to be decided 
by the Supreme Court : with respect to the 
Virginia resolutions, on which Mr. Hayne 
relied, Mr. Webster disputed the interpre- 
tation put upon them — claimed for them 
an innocent and justifiable meaning — and 
exempted Mr. Madison from the suspicion 
of having framed a resolution asserting the 
right of a State legislature to annul an Act 
of Congress, and thereby putting it in the 
power of one State to destroy a form of 
government which he had just labored so 
hard to establish. 

Mr. Hayne on his part gave (as the prac- 
tical part of his doctrine) the pledge of for- 
cible resistance to any attempt to enforce 
unconstitutional laws. He said, " The 
gentleman has called upon us to carry out 
our scheme practically. Now, sir, if I am 
correct in my view of this matter, then it 
follows, of course, that the right of a State 
being established, the federal government 
is bound to acquiesce in a solemn decision 
of a State, acting in its sovereign capacity, 
at least so far as to make an appeal to the 
people for an amendment to the Constitu- 
tion. This solemn decision of a State binds 
the federal government, under the highest 
constitutional obligation, not to resort to 
any means of coercion against the citizens 
of the dissenting State. * * * Suppose 
Congress should pass an agrarian law, or a 
law emancipating our slaves, or should 
commit any other gross violation of our 
constitutional rights, will any gentlemen 
contend that the decision of every branch 
of the federal government, in favor of such 
laws, could prevent the States from de- 
claring them null and void, and protecting 
their citizens from their operation ? * * 
Let me assure the gentlemen that, when- 



ever any attempt shall be made from any 
quarter, to enforce unconstitutional laws, 
clearly violating our essential rights, our 
leaders (whoever they may be) will not be 
found reading black letter from the musty 
pages of old law books. They will look to 
the Constitution, and when called upon by 
the sovereign authority of the State, to 
preserve and protect the rights secured to 
them by the charter of their liberties, they 
will succeed in defending them, or ' perish 
in the last ditch.' " 

These words of Mr. Hayne seem almost 
prophetic in view of the events of thirty 
years later. No one then believed in any- 
thing serious in the new interpretation 
given to the Virginia resolutions — nor in 
anything practical from nullification — nor 
in forcible resistance to the tariff" laws from 
South Carolina — nor in any scheme of dis- 
union. 

Mr. Webster's closing reply was a fine 
piece of rhetoric, delivered in an elaborate 
and artistic style, and in an apparent spirit 
of deep seriousness. He concluded thus — 
" When my eyes shall be turned to behold, 
for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I 
not see him shining on the broken and dis- 
figured fragments of a once glorious 
Union ; on States dissevered, discordant, 
belligerent ; on a land rent with civil feuds, 
or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. 
Let their last feeble and lingering glance, 
rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the 
Republic, now known and honored through- 
out the earth, still full high advanced, its 
arms and trophies streaming in their ori- 
ginal lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, 
nor a single star obscured, bearing for its 
motto no such miserable interrogatory as, 
What is all this worth? nor those other 
words of delusion and folly. Liberty first 
and Union afterwards; but everywhere, 
spread all over in characters of living light, 
blazing in all its ample folds, as they float 
over the sea and over the land, and in 
every wind under the whole heavens, that 
other sentiment, dear to every true Ameri- 
can heart — Liberty and Union, now and 
forever, one and inseparable ! " 

President Jackson in his first annual 
message to Congress called attention to the 
fact of expiration in 1836 of the charter 
of incorporation granted by the Federal 
government to a moneyed institution called 
The Bank of the United States, which was 
originally designed to assist the govern- 
ment in establishing and maintaining a 
uniform and sound currency. He seriously 
doubted the constitutionality and expedi- 
ency of the law creating the bank, and 
was opposed to a renewal of the charter. 
His view of the matter was that if such an 
institution was deemed a necessity it should 
be made a national one, in the sense of 
being founded on the credit of the govern- 
ment and its revenues, and not a corpora- 



THE UNITED STATES BANK. 



31 



tion independent from and not a part of 
the government. The House of Repre- 
sentatives was strongly in favor of the re- 
newal of tlie cliarter, and several of its 
committees made elaborate, ample and 
argumentative reports upon the subject. 
These reports were the subject of news- 
paper and pamphlet publication; and 
lauded for their power and excellence, and 
triumphant refutation of all the President's 
opinions. Thus was the " war of the Bank'' 
commenced at once in Congress, and in the 
public press ; and openly at the instance 
of the Bank itself, which, forgetting its 
position as an institution of the govern- 
ment, for the convenience of the govern- 
ment, set itself up as a power, and strug- 
gled for continued existence, by demand 
for renewal of its charter. It allied itself 
at the same time to the political power 
opposed to the President, joined in all their 
schemes of protective tariff, and national 
internal improvement, and became the 
head of the American system. Its moneyed 
and political power, numerous interested 
affiliations, and control over other banks 
and fiscal institutions, was truly great and 
extensive, and a power which was exer- 
cised and made to be felt during the strug- 
gle to such a degree that it threatened a 
danger to the country and the government 
almost amounting to a national calamity. 

The subject of renewal of the charter 
was agitated at every succeeding session 
of Congress down to 1836, and many able 
speeches made for and against it. 

In the month of December, 1831, the 
National Republicans, as the party was 
then called which afterward took the name 
of " whig," held its convention in Balti- 
more, and nominated candidates for Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, to be voted for 
at the election in the autumn of the ensu- 
ing year. Henry Clay was the candidate 
for the office of President, and John Ser- 
geant for that of Vice-President. The 
platform or address to the people presented 
the party issues which were to be settled 
at the ensuing election, the chief subjects 
being the tariff, internal improvement, re- 
moval of the Cherokee Indians, and the 
renewal of the United States Bank charter. 
Thus the bank question was fully presented 
as an issue in the election by that part of 
its friends who classed politically against 
President Jackson. But it had also Demo- 
cratic friends without whose aid the re- 
charter could not be got through Congress, 
and they labored assiduously for it. The 
first^Bank of the United States, chartered 
in 1791, was a federal measure, favored by 
General Hamilton, opposed by Mr. Jeffer- 
son, Mr. Madison, and the' Republican 
party; and became a great landmark of 
party, not merely for the bank itself, but 
for the latitudinarian construction of the 
constitution in which it was founded, and 



the precedent it established that Congress 
might in its discretion do what it pleased, 
under the plea of being '^necessary'' to 
carry into effect some granted power. The 
non-renewal of the charter in 1811, was 
the act of the Republican party, then in 
possession of the government, and taking 
the opportunity to terminate, upon its own 
limitation, the existence of an institution 
whose creation they had not been able to 
prevent. The charter of the second bank, 
in 1816, was the act of the Republican 
party, and to aid them in the administra- 
tion of the government, and, as such, was 
opposed by the Federal party — not seeming 
then to understand that, by its instincts, a 
great moneyed corporation was in sym- 
pathy with their own party, and would 
soon be with it in action — which the bank 
soon was — and now struggled for a con- 
tinuation of its existence under the lead 
of those who had opposed its creation and 
against the party which effected it. Mr. 
Webster was a Federal leader on both 
occasions — against the charter in 1816 ; 
for the re-charter in 1832. The bill passed 
the Senate after a long and arduous con- 
test; and afterwards passed the House, 
quickly and with little or no contest at all. 
It was sent to the President, and vetoed 
by him July 10, 1832 ; the message stating 
his objections being an elaborate review 
of the subject ; the veto being based mainly 
on the unconstitutionality of the measure. 
The veto was sustained. Following this 
the President after the adjournment re- 
moved from the bank the government 
deposits, and referred to that fact in his 
next annual message on the second day of 
December, 1833, at the opening of the first 
session of the twenty-third Congress. Ac- 
companying it was the report of the 
Secretary of the Treasury, Hon. Roger B. 
Taney, afterwards Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the United States, giv- 
ing the reasons of the government for the 
withdrawal of the public funds. Long and 
bitter was the contest between the Presi- 
dent on the one side and the Bank and its 
supporters in the Senate on the other side. 
The conduct of the Bank produced dis- 
tress throughout the country, and was so 
intended to coerce the President. Distress 
petitions flooded Congress, and the Senate 
even passed resolutions of censure of the 
President. The latter, however, held firm 
in his position. A committee of investi- 
gation was appointed by the House of 
Rei)resentatives to inquire into the causes 
of the commercial embarrassment and the 
public distress complained of in the 
numerous distress memorials presented to 
the two Houses during the session; and 
whether the Bank had been instrumental, 
through its management of money, in pro- 
ducing the distress and embarrassment of 
which so much complaint was made ; to 



32 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



inquire whether the charter of the Bank 
had been violated, and what corruptions 
and abuses, if any, existed in its manage- 
ment ; and to inquire whether the Bank 
had used its corporate power or money to 
control the press, to interpose in politics, 
or to influence elections. The committee 
were granted ample powers for the execu- 
tion of these inquiries. It was treated 
with disdain and contempt by the Bank 
management ;• 'refiised access to the books 
and papers, and the directors and president 
refused to be sworn and testifj'. The 
committee at the next session made report 
of their proceedings, and asked for war- 
rants to be issued against the managers to 
bring them before the Bar of the House to 
answer for contempt ; but the friends of 
the Bank in the House were able to check 
the proceedings and prevent action being 
taken. In the Senate, the President was 
sought to be punished by a declination by 
that body to confirm the President's 
nomination of the four government direc- 
tors of the Bank, who had served the 
previous year ; and their re-nomination 
after that rejection again met with a similar 
fate. In like manner his re-nomination of 
Eoger B. Taney to be Secretary of the 
Treasury was rejected, for the action of 
the latter in his support of the President 
and the removal of the public deposits. 
The Bank had lost much ground in the 
public estimation by resisting the investi- 
gation ordered and attempted by the House 
of Representatives, and in consequence the 
Finance Committee of the Senate made an 
investigation, with so weak an attempt to 
varnish over the aflairs and acts of the 
corporation that the odious appellation of 
" white-washing committee " was fastened 
upon it. The downfall of the Bank 
speedily followed ; it soon afterwards be- 
came a total financial wreck, and its assets 
and property were seized on executions. 
With its financial failure it vanished from 
public view, and public interest in it and 
concern with it died out. 

About the beginning of March, 1831, a 
pamphlet was issued in Washington, by 
Mr. John C. Calhoun, the Vice-President, 
and addressed to the people of the United 
States, explaining the cause of a difference 
which had taken place between himself 
and the President, General Jackson, in- 
stigated as the pamphlet alleged, by Mr. 
Van Buren, and intended to make trouble 
between the first and second officers of the 
government, and to effect the political 
destruction of himself (Mr. Calhoun) for the 
benefit of the contriver of the quarrel, the 
then Secretary of State, and indicated as a 
candidate for the presidential succession 
upon the termination of Jackson's term. 
The differences grew out of certain charges 
against General Jackson respecting his con- 
duct during the Seminole war which oc- 



curred in the administration of President 
Monroe. The President justified himself in 
published correspondence, but the inevita- 
ble result followed — a rupture between the 
President and Vice-President — which was 
quickly followed by a breaking up and 
reconstructing the Cabinet. Some of 
its members classed as the political friends 
of Mr. Calhoun, and could hardly be ex- 
pected to remain as ministers to the Presi- 
dent. Mr. Van Buren resigned ; a new 
Cabinet was appointed and confirmed. 
This change in the Cabinet made a great 
figure in the party politics of the day, and 
filled all the opposition newspapers, and 
had many sinister reasons assigned to it — 
all to the prejudice of General Jackson and 
Mr. Van Buren. 

It is interesting to note here that during 
the administration of President Jackson, 
— in the year 1833, — the Congress of the 
United States, as the consequence of the 
earnest efforts in that behalf, of Col. R. M. 
Johnson, of Kentucky, aided by the re- 
commendation and supi^ort of the Prcsi^ 
dent, passed the first laws, abolishing im- 
prisonment for debt, under jjrocess from 
the Courts of the United States : the only 
extent to which an act of Congress could 
go, by force of its enactments ; but by force 
of example and influence, has led to the 
cessation of the practice of imprisoning 
debtors, in all, or nearly all, of the States 
and Territories of the Union ; and without 
the evil consequences which had been 
dreaded frpm the loss of this remedy over 
the person. The act was a total abolition of 
the practice, leaving in full force all the re- 
medies against fraudulent evasions of debt. 
The American system, and especially its 
prominent feature of a high protective 
tariff was put in issue, in the Presidential 
canvass of 1832; and the friends of that 
system labored diligently in Congress in 
presenting its best points to the greatest 
advantage ; and staking its fiite upon the 
issue of the election. It was lost; not only 
by the result of the main contest, but hj 
that of the congressional election which 
took place simultaneously with it. All the 
States dissatisfied with that system, were 
satisfied with the view of its speedy and 
regular extinction, under the legislation of 
the approaching session of Congress, ex- 
cepting only South Carolina. She has 
held aloof from the Presidential contest, 
and cast her electoral votes for persons 
who were not candidates — doing nothing 
to aid the election of General Jackson, 
with whom her interests were apparently 
identified. On the 24th November, 1832, 
two weeks after the election which de- 
cided the fate of the tariff, that State 
issued an "Ordinance to nullify certain 
acts of the Congress of the United 
States, purporting to be laws laying 
duties and imposts on the importation 



THE PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL MESSAGE. 



33 



of foreign commodities." It declared that 
jhe Congress had exceeded its constitu- 
tional powers in imposing high and ex- 
cessive duties on the theory of "protec- 
tion," had unjustly discriminated in favor 
of one class or employment, at the expense 
and to the injury and oppression of other 
classes and individuals; that said laws 
were in consequence not binding on the 
State and its citizens; and declaring its 
right and purpose to enact laws to prevent 
the enforcement and arrest the operation 
of said acts and parts of the acts of the 
Congress of the United States within the 
limits of that State after the first day of 
February ffdlowing. This ordinance placed 
the State in the attitude of forcible resist- 
ance to the laws of the United States, to 
take effect on the tirst day of February 
next ensuing — a date prior to the meeting 
of the next Congre-ss, which the country 
naturally expected would take some action 
in reference to the tariff laws complained 
of The ordinance further provided that 
if, in the meantime, any attempt was made 
by the federal government to enforce the 
obnoxious laws, except through the tribu- 
nals, all the officers of which were sworn 
against them, the fiict of such attempt was 
to terminate the continuance of South Car- 
olina in the Union— to absolve her from 
all connection with the federal government 
— and to establish her as a separate govern- 
ment, wholly unconnected with the United 
States or any State. The ordinance of 
nullification was certified bv the Governor 
of South Carolina to the President of the 
United States, and reached him in Decem- 
ber of the same year ; in consequence of 
which he immediately issued a proclama- 
tion, exhorting the people of South Caro- 
lina to obey the laws of Congress ; point- 
ing out and explaining the illegality of 
the procedure ; stating clearly and distinct- 
ly his firm determination fx) enforce the 
laws a.s became him as Executive, even by 
resort to force if necessary. As a state 
paper, it is important a^ it contains the 
views of General Jackson regarding the 
nature and character of our federal gov- 
ernment, expressed in the following lan- 
guage: " The people of the United States 
lormel the constitution, acting through 
the State Legislatures in making the com- 
pact, to meet and discuss its provisions, 
and actin:^ in separate conventions when 
they ratified those provisions; but, the 
terms used in the constitution show it to 
be a government in which the people of all 
the States collectively are represented. 
We are one people in the choice of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President. Here the States 
have no other agency than to direct the 
mode in which the votes shall be given. 
* The people, then, and not the 
j States, are represented in the executive 
j branch. * * * In the House 



of Representatives the members are all 
representatives of the United States, not 
representatives of the particular States 
from which they come. They are paid by 
the United States, not by the State, nor 
are they accountable to it for any act done 
in the performance of their legislative 
functions. ***** 

The constitution of the United States, 
then, forms a government, not a league ; 
and whether it be formed by a compact 
between the States, or in any other man-, 
ner, its character is the same. It is a gov- 
ernment in which all the people are repre- 
sented, which operates directly on the 
people individually, not upon the States — • 
they retained all the power they did not 
grant. But each State, having expressly 
parted with so many powers as to consti- 
tute, jointly with the other States, a single 
nation, cannot, from that period, possess 
any right to secede, because such secession 
does not break a league, but destroys the 
unity of the nation, and any injury to that 
unity, is not only a breach which could 
result from the contravention of a com- 
pact, but it is an offence against the whole 
Union. To say that any State may at 
pleasure secede from the Union, is to say 
that the United States are not a nation ; 
betause it would be a solecism to contend 
that any part of a nation might dissolve 
its connection with the other parts, to their 
injury or ruin, without committing any 
offence." 

Without calling on Congress for extra- 
ordinary powers, the President in his 
annual message, merely adverted to the 
attitude of the State, and proceeded to 
meet the exigency by the exercise of the 
powers he already possessed. The pro- 
ceedings in South Carolina not ceasing, 
and taking daily a more aggravated form 
in the organization of troops, the collec- 
tion of arms and of munitions of war, and 
in declarations hostile to the Union, he 
found it necessary early in January to re- 
port the facts to Congress in a special 
message, and ask for extraordinary powers. 
Bills for the reduction of the tariff were 
early in the Session introduced into both 
houses, while at the same time the Presi- 
dent, though not relaxing his efforts to- 
wards a peaceful settlement of the diffi- 
culty, made steady preparations for enforc- 
ing the law. The result of the bills offered 
in the two Houses of Congress, was the 
passage of Mr. Clay's " compromise " bill 
on the 12th of February 1833, which radi- 
cally changed the whole tariff system. 

The President in his message on the 
South Carolina proceedings had recom- 
mended to Congress the revival of some 
acts, heretofore in force, to enable him to 
execute the laws in that State ; and the 
Senate's committee on the judiciary had 
reported a bill accordingly early in the 






AMERICAN POLITICS. 



session. It was immediately assailed by 
several members as violent and unconsti- 
tutional, tending to civil war, and de- 
nounced as " the bloody bill " — the " force 
bill," &c. The bill was vindicated in the 
Senate, by its author, who showed that it 
contained no novel ])rinciple; was sub- 
stantially a revival of laws previously in 
force ; with the authority superadded to 
remove the office of customs from one 
building or place to another in case of 
need. The bill was vehemently opposed, 
and every effort made to render it odious 
to the people, and even extend the odium 
to the President, and to every person 
urging or aiding in its passage. Mr. 
Webster justly rebuked all this vitupera- 
tion, and justified the bill, both for the 
equity of its provisions, and the necessity 
for enacting them. He said, that an un- 
lawful combination threatened the integ- 
rity of the Union ; that the crisis called 
for a mild, temperate, forbearing but "un- 
flexibly firm execution of the laws ; and 
finally, that public opinion sets with an 
irresistible force in favor of the Union, in 
favor of the measures reconiinended by 
the President, and against the new doc- 
trines which threatened the dissolution of 
the Union. The support which Mr. Web- 
ster gave to these measures was the regular 
result of the principles which he laid 
down in his first speeches against nullifi- 
cation in the debate with Mr. Hayne, and 
he could not have done less without being 
derelict to his own principles then avowed. 
He supported with transcendent ability, 
the cause of the constitution and of the 
countrj', in the person of a President to 
whom he was politically opposed, whose 
gratitude and admiration he earned for his 
patriotic endeavors. The country, with ut 
distinction of party, felt the same; and 
the universality of the feelinir was one o. 
the grateful instances of popular applause 
and justice when great talents are seen 
exerting themselves for the good of the 
country. He was the colossiil figure on 
the political stage during that eventful 
time; and his labors, splendid in their 
day, survive for the benefit of dixtan: 
posterity. 

During the discussion over the re-charter 
of the Bank of the United States, which 
as before mentioned, occupied the atten- 
tion of Congress for several years, the 
country suffered from a money panic, and a 
general financial depression and distress 
was generally prevalent. In 1884 a mea- 
sure was introduce4 into the H^nise, for 
equalizing the value of gold and silver, 
and legalizing the tender of fore gn coin, 
of both metals. The good effect^ of the 
bill were immediately seen. Gold began 
to flow into the country through all the 
channels of commerce, foreign and domes- 
tic ; the mint was busy ; and specie pay- 



ment, which had been suspended in the 
country for thirty years, was resumed, and 
gold and silver became the currency of the 
land ; inspiring confidence in all the pur- 
suits of industry. 

As indicative of the position of the de- 
mocratic party at that date, on the subject 
of the kind of money authorized by the 
Constitution, Mr. Benton's speech in the 
Senate is of interest. He said : " In the 
first place, he was one of those who be- 
lieved that the government of the United 
States was intended to be a hard money 
government; that it was the intention and 
the declaration of the Constitution of the 
United States, that the federal currency 
should consist .of gold and silver, and that 
there is no power in Congress to issue, or 
to authorize any company of individuals 
to issue, any species of federal paper cur- 
rency whatsoever. Every clause in the 
Constitution (said Mr. 13.) which bear? 
upon the subject of money — every early 
statute of Congress which interprets the 
meaning of these clauses — and every his- 
toric recollection which refers to them, go 
hand in hand in giving to that instrument 
the meaning which this proposition ascribes 
to it. The power granted to Congress to 
coin money is an authority to stamp me- 
tallic money, and is not an authority for 
emitting slips of paper containing promises 
to pay money. The authority granted to 
Congress to regulate the value of coin, is 
an authority to regulate the value of the 
metallic money, not of paper. The prohi- 
bition upon the States against making 
anything but gold and silver a legal ten- 
der, is a moral prohibition, founded in vir- 
tue and honesty, and is just as binding 
upon the Federal Government as upon the 
State Governments ; and that without a 
written prohibition ; for the difference in 
ihe nature of the two governments is such, 
hat the States may do all things which 
they are not forbid to do ; and the Federal 
Government can do nothing which it is 
not authorized by the Constitution to do. 
The framers of the Constitution (said Mr. 
B. ) created a hard money government. 
They intended the new government to re- 
cognize nothing for money but gold and 
silver ; and every word admitted into the 
Constitution, upon the subject of money, 
defines and establishes that sacred inten- 
tion. 

Legislative enactment came quickly to 
the aid of constitutional intention and 
historic recollection. The fifth statute 
[massed at the first session of the first Con- 
gress that ever sat under the present Con- 
stitution was full and explicit on this head. 
It declared, " that the fees and duties pay- 
able U> the federal government shall be 
received in gold and silver coin only." It 
was under General Hamilton, as Secretary 
of the Treasury, in 1791, that the policy 



THE INCEPTION OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 



35 



of the government underwent a change. 
In the act constituting the Bank of the 
United States, he brought forward his ce- 
lebrated plan for the support of the public 
credit — that plan which unfolded the en- 
tire scheme of the paper system and imme- 
diately developed the great political line 
between the federalists and the republi- 
cans. The establishment of a national 
bank was the leading and predominant 
feature of that plan ; and the original re- 
port of the secretary, in favor of establish- 
ing the bank, contained this fatal and de- 
plorable recommendation : " The bills and 
notes of the bank, originally made payable, 
or which shall have become payable, on 
demand, in gold and silver coin, shall be 
receivable in all payments to the United 
States." From the moment of the adop- 
tion of this policy, the moneyed character 
of the government stood changed and re- 
versed. Federal bank notes took the place 
of hard money ; and the whole edifice of 
the government slid, at once, from the solid 
rock of gold and silver money, on which 
its framers had placed it, into the troubled 
and tempestuous ocean of paper currency. 

The first session of the 35th Congress 
opened December 1835. Mr. James K. 
Polk was elected Speaker of the House by 
a large majority over Mr. John Bell, the 
previous Speaker ; the former being sup- 
ported by the administration party, and 
the latter having become identified with 
those who, on siding with Mr. Hugh ■ L. 
White as a candidate for the presidency, 
were considered as having divided from 
the democratic party. The chief subject 
of the President's message was the rela- 
tions of our country with France relative 
to the continued non-payment of the stip- 
ulated indemnity provided for in the treaty 
of 1831 for French spoliations of Ameri- 
can shipping. The obligation to pay was 
admitted, and the money even voted for 
that purpose ; but offense was taken at the 
President's message, and payment refused 
until an apology should be made. The 
President commented on this in his mes- 
sage, and the Senate had under consider- 
ation measures authorizing reprisals on 
French shipping. At this point Great 
Britain offered her services as mediator be- 
tween the nations, and as a result the in- 
demnity was shortly afterwards paid. 

Agitation of the slavery question in the 
United States really began about this 
time. Evil-disposed persons had largely 
circulated through the Southern states, 
pamphlets and circulars tending to stir up 
strife and insurrection ; and this had be- 
come so intolerable that it was referred to 
by the President in his message. Congress 
a* the session of 1836 was flooded with pe- 
titions and memorials urging federal inter- 
ference to abolish slavery in the States ; 
beginning with the petition of the Society 



of Friends of Philadelphia, urging the 
abolition of slavery in the District of Co- 
lumbia. These petitions were referred to 
Committees after an acrimonious debate 
as to whether they should be received or 
not. The position of the government at 
that time is embodied in the following 
resolution which was adopted in the Hou -e 
of Representatives as early as 1790, and 
substantially re-affirmed in 1836, as fol- 
lows : "That Congress have no authority 
to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, 
or in the treatment of them within any of 
the States ; it remaining with the several 
States to provide any regulations therein 
which humanity and true policy may re- 
quire." 

In the Summer preceding the Presi- 
dential election of 1836, a measure was in- 
troduced into Congress, which became very 
nearly a party measure, and which in its 
results proved disastrous to the Democrat- 
ic party in after years. It was a plan for 
distributing the public land money among 
the States either in the shape of credit 
distribution, or in the disguise of a deposit 
of surplus revenue ; and this for the pur- 
pose of enhancing the value of the State 
stocks held by the United States Bank, 
which institution, aided by the party which 
it favored, led by Mr. Clay, was the prime 
mover in the plan. That gentleman was 
the author of the scheme, and great cal- 
culations were made by the party which 
favored the distribution upon its effect in 
adding to their popularity. The Bill passed 
the Senate in its original form, but met 
with less favor in the House where it was 
found necessary. To effectuate substan- 
tially the same end, a Senate Bill was in- 
troduced to regulate the keeping of the 
public money in the deposit oanks, and 
this was turned into distribution of the 
surplus public moneys with the States, in 
proportion to their representation in Con- 
gress, to be returned when Congress should 
call for it ; and this was called a deposit 
with the States, and the faith of the States 
pledged for a return of the money. It 
was stigmatized by its opponents in Con- 
gress, as a distribution in disguise — as a 
deposit never to be reclaimed ; as a mis- 
erable evasion of the Constitution ; as an 
attempt to debauch the people with their 
own money ; as plundering instead of de- 
fending the country. The Bill passed both 
houses, mainly by the efforts of a half 
dozen aspirants to the Presidency, who 
sought to thus increase their popularity. 
They were doomed to disappointment in 
this respect. Politically, it was no advan- 
tage to its numerous and emulous support- 
ers, and of no disservice to its few deter- 
mined opponents. It was a most unfortu- 
nate act, a plain evasion of the Constitu- 
tion for a bad purpose ; and it soon gave a 
sad overthrow to the democracy and disap- 



36 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



pjinted every calculation made upon it. 
To the States it was no advantage, raising 
expectations which were not fulfilled, and 
upon which many of them acted as reali- 
ties. The Bill was signed by the Presi- 
dent, but it is simple justice to him to say 
that he did it with a repugnance of feel- 
ing, and a recoil of judgment, which it re- 
quired great efforts of his friends to over- 
come, and with a regret for it afterwards 
which he often and publicly expressed. In 
a party point of view, the passage of this 
measure was the commencement of calam- 
ities, being an efficient cause in that gen- 
eral suspension of specie payments, which 
quickly occurred, and brought so much 
embarrassment on the Van Buren admin- 
istration, ending in the great democratic 
defeat of 1840. 

The presidential election of 1836 re- 
sulted in the choice of the democratic can- 
didate, Mr. Van Buren, who was elected 
by 170 electoral votes ; his opponent, Gene- 
ral Harrison, receiving seventy-three elec- 
toral votes. Scattering votes were given 
for Mr. AVebster, Mr. Mangum, and Mr. 
Hugh L. White, the last named represent- 
ing a fragment of the democracy who, in a 
spirit of disaffection, attempted to divide 
the democratic party and defeat Mr. Van 
Buren. At the opening of the second ses- 
sion of the twenty-fourth Congress, Decem- 
ber, 1836, President Jackson delivered his 
last annual message, under circumstances 
exceedingly gratifying to him. The power- 
ful opposition in Congress had been broken 
down, and he had the satisfaction of seeing 
full majorities of ardent and tried friends 
in each House. The country was in peace 
and friendship with all the world ; all ex- 
citing questions quieted at home; industry 
in all its branches prosperous, and the 
revenue abundant. And as a happy 
sequence of this state of affairs, the Senate 
on the 16th of March, 1837, expunged 
from the Journal the resolution, adopted 
three years previously, censuring the Presi- 
dent for ordering the removal of the de- 
posits of public money in the United States 
Bank. He retired from the presidency 
with high honors, and died eight years 
afterwards at his home, the celebrated 
" Hermitage," in Tennessee, in full posses- 
sion of all his faculties, and strong to the 
last in the ruling passion of his soul — love 
of country. 

The 4th of March, 1837, ushered in an- 
other Democratic administration — the be- 
ginning of the term of Martin Van Buren 
as President of the United States. In his 
inaugural address he commented on the 
prosperous condition of the country, and 
declared it to be his policy to strictly abide 
by the Constitution as written — no latitu- 
dinarian constructions permitted, or doubt- 
ful powers assumed ; that his political 
chart should be the doctrines of the demo- 



cratic school, as understood at the original 
formation of parties. 

The President, however, was scarcely 
settled in his new office when a financial 
panic struck tht; country with irresistible 
force. A general suspension of the banks, 
a depreciated currency, and insolvency of 
the federal treasury were at hand. The 
public money had been placed in the cus- 
tody of the local banks, and the notes of all 
these banks, and of all others in the coun- 
trv, were received in payment of public 
dues. On the 10th of "May, 1837, the 
banks throughout the country suspended 
specie payments. The stoppage of the de- 
posit banks was the stoppage of the Trea- 
sury, Non-payment by the government 
was an excuse for non-payment by others. 
The suspension was now complete ; and it 
was evident, and as good as admitted by 
those who had made it, that it was the 
effect of contrivance on the part of politi- 
cians and the so-called Bank of the United 
States (which, after the expiration of its 
national charter, had become a State cor- 
poration chartered by the Legislature of 
Pennsylvania in January, 1836) for the 
purpose of restoring themselves to power. 
The whole proceeding became clear to 
those who could see nothing while it was 
in progress. Even those of the democratic 
party whose votes had helped to do the 
mischief, could now see that the attemptto 
deposit forty millions with the States was 
destruction to the deposit banks ; that the 
repeal of President Jackson's order, known 
as the " specie circular " — requiring pay- 
ment for public lands to be in coin — was to 
fill the treasury with paper money, to be 
found useless when wanted ; that distress 
was purposely created to throw blame of 
it upon the party in power ; that the 
promptitude with which the Bank of the 
United States had been brought forward 
as a remedy for the distress, showed that it 
had been held in reserve for that ])urpose ; 
and the delight with which the whig party 
saluted the general calamity, showed that 
they considered it their own passport to 
power. Financial embarrassment and 
general stagnation of business diminished 
the current receipts from lands and 
customs, and actually caused an absolute 
deficit in the public treasury. In conse- 
quence, the President found it an inexora- 
ble necessity to issue his proclamation con- 
vening Congress in extra session. 

The first session of the twenty -fifth Con- 
gress met in extra session, at the call of 
the President, on the first Monday of Sep- 
tember, 1837. The message Avas a review 
of the events and causes which had brought 
about the panic ; a defense of the policy of 
the " specie circular," and a recommenda- 
tion to break off all connection with any 
bank of issue in any form ; looking to the 
establishment of an Independent Treasury, 



DEMOCRATS AND WHIGS. 



37 



and that the Government provide for the 
deficit in the treasury by the issue of 
treasury notes and by withholding the de- 
posit due to the States under the act then 
in force. The message and its recom- 
mendations were violently assailed both in 
the Senate and House by able and effec- 
tive speakers, notably by Messrs. Clay and 
"Webster, and also by Mr. Caleb Cushing, 
of Massachusetts, who made a formal and 
elaborate reply to the whole document 
under thirty-two distinct heads, and recit- 
ing therein all the points of accusation 
against the democratic policy from the be- 
ginning of the government down to that 
day. The result was that the measures 
proposed by the Executive were in sub- 
stance enacted ; and their passage marks 
an era in our financial history — making a 
total and complete separation of Bank and 
State, and firmly establishing the principle 
that the government revenues should be 
receivable in coin only. 

The measures of consequence discussed 
and adopted at this session, were the 
graduation of price of public lands under 
the pre-emption system, which was adopt- 
ed ; the bill to create an independent 
Treasury, which passed the Senate, but 
failed in the House ; and the question of 
the re-charter of the district banks, the 
proportion for reserve, and the establish- 
ment of such institutions on a specie basis. 
The slavery question was again agitated in 
consequence of petitions from citizens and 
societies in the Northern States, and a 
memorial from the General Assembly of 
Vermont, praying for the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia and 
territories, and for the exclusion of future 
slave states from the Union. These peti- 
tions and memorials were disposed of ad- 
versely; and Mr. Calhoun, representing 
the ultra-Southern interest, in several able 
speeches, approved of the Missouri com- 
promise, he urged and obtained of the 
Senate several resolutions declaring that 
the federal government had no power to 
interfere with slavery in the States ; and 
that it would be inexpedient and impolitic 
to interfere, abolish or control it in the 
District of Columbia and the territories. 
These movements for and against slavery 
in the session of 1837-38 deserve to be no- 
ticed, as of disturbing effect at the time, 
and as having acquired new importance 
from subsequent events. 

The first session of the twenty-sixth 
Congress opened December, 1839. The 
organization of the House was delayed by 
a closely and earnestly contested election 
from the State of New Jersey. P'ive De- 
mocrats claiming seats as against an equal 
number of Whigs. Neither set was admit- 
ted until after the election of Speaker, 
which resulted in the choice of Robert M. 
T. Hunter, of Virginia, the Whig candi- 



date, who was elected by the full Whig 
vote with the aid of a few democrats — 
friends of Mr. Calhoun, who had for seve- 
ral previous sessions been acting with the 
Whigs on several occasions. The House 
excluding the five contested seats from 
New Jersey, was really Democratic ; hav- 
ing 122 members, and the Whigs 113 mem- 
bers. The contest for the Speakership was 
long and arduous, neither party adhering 
to its original caucus candidate. Twenty 
scattering votes, eleven of whom were 
classed as Whigs, and nine as Democrats, 
prevented a choice on the earlier ballots, 
and it was really Mr. Calhoun's Democrat- 
ic friends uniting with a solid Whig vote 
on the final ballot that gained that party 
the election. The issue involved was a 
vital party question as involving the or- 
ganization of the House. The chief mea- 
sure, of public importance, adopted at this 
session of Congress was an act to provide 
for the collection, safe-keeping, and dis- 
bursing of the public money. It practi- 
cally revolutionized the system previously 
in force, and was a complete and effectual 
separation of the federal treasury and the 
Government, from the banks and moneyed 
corporations of the States. It was violent- 
ly opposed by the Whig members, led by 
Mr. Clay, and supported by Mr. Cushing, 
but was finally passed in both Houses by a 
close vote. 

At this time, and in the House of Re- 
presentatives, was exhibited for the first 
time in the history of Congress, the pre- 
sent practice of members "pairin(j off," as 
it is called ; that is to say, two members of 
opposite political parties, or of opposite 
views on any particular subject, agreeing 
to absent themselves from the duties of the 
House, for the time being. The practice 
was condemned on the floor of the House 
by Mr. John Quincy Adams, who intro- 
duced a resolution: "That the practice, 
first openly avowed at the present session 
of Congress, of pairing off, involves, on 
the part of the members resorting to it, 
the violation of the Constitution of the 
United States, of an express rule of this 
House, and of the duties of both parties in 
the transaction, to their immediate consti- 
tuents, to this House, and to their coun- 
try." This resolution was placed in the 
calendar to take its turn, but not being 
reached during the session, was not voted 
on. That was the first instance of this 
justly condemned practice, fifty years after 
the establishment of the Government ; but 
since then it has become common, even in- 
veterate, and is now carried to great lengths. 

The last session of the twenty-sixth Con- 
gress was barren of measures, and neces^ 
sarily so, as being the last of our adminis- 
tration superseded by the popular voice, 
and soon to expire ; and therefore restric- 
ted by a sense of propriety, during the 



38 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



brief remainder of its existence, to the de- 
tails of business and the routine of service. 
The cause of this was the result of the 
presidential election of 1840. The same 
candidates who fought the battle of 183G 
were again in the field. Mr. Van Buren 
was the Democratic candidate. His ad- 
ministration had been satisfactory to his 
jiarty, and his nomination for a second 
term was commended by the party in the 
different States in appointing their dele- 
gates ; so that the proceedings of the con- 
vention which nominated him were en- 
tirely harmonious and formal in their na- 
ture. Mr. Richard M. Johnson, the ac- 
tual Vice-President, was also nominated 
for Vice-President. 

On the Whig ticket, General William 
Henry Harrison, of Ohio, was the candi- 
date for President, and Mr. John Tyler, of 
Virginia, for Vice-President. The lead- 
ing statesmen of the Whig party Avore 
again jjut aside, to make way for a milita- 
ry man, prompted by the example in the 
nomination of General Jackson, the men 
who managed presidential elections be- 
lieving then as now that military renown 
was a passport to popularity and rendered 
a candidate more sure of election. Availa- 
bility — for the purpose — was the only abili- 
ty asked for. Mr. Clay, the most promi- 
nent Whig in the country, and the ac- 
knowledged head of the party, was not 
deemed available; and though Mr. Clay 
was a candidate before the convention, tlic 
proceedings were so regulated that his 
nomination was referred to a committee, 
ingeniously devised and directed for the 
afterwards avowed purpose of prevenliiig 
his nomination and securing that of Gene- 
ral Harrison ; and of producing the intend- 
ed result without showing the design, and 
without leaving a trace behind to show 
what was done. The scheme (a modifica- 
tion of which has since been applied to 
subsequent national conventions, and out 
of which many bitter dissensions have again 
and again arisen) is embodied and was 
executed in and by means of the following 
resolution adopted by the convention : 
" Orde)-c(l, That the delegates from each 
State be requested to assemble as a delega- 
tion, and appoint a committee, not exceed- 
ing three in number, to receive the views 
and opinions of such delegation, and com- 
municate the same to the assembled com- 
mittes of all the delegations, to be by them 
respectively reported to their principals ; 
and that thereupon the delegates from 
each State bo requested to assemble as a 
delegation, and ballot for candidates for 
the offices of President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, and having done so, to commit the 
ballot designating the A'otes of each cand - 
date, and by whom given, to its commit- 
tee, and thereupon all the committees 
shall assemble and compare the several 



ballots, and report the result of the same 
to their several delegations, together with 
such facts as may bear upon the nomina- 
tion ; and said delegation shall forthwith 
re-assemble and ballot again for candidates 
for the above offices, and again commit 
the result to the above conanittees, and if 
it shall appear that a majority of the bal- 
lots are for any one man lor candidate for 
President, said committee shall report the 
result to the convention for its considera- 
tion ; but if there shall be no such majori- 
ty, then the delegation shall repeat the 
balloting until such a majority shall be 
obtained, and then report the same to the 
convention for its consideration. That the 
vote of a majority of eat h delegation shall 
be reported as the vote of that State; and 
each State represented here shall vote its 
full electoral vote by such delegation iu 
the committee." Ihis was a sum in poli- 
tical algebra, whose quotient was known, 
but the quantity unknown except to those 
who planned it ; and the result was — for 
General Scott, 16 votes; for Mr. Clay, 90 
votes; for General Hnrrison, 148 votes. 
And as the law of the convcnti'^n implied- 
ly requires the absorption of all minorities, 
ihe 106 votes were swallowed up by the 
148 votes and mr.de to count for General 
Hiirrison, presenting him as the unani- 
mity candidate of tl."? convention, and the 
defeated caniidates and all their friends 
bound to join in his support. And in this 
way tlie election of 1840 was effected — a 
process certainly not within the purview 
ol those Iramcrs of the constitution who 
supposed they were giving to the nation 
the choice of its own chiel magistrate. 

The contest before the people was a 
long and bitter one, the severest ever 
known in the country, up to that time, and 
scarcely equalled since. The whole Whig 
party and the large league of suspended 
banks, headed by the Bank of the United 
States making its last struggle for a new 
national charter in the efiort to elect a 
President friendly to it, were arrayed 
against the Democrats, whose hard-money 
policy and independent treasury schemes, 
met with little favor in the then depressed, 
condition of the country. Meetings were 
held in every State, county and town ; the 
people thoroughly aroused ; and every 
argument made in favor of the respective 
candidates and parties, wliieh could pos- 
sibly have any effect upon the voters. The 
danvass was a thorough one, and the elec- 
tion was carried for the AVhig candidates, 
who r^cc'ved 234 electoral votes coming 
from 1!) Siatc>s. The remaining 60 electo- 
ral votes of the other 9 States, were given 
to the Democratic candidate ; though the 
popular vote was not so unevenly divided; 
the actual figures being 1,275,611 for the 
Whig ticket, against 1,135,761 for the 
Democratic ticket. It was a -jomplete rout 



WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS— THE HOUR RULE. 



39 



of the Democratic party, but without the 
moral effect of victory. 

On March 4, 1841, was inaugurated as 
President, Gen'l Wm. H. Harrison, the 
first Chief Magistrate elected by the Whig 
party, and the first President who was not 
a Democrat, since the installation of Gen'l 
Jackson, March 4, 1829. His term was a 
short one. He issued a call for a special 
session of Congress to convene the 31st of 
May following, to consider the condition 
of the revenue and finances of the country, 
but did not live to meet it. Taken ill 
w'th a fatal malady during the last days of 
March, he died on the 4th of April follow- 
ing, having been in office just one month. 
He was succeeded by the Vice-President, 
John Tyler. Then, for the first time in 
our history as a government, the person 
elected to the Vice-Presidency of the 
United States, by the happening of a con- 
tingency provided for in tlie constitution, 
had devolved upon hin\ the Presidential 
office. 

The twcnty-?evcnth Congress opened in 
extra session at the call of the late Presi- 
dent, M IV 31, 1841. A Whig member- 
Mr. White of Kentucky — was elected 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
The Whigs had a majority of forty-seven 
in the House and of seven in the Senate, 
and with the President and Cabinet of the 
same political party presented a harmony 
of aspect frequently wanting during the 
three previous administrations. The first 
measure of the new dominant party was 
the reneal of the independent treasury act 
passed at the previous session ; and the 
next in order were bills to establish a sys- 
tem of bankruptcy, and for distribution of 
public land revenue. The former was 
more than a bankrupt law ; it was practi- 
cally an insolvent law for the abolition of 
debts at the will of the debtor. It applied 
to all persons in debt, allowed them to 
institute the proceedings in the district 
where the petitioner resided, allowed con- 
structive notices to creditors in newspapers 
— ledared the abolition of the debt where 
effects were surrendered and fraud not 
proved ; and gave exclusive jurisdiction to 
the federal courts, at the will of the debtor. 
It was framed upon the model of the Eng- 
lish insolvent debtors' act of George the 
Fourth, and embodied most of the pro- 
visions of that act, but substituting a re- 
lease from the debt instead of a release 
from imprisonment. The bill passed by a 
close vote in both Houses. 

The land revenue distribution bill of 
this session had its origin in the fiict that 
the States and corporations owed about two 
hundred millions to creditors in Europe. 
These debts were in stocks, much depre- 
ciated by the fixilure in many instances to 
pay the accruing interest — in some in- 
■tainces failure to provide for the principal. 



These creditors, becoming uneasy, wished 
the federal government to assume their 
dt bts. The suggestion was made as early 
as 1838, renewed in 1839, and in 1840 be- 
came a regular question mixed up with the 
Presidential eie^t / of that year, and 
openly engaging th3 active exertions of 
foreigners. Direct assumption was not 
urged ; indirect by giving the public land 
revenue to the States was the mode pur- 
sued, and the one recommended in the 
message of President Tyler. Mr. Calhoun 
spoke against the measure with more than 
usual force and clearness, claiming that it 
was unconstitutional and without warrant. 
Mr. Benton on the same side called it a 
squandering of the public patrimony, and 
pointed out its inexpediency in the de- 
pleted state of the treasury, apart from its 
other objectionable features. It passed by 
a party vote. 

This session is remarkable for the insti- 
tution of the hour rule in the House of 
Representatives — a very great limitatioa 
upon the freedom of debate. It was a 
\Vh'g measure, adopted to prevent delay 
in the enactment of pending bills. It was 
a rigorous limitation, frequently acting as 
a bar to profitable debate and checking 
members in speeches which really impart 
Information valuab'e to the House and the 
country. No doubt the license of debate 
has been frequently abused in Congress, as 
in all other deliberative assemblies, but the 
in essant use of the previous question, 
which cuts off all debate, added to the 
hour rule whiih limits a speech to sixty 
minutes (constantly reduced by interrup- 
tions) frequently results in the transaction 
of business in ignorance of what they are 
about by those who are doing it. 

The rule worked so well in the House, 
f )r the purpose for which it was devised — ■ 
made the majority absolute master of the 
body — that Mr. Clay undertook to have 
the same rule adopted in the Senate ; but 
the determined opposition to it, both by 
his political opponents and friends, led to 
the abandonment of the attempt in that 
chamber. 

Much discussion took place at this ses- 
sion, over the bill offered in the House of 
Representatives, for the relief of the widow 
of the late President — General Harrison — 
appropriating one year's salary. It was 
strenuously opposed by the Democratic 
members, as unconstitutional, on account 
of its j)rinciple, as creating a private pen- 
sion list, and as a dangerous precedent. 
Many able speeches were made against the 
bill, both in the Senate and House ; among. 
otlurs, the following extract from the 
speech of an able Senator contains some 
interestinir fncts. He said : " Look at the 
case of Mr. Jefferson, a man than whom 
no one that ever existed on God's earth 
were the human family more indebted to. 



40 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



His furniture and his estate were sold to 
satisfy his creditors. His posterity was 
driven from house and home, and hisljones 
now lay in soil owned by a stranger. His 
family are scattered : some of his descend- 
ants are married in foreign lands. Look 
at Monroe — the able, the patriotic Monroe, 
whose services were revolutionary', whose 
blood was spilt in the war of Independence, 
whose life was worn out in civil service, 
and whose estate has been sold for debt, 
his family scattered, and his daughter 
buried in a foreign land. Look at Madi- 
son, the model of every virtue, public or 
private, and he would only mention in 
connection with this subject, his love of 
order, his economy, and his systematic 
regularity in all his habits of business. 
He, when his term of eight years had ex- 
pired, sent a letter to a gentleman (a son 
of whom is now on this floor) [Mr. Pres- 
ton], enclosing a note of five thousand 
dollars, which he requested him to en- 
dorse, and raise the money in Virginia, so 
as to enable him to leave this city, and re- 
turn to his modest retreat — his patrimonial 
inheritance — in that State. General Jack- 
son drew upon the consignee of his cot- 
ton crop in New Orleans for six thousand 
dollars to enable him to leave the seat 
of government without leaving creditors 
behind him. These were honored leaders 
of the republican party. They had all 
been Presidents. They had made great 
sacrifices, and left the presidency deeply 
embarrassed ; and yet the republican party 
who had the power and the strongest dis- 
position to relieve their necessities, felt 
they had no right to do so by appropri- 
ating money from the public Treasury. 
Democracy would not do this. It was 
left for the era of federal rule and federal 
supremacy — who are now rushing the 
country with steam power into all the 
abuses and corruptions of a monarchy, 
with its pensioned aristocracy — and to en- 
tail upon the country a civil pension list." 

There was an impatient majority in the 
House in favor of the passage of the bill. 
The circumstances were averse to delibera- 
tion — a victorious party, come into power 
after a heated election, seeing their elected 
candidate dying on the threshold of his 
administration, poor and beloved : it was a 
case for feeling more than of judgment, es- 
pecially with the political friends of the 
deceased — ^but few of whom could follow 
the counsels of the head against the impul- 
sions of the heart. 

The bill passed, and was approved ; and 
as predicted, it established a precedent 
which has since been followed in every 
similar ca,se. 

The subject of naval pensions received 
more than usual consideration at this ses- 
sion. The question arose on the discussion 
of the appropriation bill for that purpose. 



A diflFerence about a navy— on the point 
of how much and what kind — had always 
been a point of difference between the two 
great political parties of the Union, which, 
under whatsoever names, are always the 
same, each preserving its identity in prin- 
ciples and policy, but here the two parties 
divided upon an abuse which no one could 
deny or defend. A navy pension fund had 
been established under the act of 18^2, 
which was a just and proper law, but on 
the 3d of March, 1837, an act was passed 
entitled " An act for the more equitable 
distribution of the Navy Pension Fund." 
That act provided : I. That Invalid naval 
pensions should commence and date back 
to the time of receiving the inability, in- 
stead of completing the proof II. It ex- 
tended the pensions for death to all cases 
of death, whether incurred in the line of 
duty or not. III. It extended the widow's 
pensions for lii'e, when five years had been 
the law both in the army and navy. IV. 
It adopted the English system of pension- 
ing children of deceased marines, until 
they attained their majority. 

The effect of this law was to absorb and 
bankrupt the navy pension fund, a meri- 
torious fund created out of the government 
share of prize money, relinquished for that 
purpose, and to throw the pensions, 
arrears as well as current and future, upon 
the public treasury, where it was never in- 
tended they were to be. It was to repeal 
this act, that an amendment was intro- 
duced at this session on the bringing for- 
ward of the annual appropriation bill for 
navy ]iensions, and long and earnest were 
the debates upon it. The amendment was 
lost, the Senate dividing on party lines, 
the Whigs against and the Democrats for 
the amendment. The subject is instruc- 
tive, as then was practically ratified and re- 
enacted the pernicious practice authorized 
by the act of 1837, of granting pensions to 
date from the time of injury and not 
from the time of proof; and has grown up 
to such proportions in recent years that 
the last act of Congress appropriating 
money for arrears of pensions, provided 
for the payment of such an enormous sum 
of money that it would have appalled the 
original projectors of the act of 1837 could 
they have seen to what their system has 
led.' 

Again, at this session, the object of the 
tariff occupied the attention of Congress. 
The compromise act, as it was called, of 
1833, which was composed of two parts — 
one to last nine years, for the benefit of 
manufactures ; the other to last for ever, 
for the benefit of the planting and con- 
suming inter&'it — was passed, as herein- 
before stated, in pursuance of an agree- 
ment between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun 
and their respective friends, at the time 
the former was urging the necessity for a 



THE NATIONAL BANK BILL. 



41 



continuance of high tariff for protection 
and revenue, and the latter was presenting 
and justifying before Congress the nullifi- 
cation ordinance adopted by the Legisla- 
ture of South Carolina. To Mr. Clay and 
Mr. Calhoun it was a political necessity, 
one to get rid of a stumbling-block (which 
protective tariff had become) ; the other to 
escape a personal peril which his nullify- 
ing ordinance had brought upon him, and 
with both, it was a piece of policy, to 
enable them to combine against Mr. Van 
Buren, by postponing their own conten- 
tion ; and a device on the part of its 
author (Mr. Clayton, of Delaware) and 
Mr. Clay to preserve the protective system. 
It provided tor a reduction of a certain per 
centage each year, on the duties for the 
ensuing nine years, until the revenue was 
reduced to 20 per cent, ad valorem on all 
articles imported into the country. In 
consequence the revenue was so reduced 
that in the last year, there was little more 
than half what the exigencies of the 
govornment required, and different modes, 
by loans and otherwise, were suggested to 
meet the deficiency. The Secretary of the 
Treasury had declared the necessity of 
loans and taxes to carry on the govern- 
ment ; a loan bill for twelve millions had 
been passed; a tariff bill to raise fourteen 
millions was depending; and the chairman 
of the Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. 
Millard Fillmore, defended its necessity in 
an able speech. His bill proposed twenty 
per cent, additional to the existing duty 
on certain specified articles, sufficient to 
make up the amount wanted. This en- 
croachment on a measure so much 
vaunted when passed, and which had been 
kept inviolate while operating in favor of 
one of the parties to it, naturally excited 
complaint and opposition from the other, 
and Mr. Gilmer, of Virginia, in a speech 
against the new bill, said : " In referring 
to the compromise act, the true character- 
istics of that act which recommended it 
strongly to him, were that it contemplated 
that duties were to be levied for revenue 
only, and in the next place to the amount 
only necessary to the supply of the economi- 
cal wants of the government. He begged 
leave to call the attention of the committee 
to the principle recognized as the lan- 
guage of the compromise, a principle which 
ought to be recognized in all time to come 
b}' every department of the government. 
It is, that duties to be raised for revenue 
are to be raised to such an amount only as 
is necessary for an economical administra- 
tion of the government. Some incidental 
protection must necessarily be given, and 
he, for one, coming from an anti-tariff por- 
xtion of the country, would not object to j 
It. 

The bill went to the Senate where it 
found Mr Clay and Mr. Calhoun in posi- 



tions very different from what they occu- 
pied when the compromise act was passed 
— then united, now divided — then concur- 
rent, now antagonistic, and the antago- 
nism general, upon all measures, was to be 
special upon this one. Their connection 
with the subject made it their function 
to lead off in its consideration ; and their 
antagonist positions promised sharp en- 
counters, which did not fail to come. Mr. 
Clay said that he " observed that the 
Senator from South Carolina based his 
abstractions on the theories of books on 
English authorities, and on the arguments 
urged in favor of free trade by a certain 
party in the British Parliament. Now he, 
(Mr. Clay,) and his friends would not ad- 
mit of these authorities being entitled to 
as much weight as the universal practice 
of nations, which in all parts of the world 
was found to be in favor of protecting home 
manufactures to an extent sufficient to 
keep them in a flourishing condition. 
This was the whole difference. The Sena- 
tor was in favor of book theory and ab- 
stractions: he (Mr. Clay) and his friends, 
were in favor of the universal practice of 
nations, and the wholesome and necessary 
protection of domestic manufactures." 

Mr. Calhoun in reply, referring to his 
allusion to the success in the late election 
of the tory party in England, said : " The 
interests, objects, and aims of the tory 
party there and the whig party here, are 
identical. The identity of the two parties 
is remarkable. The tory party are the 
patrons of corporate monopolies ; and are 
not you ? They are advocates of a high 
tariff; and ore not you ? They are supjjort- 
ers of a national bank ; and are not you ? 
They are for corn-laws — laws oppressive 
to the masses of the people, and favorable 
to their own power; and are not you? 
Witness this bill. * * * The success 
of that party in England, and of the whig 
party here, is the success of the great 
money power, which concentrates the in- 
terests of the two parties, and identifies 
their principles." 

The bill was passed by a large majority, 
upon the general ground that the govern- 
ment must have revenue. 

The chief measure of the session, and the 
great object of the whig party — the one for 
which it had labored for ten years — was 
for the re-charter of a national bank. 
Without this all other measures would be 
deemed to be incomplete, and the victori- 
ous election itself but little better than a 
defeat. The President, while a member of 
the Democratic party, had been opposed 
to the United States Bank ; and to over- 
come any objections he might have the 
bill was carefully prepared, and studiously 
contrived to avoid the President's objec- 
tions, and save his consistency — a point 
upon which he was exceedingly sensitive. 



42 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



The democratic members resisted strenu- 
ously, in order to make the measure odious, 
but successful resistance was impossible. 
It passed both houses by a close vote; and 
contrary to all expectation the President 
disapproved the act, but with such expres- 
sions of readiness to approve another bill 
which should be free from the objections 
which he named, as still to keep his party 
together, and to prevent the resignation of 
his cabinet. In his veto message the 
President fell back upon his early opinions 
against the constitutionality of a national 
bank, so often and so publicly expressed. 

The veto caused consternation among 
the whig members ; and Mr. Clay openly 
gave expression to his dissatisfaction, in 
the debate on the veto message, in terms 
to assert that President Tyler had violated 
his faith to the whig party, and had been 
led off from them by new associations. 
He said : " And why should not President 
Tyler have suffered the bill to become a 
law without his signature? Without 
meaning the slightest possible disrespect to 
him (nothing is further from my heart than 
the exhibition of any such feeling towards 
that distinguished citizen, long my per- 
sonal friend), it cannot be forgotten that he 
came into his present office under peculiar 
circumstances. The people did not foresee 
the contingency which has happened. 
They voted for him as Vice President. 
They did not, therefore, scrutinize his 
opinions with the care which they probably 
ought to have done, and would have done, 
if they could have looked into futurity. If 
the present state of the fact could have 
been anticipated — if at Harrisburg, or at 
the polls, it had been foreseen that General 
Harrison would die in one short month 
after the commencement of his administra- 
tion ; so that Vice President Tyler would 
be elevated to the presidential chair ; that 
a bill passed by decisive majorities of the 
first whig Congress, chartering a national 
bank, would be presented for his sanction ; 
and that he would veto the bill, do I 
hazard anything when I express the con- 
viction that he would not have received a 
solitary vote in the nominating convention, 
nor one solitarv electoral vote in any State 
in the Union?"" 

The vote was taken on the bill over 
again, as required by the constitution, and 
so far from receiving a two-thirds vote, it 
received only a bare majority, and was re- 
turned to the House with a message stating 
his objections to it, where it gave rise to 
some violent speaking, more directed to 
the personal conduct of the President than 
to the objections to the bill stated in his 
message. The veto was sustained ; and so 
ended the second attempt to resuscitate the 
old United States Bank under a new name. 
This second movement to establish the 
bauk has a secret history. It almost caused 



the establishment of a new party, with Mr. 
Tyler as its head ; earnest efforts having 
been made in that behalf by many promi- 
nent Whigs and Democrats. The entire 
cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Webster, 
resigned within a few days after the second 
veto. It was a natural thing for them to 
do, and was not unexpected. Indeed Mr. 
Webster had resolved to tender his resigna- 
tion also, but on reconsideration determined 
to remain and publish his reasons there- 
for in a letter to the National Intelligencer, 
in the following words : 

" Lest any misapprehension should ex- 
ist, as to the reasons which led me to differ 
from the course pursued by my late col- 
leagues, I wish to say that I remain in my 
place, first, because I have seen no sufficient 
reasons for the dissolution of the late Cabi- 
net, by the voluntary act of its own mem- 
bers. I am perfectly persuaded of the ab- 
solute necessity of an institution, under the 
authority of Congress, to aid revenue and 
financial operations, and to give the country 
the blessings of a good currency'and cheap 
exchanges. Notwithstanding what has 
passed, I have confidence that the Presi- 
dent will co-operate with the legislature in 
overcoming all difficulties in the attain- 
ment of these objects ; and it is to the 
union of the Whig party — by which I 
mean the whole party, the Whig President, 
the Whig Congress, and the Whig people — 
that I look for a realization of our wishes. 
I can look nowhere else. In the second 
place if I had seen reasons to resign my 
office, I should not have done so, without 
giving the President reasonable notice, and 
affording him time to select the hands to 
which he should confide the delicate and 
important affairs now pending in this de- 
partment." 

The conduct of the President in the 
matter of the vetoes of the two bank bills 
produced revolt against him in the party ; 
and the Whigs of the two Houses of Con- 
gress held several formal meetings to con- 
sider what they should do in the new con- 
dition of aflairs. An address to the people 
of the United States was resolved upon. 
The rejection of the bank bill gave great 
vexation to one side, and equal exultation 
to the other. The subject was not per- 
mitted to rest, however ; a national bank 
was the life — the vital principle — of the 
Whig party, without which it could not 
live as a party ; it was the power which 
was to give, them power and the political 
and financial control of the Union. A 
second attempt was made, four days after 
the veto, to accomplish the end by amend- 
ments to a bill relating to the currency, 
which had been introduced early in the 
session. Mr. Sargeant of Pennsylvania, 
moved to strike out all after the enacting 
clause, and insert his amendments, which 
were substantially the same as the vetoed 



THE SECOND BANK BILL. 



43 



bill, except changing the amount of capi- 
tal and prohibiting discounts on notes other 
than bills of exchange. The bill was 
pushed to a vote with astonishing rapidity, 
and passed by a decided majority. In the 
Senate the bill went to a select committee 
which reported it back without alteration, 
as had been foreseen, the committee consist- 
ing entirely of friends of the measure; and 
there was a majority for it on final passage. 
Concurred in by the Senate without alter- 
ation, it was returned to the House, and 
thence referred to the President for his 
approval or disapproval. It was disap- 
proved and it was promulgated in language 
intended to mean a repudiation of the 
President, a permanent separation of the 
Whig party from him, and to wash their 
hands of all accountability for his acts. 
An opening paragraph of the address set 
forth that, for twelve years the Whigs had 
carried on a contest for the regulation of 
the currency, the equalization of exchanges, 
the economical administration of the finan- 
ces, and the advancement of industry — all 
to be accomplished by means of a national 
bank — declaring these objects to be mis- 
understood by no one and the bank itself 
held to be secured in the Presidential elec- 
tion, and its establishment the main object 
of the extra session. The address then 
proceeds to state how these plans were 
frustrated : 

" It is with profound and poignant regret 
that we find ourselves called upon to in- 
voke your attention to this point. Upon 
the great and leading measure touching 
this question, our anxious endeavors to 
resjiond to the earnest prayers of the 
nation have been frustrated by an act as 
unlooked for as it is to be lamented. We 
grieve to say to you that by the exercise of 
that power in the constitution which has 
ever been regarded with suspicion, and 
often with odium, by the people — a power 
which we had hoped was never to be ex- 
hibited on this subject, by a Whig Presi- 
dent — we have been defeated in two at- 
tempts to create a fiscal agent, which the 
wants of the country had demonstrated to 
us, in the most absolute form of proof to 
be eminently necessary and proper in the 
present emergency. Twice have we with 
the utmost diligence and deliberation 
matured a plan for the collection, safe- 
keeping and disbursing of the public 
moneys through the agency of a corpora- 
tion a'lapted to that end, and twice has it 
been our fate to encounter the opposition 
of the President, through the application 
of the veto power. * * * \Ve are con- 
strained to sav that we find no ground to 
justify us in the conviction that the veto 
of the President has been interposed on 
this question solely upon conscientious and 
well-considered opinions of constitutional 
acruple as to his duty in the case presented. 



On the contrary, too many proofs have been 
forced upon our observatitm to leave us 
free from the apprehension that the Presi- 
dent has permitted him:^elf to be beguiled 
into an opinion that by this exhibition of 
his prerogative he might be able to divert 
the policy of his administration into a 
channel which should lead to new political 
combinations, and accomplish results which 
must overthrow the present divisions of 
party in the country ; and finally produce 
a state of things which those who elected 

him, at least, have never contemplated. 

* * * ^ * ^(, 

In this state of things, the Whigs will 
naturally look with anxiety to the future, 
and inquire what are the actual relations 
between the President and those who 
brought him into power; and what, in 
the opinion of their friends in Congress, 
should be their course hereafter. * * * 
The President by his withdrawal of confi- 
dence from his real friends in Congress 
and from the members of his cabinet ; by 
his bestowal of it upon others notwith- 
standing their notorious opposition to lead- 
ing measures of his administrations has 
voluntarily 6e])arated himself from those 
by whose exertions and suffi-age he was 
elevated to that office through which he 
has reached his present exalted station. 
* * -X- «• The consequence is, that those 
who brought the President into power can 
be no longer, in any manner or degree, 
justly held responsible or blamed for the 
administration of the executive branch, of 
the government; and the President and 
his advisers should be exclusively here- 
after deemed accountable. * * * The 
conduct of the President has occasioned 
bitter mortification and deep regret. Shall 
the party, therefore, yielding to .sentiments 
of despair, abandon its duty, and submit 
to defeat and disgrace ? Far from suffer- 
ing such dishonorable consequences, the 
very disappointment which it has unfor- 
tunately experienced should serve only to 
redouble its exertion.s, and to inspire it 
with fresh courage to persevere with a 
spirit unsubdued and a resolution unshak- 
en, until the prosperity of the country is 
fully re-established, and its liberties firmly 
secured against all danger from the abuses, 
encroachments or usurpations of the ex- 
ecutive department of the government.'' 

This was the manifesto, so far as it con- 
cerns the repudiation of President Tyler, 
which Whig members of Congress put 
forth: it was answered (under the name of 
an address to his constituents) by Mr. 
Cushing, in a counter special plea — coun- 
ter to it on all points — especially on the 
main question of which party the Presi- 
dent was to belong to ; the manifesto 
of the Whigs assigning him to the de- 
mocracy — the address of Mr. Cushing, 
claiming him for the Whigs. It was ea- 



44 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



pecially severe on Mr. Clay, as setting up 
a caucus dictatorship to coerce the Presi- 
dent; and charged that the address em- 
anated from this caucus, and did not embody 
or represent the sentiments of all Whig 
leaders ; and referred to Mr. Webster's let- 
ter, and his remaining in the cabinet as 
proof of this. Put it was without avail 
against the concurrent statements of the 
retiring senators, and the confirmatory 
statements of many members of Congress. 
The Whig i)aity recoiled from the Presi- 
dent, and instead of the unity predicted by 
Mr. Webster, there was diversity and wide- 
spread dissension. The Whig party re- 
mained with Mr. Clay ; Mr. Webster re- 
tired, Mr. dishing was sent on a foreign 
mission, and the President, seeking to en- 
ter the democratic ranks, was refused by 
them, and lelt to seek consolation in pri- 
vacy, for his politital errors and omissions. 

The extra session, called by President 
Harrison, held under Mr. Tyler, domi- 
nated by Mr. Clay, commenced May 31, 
and ended tSept. 13, 1841 — and was replete 
with disappointed calculations, and nearly 
barren of permanent results. The pur- 
poses for which it was called into being, 
failed. The first annual message of Presi- 
dent Tyler, at the opening of the regular 
session in December, 1841, coming in so 
soon after the termination of the extra ses- 
sion, was brief and meagre of topics, with 
few points of interest. 

In the month of March, 1842, Mr. Henry 
Clay resigned his place in the Senate, and 
delivered a valedictory address to that 
body. He had intended this step upon 
the close of the previous presidential cam- 
paign, but had postponed it to take per- 
sonal charge of the several measures which 
would be brought before Congress at the 
special session— the calling of which he 
foresaw would be necessary. He resigned 
not on account of age, or infirmity, or dis- 
inclination for public life; but out of dis- 
gust — profound and inextinguishable. He 
had been basely defeated for the Presi- 
dential nomination, against the wishes of 
the Whig party, of which he was the ac- 
knowledged head — he had seen his leading 
measures vetoed by the President whom 
his party had elected — the downfall of the 
Bank for which he had so often pledged 
himself — and the insolent attacks of the 
petty adherents of the administration in 
the two Houses : all these causes acting on 
his proud and lofty spirit, induced this 
withdrawal from public life for which he 
was so well fitted. 

The address opened with a retrospect of 
his early entrance into the Senate, and a 
grand encomium upon its powers and dig- 
nity as he had found it, and left it. Mem- 
ory went back to that early year, 1806, 
when just past thirty years of age, he en- 
tered the United States Senate, and com- 



menced his high career — a wide and lumi- 
nous horizon before him, and will and 
talent to fill it. He said : " From the year 
1806, the period of my entering upon this 
noble theatre of my public service, with 
but short intervals, down to the present 
time, I have been engaged in the service 
of my country. Of the nature and value 
of those services which I may have ren- 
dered during my long career of public life, 
it does not become me to speak. History, 
if she deigns to notice me, and posterity — 
if a recollection of any humble service 
which I may have rendered, shall be 
transmitted to posterity — will be the best, 
truest, and most impartial judges; and to 
them I defer for a decision upon their 
value. But, upon one subject, I may be 
allowed to speak. As to my public acts 
and public conduct, they are for the judg- 
ment of my fellow citizens; but my private 
motives of action — that which prompted 
me to take the part which I may have 
done, upon great measures during their 
progress in the national councils, can be 
known only to tlie Great Searcher of the 
human heart and myself; and I trust I 
shall be pardoned ior r(?peating again a 
declaration which I made thirty years ago: 
that whatever error I may have conuuitted 
— and doubtless I have committed many 
during my public service — I may appeal 
to the Divine Searcher of hearts for the 
truth of the declaration which I now make, 
with pride and confidence, that I have 
been actuated by no personal motives — 
that I have sought no personal aggrandize- 
ment — no promotion from the advocacy of 
those various measures on which I have 
been called to act — that I have had an 
eye, a single eye, a heart, a single heart, 
ever devoted to what appeared to be the 
best interests of the country." 

Mr. Clay led a great party, and for a 
long time, whether he dictated to it or not, 
and kept it well bound together, without 
the usual means of forming and leading 
parties. It was surprising that, without 
power and patronage, he was able so long 
and so undividedly to keep so great a party 
together, and lead it so unresistingly. He 
had great talents, but not equal to some 
whom he led. He had eloquence — superior 
in popular effect, but not equal in high 
oratory to that of some others. But his 
temperament was fervid, his will was 
strong, and his courage daring ; and these 
qualities, added to his talents, gave him 
the lead and supremacy in his yjarty, where 
he was always dominant. The farewell 
address made a deep impression upon the 
Senators present ; and after its close, Mr. 
Preston brought the ceremony to a conclu- 
sion, by moving an adjournment, which 
was agreed to. 

Again at this session was the subject of 
the tariff considered, but this time, as a 



WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS. 



45 



matter of absolute necessity, to provide a ' 
revenue. Never before were the coffers 
and the credit of the treasury at so low an 
ebb. A deficit of fourteen millions in the 
treasury — a total inability to borrow, 
either at home or abroad, the amount of 
the loan of twelve millions authorized the 
year before — the treasury notes below par, 
and the revenues from imports inadequate 
and decreasing. j 

The compromise act of 1833 in reducing 
the duties gradually through nine years, 
to a fixed low rate ; the act of 1837 in dis- 
tributing the surplus revenue ; and the 
continual and continued distribution of 
the land revenue, had brought about this 
condition of things. The remedy was 
sought in a bill increasing the tariff, and 
suspending the land revenue distribution. 
Two such bills were passed in a single 
month, and both vetoed by the President. 
It was now near the end of August. Con- 
gress had been in session for an unpre- 
cedentedly long time. Adjournment could 
not be deferred, and could not take place 
without providing for the Treasury. The 
compromise act and the land distribution 
were the stumbling-blocks: it was resolved 
to sacrifice them together; and a bill was 
introduced raising the duties above the 
fixed rate of twenty per cent., and that 
breach of the mutual assurance in relation 
to the compromise, immediately in terms 
of the assurance, suspended the land 
revenue distribution — to continue it sus- 
pended while duties above the compromise 
limit continued to be levied. And as that 
has been the case ever since, the distribu- 
tion of the land revenue has been sus- 
pended ever since. The bill was passed, 
and approved by the President, and Con- 
gress thereupon adjourned. 

The subject of the navy was also under 
consideration at this session. The naval 
policy of the United States was a question 
of party division from the origin of parties 
in the early years of the government^^the 
l^'ederal party favoring a strong and 
splendid navy, the Republican a moderate 
establishment, adapted to the purposes of 
defense more than of offense. And this 
line of division has continued. Under the 
Whig regime the policy for a great navy 
developed itself. The Secretary of the 
Navy recommended a large increase of 
ships, seamen and officers, involving a 
hea^•y expense, though the government 
was not in a condition to warrant any such 
expenditure, and no emergency required 
an increase in that branch of the public 
service. The vote was takes upon the in- 
wease proposed by the Secretary of the 
Navy and recommended by the President ; 
and it was carried, the veas and nays being 
well defined by the party line. 

The first session of the twenty-eighth 
i/ongress, which convened December 1843, 



exhibited in its political complexion, se- 
rious losses in the Whig following. The 
Democratic candidate for Speaker of the 
House of Representatives, was elected over 
the Whig candidate — the vote standing 
128 to 59. Thus an adverse majority of 
more than two to one was the result to the 
Whig party at the first election after the 
extra session of 1841. The President's 
message referred to the treaty which had 
lately been concluded with Great Britain 
relative to the northwestern territory ex- 
tending to the Columbia river, including 
Oregon and settling the boundary lines ; 
and also to a pending treaty with Texas 
for her annexation to the United States ; 
and concluded with a recommendation 
for the establishment of a paper currency 
to be issued and controlled by the Federal 
government. 

For more than a year before the meeting 
of the Democratic Presidential Conven- 
tion in Baltimore, in May 1844, it was 
evident to leading Democrats that Martin 
Van Buren was the choice of the party. 
To overcome this popular current and 
turn the tide in favor of Mr. Calhoun, who 
desired the nomination, resort was had to 
the pending question of the annexation 
of Texas. Mr. Van Buron was known to 
be against it, and Mr. Calhoun for it. To 
gain time, the meeting of the convention 
was postponed from December previous, 
which had been the usual time for holding 
such elections, until the following May. 
The convention met, and consisted of two 
hundred and sixty-six delegates, a decided 
majority of whom were for Mr. Van Buren, 
and cast their votes accordingly on the first 
ballot. But a chairman had been selected, 
who was adverse to his nf)mination ; and 
aided by a rule adopted by the convention, 
which required a concurrence of two-thirds 
to effect a nomination, the opponents of 
Mr. Van Buren were able to accomplish 
his defeat. Mr. Calhoun had, before the 
meeting of the convention, made known 
his determination, in a public address, not 
to suffer his name to go before that as- 
semblage as a candidate for the presidency, 
and stated his reasons for so doing, which 
were founded mainly on the manner in 
which the convention was constituted ; his 
objections being to the mode of choosing 
delegates, and the manner of their giving 
in their votes — he contending for district 
elections, and the delegates to vote indi- 
vidually. South Carolina was not repre- 
sented in the convention. After the first 
ballot Mr. Van Buren's vote sensibly de- 
creased, until finally, Mr. James K. Polk, 
who was a candidate for the Vice Presi- 
dency, was brought forward and nominated 
unanimously for the chief office. Mr. 
Geo. M. Dallas was chosen as his colleague 
for the Vice Presidency, The nomination 
of these gentlemen, neither of whom had 



46 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



been mentioned until late in the proceed- 
ings of the convention, for the offices for 
which they were finally nominated, was a 
genuine surprise to the country. No 
voice in favor of it had been heard ; and 
no visible sign in the political horizon had 
announced it. 

The Whig convention nominated Henry 
Clay, for President ; and Theodore Fre- 
linghuysen for Vice-President. 

The main issues in the election which 
ensued, were mainly the party ones of 
Whig and Democrat, modified by the 
tariff and Texas questions. It resulted in 
the choice of the Democratic candidates, 
who received 170 electoral votes as against 
105 for their opponents; the popular 
majority for the Democrats being 238,284, 
in a total vote of 2,834,108. Mr. Clay re- 
ceived a larger popular vote than had been 
given at the previous election for the 
Whig candidate, showing that he would 
have been elected had he then been the 
nominee of his party ; though the popular 
vote at this election was largely increased 
over that of 1840. It is conceded that the 
36 electoral votes of New York State gave 
the election to Jlr. Polk. It was carried 
by a bare majority; due entirely to the 
Gubernatorial candidacy of Mr. Silas 
Wright, who had been mentioned for the 
vice-presidential nomination in connection 
with Mr. Van Buren, but who declined it 
after the sacrifice of his friend and col- 
league; and resigning his seat in the 
Senate, became a candidate for Governor 
of New York. The election being held at 
the same time as that for president, his 
name and popularity brought to the presi- 
dential ticket more than enough votes to 
make the majority that gave the electoral 
vote of the State to the Democrats. 

President Tyler's annual and last mes- 
sage to Congress, in December 1844, con- 
tained, (as did that of the previous year) 
an elaborate paragraph on the subject of 
Texas and Mexico ; the idea being the 
annexation of the former to the Union, and 
the assumption of her causes of grievance 
against the latter ; and a treaty was pend- 
ing to accomplish these objects. The 
scheme for the annexation of Texas was 
framed with a double aspect — one looking 
to the then pending presidential election, 
the other to the separation of the Southern 
States ; and as soon as the rejection of the 
treaty was foreseen, and the nominating 
convention had acted, the disunion aspect 
manifested itself over mf.ny of the South- 
ern States — beginning with South Carolina. 
Before the end of May, a great meeting 
took place at Ashley, in that State, to 
combine the slave States in a convention 
to unite the Southern States to Texas, if 
Texas should not be received into the 
Union ; and to invite the President to 
convene Congress to arrange the terms of 



the dissolution of the Union if the rejec- 
tion of the annexation should be perse- 
vered in. Responsive resolutions were 
adopted in several States, and meetings 
held. The opposition manifested, brought 
the movement to a stand, and suppressed 
the disunion scheme for the time being — 
only to lie in wait for future occasions. 
But it was not before the people only that 
this scheme for a Southern convention 
with a view to the secession of the slave 
States was a matter of discussion ; it was 
the subject of debate in the Senate ; and 
there it was further disclosed that the 
design of the secessionists was to extend 
the new Southern republic to the Califor- 
nias. 

The treaty of annexation was supported 
by all the power of the administration, 
but failed ; and it was rejected by the 
Senate by a two-thirds vote against it. 
Following this, a joint resolution waa 
early brought into the House of Repre- 
sentatives for the admission of Texas as a 
State of the Union, by legislative action ; 
it passed the House by a fair majority, 
but met with opposition in the Senate un- 
less coupled with a proviso for negotia- 
tion and treaty, as a condition precedent. 
A bill authorizing the President and a 
commissioner to be appointed to agree 
upon the terms and conditions of said 
admission, the question of slavery within 
its limits, its debts, the fixing of bounda- 
ries, and the cession of territory, was 
coupled or united with the resolution ; and 
in this shape it was finally agreed to, and 
became a law, with the concurrence of the 
President, March 3, 1845. Texas was then 
in a state of war with Mexico, though 
at that precise point of time an armistice 
had been agreed upon, looking to a treaty 
of peace. The House resolution was for an 
unqualified admission of the State; the 
Senate amendment or bill was for negotia- 
tion ; and the bill actually passed would 
not have been concurred in except on the 
understanding that the incoming Presi- 
dent (whose term began March 4, 1845, 
and who was favorable to negotiation) 
would act under the bill, and appoint 
commissioners accordingly. 

Contrary to all expectation, the outgoing 
President, on the last day of his term, at 
the instigation of his Secretary of State, 
Mr. Calhoun,'^ assumed the execution of 
the act providing for the admission of 
Texas — adopted the legislative clause — 
and sent out a special messenger with in- 
structions. The danger of this had been 
foreseen, and suggested in the Senate; but 
close friends of Mr. Calhoun, speaking for 
the administration, and replying to the 
suggestion, indignantly denied it for them, 
and declared that they would not have the 
" audacity" to so violate the spirit and in- 
ten't of the act, or so encroach upon the 



OREGON TREATY OF 1846. 



47 



rights of the new President. These state- 
ments from the friends of the Secretary and 
President that the plan by negotiation 
would be adopted, quieted tlie apjirehen- 
sion of those Senators opposed to legislative 
annexation or admission, and thus secured 
their votes, without which the bill would 
have failed of a majoritv. Thus was Texas 
incorporated into the Union. The legisla- 
tive proposition sent by Mr. Tyler was ac- 
cepted : Texas became incorporated with 
the United States, and in consequence the 
state of war was established between the 
United States and Mexico ; it only being a 
question of time and chance when the 
armistice should end and hostilities begin. 
Although Mr. Calhoun was not in favor of 
war with Mexico — he believing that a 
money payment would settle the differ- 
ences with that country — the admission 
of Texas into the Union under the legisla- 
tive annexation clause of the statute, was 
really his act and not that of the Presi- 
dent's; and he was, in consequence, after- 
wards openly charged in the Senate with 
being the real author of the war which 
followed. 

The administration of President Polk 
opened March 4, 1845 ; and on the same 
day, the Senate being convened for the 
purpose, the cabinet ministers were nomi- 
nated and confirmed. In December fol- 
lowing the 29th Congress was organized. 
The House of Representatives, being 
largely Democratic, elected the Speaker, 
by a vote of 120, against 70 for the Whig 
candidate. At this session the " Ameri- 
can" party — a new political organization 
— first made its appearance in the Na- 
tional councils, having elected six mem- 
bers of the House of Representatives, four 
from New York and two from Penn- 
sylvania, The President's first annual 
message had for its chief topic, the admis- 
sion of Texas, then accomplished, and the 
consequent dissatisfaction of Mexico; and 
referring to the preparations on the part of 
the latter with the apparent intention of 
declaring war on the United States, either 
by an open declaration, or by invading 
Texas. The message also stated causes 
which would justify this government in 
taking the initiative in declaring war — 
mainly the non-compliance by Mexico 
with the terms of the treaty of indemnity 
of April 11, 1839. entered into between 
that State and this government relative to 
injuries to American citizens during the 
previous eight years. He also referred to 
the fact of a minister having been sent to 
Mexico to endeavor to bring about a settle- 
ment of the differences between the na- 
tions, without a resort to hostilities. The 
message concluded with a reference to the 
negotiations with Great Britain relative to 
the Oregon boundary ; a statement of the 
finances and the public debt, showing the 



latter to be slightly in excess of seventeen 
millions; and a recommendation for a re- 
vision of the tariff, with a view to revenue 
as the object, with protection to home in- 
dustry as the incident. 

I At this session of Congress, the States of 
[ Florida and Iowa were admitted into the 
Union ; the former permitting slavery 
within its borders, the latter denying it. 
Long before this, the free and the slave 
States were equal in number, and the prac- 
tice had grown up — from a feeling of 
jealousy and policy to keep them evenly 
balanced — of admitting one State of each 
character at the same time. Numerically 
the free and the slave States were thus 
kept even : in political power a vast in- 
equality was going on — the increase of 
population being so much greater in the 
northern than in the southern region. 

The Ashburton treaty of 1842 omitted to 
define the boundary line, and permitted, 
or rather did not prohibit, the joint occu- 
pation of Oregon by British and American 
settlers. This had been a subject of dis- 
pute for many years. The country on the 
Columbia River had been claimed by both. 
Under previous treaties the American 
northern boundary extended " to the lati- 
tude of 49 degrees north of the equator, 
and along that parallel indefinitely to the 
west." Attempts were made in 1842 and 
continuing since to 1846, to settle this 
boundary line, by treaty with Great Britain. 
It had been assumed that we had a divid- 
ing line, made by previous treaty, along 
the parallel of 54 degrees 40 minutes from 
the sea to the Rocky mountains. The sub- 
ject so much absorbed public attention, 
that the Democratic National convention 
of 1844 in its platform of principles de- 
clared for that boundary line, or Avar as 
the consequence. It became known as the 
54-40 pi ink, and was a canon of political 
faith. The negotiations between the gov- 
ernments were resumed in August, 1844. 
The Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, pro- 
posed a line along the parallel of 49 de- 
grees of north latitude to the summit of 
the Rocky mountains and continuing that 
line thence to the Pacific Ocean ; and l.e 
m-ade this proposition notwithstanding the 
fact that the Democratic party — to which he 
belonged — were then in a high state of 
exultation for the boundary of 54 degrees 
40 minutes, and the presidential canvass, 
on the Democratic side, was raging upon 
that cry. 

The British Minister declined this pro- 
position in the part that carried the line 
to the ocean, but offered to continue it 
from the summit of the mountains to the 
Columbia River, a distance of some three 
hundred miles, and then follow the river 
to the ocean. This was declined by Mr. 
Calhoun. The President had declared in 
his inaugural address in favor of the 54-40 



48 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



line. He was in a dilemma ; to maintain 
tliat position meant war with Great Britain ; 
to recede from it seemed impossible. The 
proposition lor the line of 41) degrees hav- 
ing been witlidrawn by tlie American gov- 
ernment on its non-acceptance by the Brit- 
ish, liad appeased the Democratic storm 
which had been raised against the Presi- 
dent. Congress had come together under 
the loud cry of war, in which Mr. Cass was 
the leader, but followed by the body of 
the democracy, and backed and cheered 
by the whole democratic newspaper press. 
Under the authority and order of Congress 
notice had been served on Great Britain 
which was to abrogate the joint occupation 
of the country by the citizens of the two 
powers. It was finally resolved by the 
British Government to propose the line of 
49 degrees, continuing to the ocean, as 
originally offered by Mr. Calhoun ; and 
though the President was favorable to its 
acceptance, he could not, consistently with 
his previous acts, accept and make a 
treaty, on that basis. The Senate, with 
whom lies tlie power, under the constitu- 
tion, of confirming or restricting all trea- 
ties, being favorable to it, without respect 
to party lines, resort was had, as in the 
early practice of the Government, to the 
President, asking tlie advice of the Senate 
upon the articles of a treaty before negoti- 
ation. A message was accordingly sent to 
the Senate, by the President, stating the 
proposition, and asking its advice, thus 
shifting the responsibility upon that body, 
and making the issue of peace or war de- 
pend upon its answer. The Senate advised 
the acceptance of the proposition, and the 
treaty was concluded. 

The conduct of the Whig Senators, 
without whose votes the advice would not 
have been given nor the treaty made, was 
patriotic in preferring their country to 
their party — in preventing a war with 
Great I^ritain — and saving the administra- 
tion from itself and its party friends. 

The second session of the 29th Congress 
was opened in December, 1847. The 
President's message was chiefly in relation 
to the war with Mexico, which had been 
declared by almost a unanimous vote in 
Congress. Mr. Calhoun spoke against the 
declaration in the Senate, but did not vote 
upon it. He was sincerely opposed to the 
war, although his conduct had produced it. 
Had he remained in the cabinet, to do 
which he had not concealed his wish, he 
would, no doubt, have labored earnestly 
to have prevented it. Many members of 
Congress, of the same party with the ad- 
ministration, were extremely averse to the 
war, and had interviews with the President, 
to see if it was inevitable, before it was de- 
clared. Members were under the impression 
that the war could not last above three 
months. 



The reason for these impressions waa 
that an intrigue was laid, with the know- 
ledge of the Executive, for a peace, even 
before the war was declared, and a sj^ecial 
agent dispatched to bring about a return 
to Mexico of its exiled President, General 
Santa Anna, and conclude a treaty of 
peace with him, on terms favorable to the 
United States. And for this purpose Con- 
gress granted an appropriation of three 
millions of dollars to be placed at the dis- 
posal of the President, for negotiating for 
a boundary which should give the United 
States additional territory. 

"While this matter was pending in Con- 
gress, Mr. Wilmot of Pennsylvania intro- 
duced and moved a proviso, "' that no part 
of the territory to be acquired should he 
open to the introduction oj' slaverv/." It was 
a proposition not nece,-.sary for the pur- 
pose of excluding slavery, as the only ter- 
ritory to be acquired was tliat of New 
Mexico and California, where slavery waa 
already prohiliited by the Mexican laws 
and constitution. The proviso was there- 
fore nugatory, and only served to bring on 
a slavery agitation in the United States. 
For this purpose it wns seized upon by Mr. 
Calhoun and declared to be an outrage 
upon and menace to the slave-holding 
States. It occupied the attention of Con- 
gress for two sessions, and became the sub- 
ject of debate in the State Legislatures, 
several of which passed disunion resolu- 
tions. It became the watchword of party — 
the synonym of civil war, and the dissolu- 
tion of the Union. Neither party really 
had anything to fear or to hope from the 
adoption of the proviso — the soil was free, 
and the Democrats were not in a position 
to make slave territory of it, because it 
had just enunciated as one of its cardinal 
principles, that there was " no power in 
Congress to legislate upon slavery in Territo- 
ries." Never did tAvo political parties con- 
tend more furiously about nothing. Close 
observers, who had been watching the pro- 
gress of the slavery agitation since its 
inauguration in Congress in 1835, knew it 
to be the means of keeping up an agitation 
for the benefit of the political parties — the 
abolitionists on one side and the disunion- 
ists or nullifiers on the other — to accom- 
plish their own purposes. This was the 
celebrated Wilmot Proviso, which for so 
long a time convulsed the Union ; assisted 
in forcing the issue between the North and 
South on the slavery question, and almost 
caused a dissolution of the Union. The 
proviso was defeated ; that chance of the 
nullifiers to force the issue was lost; an- 
other had to be made, which was speedily 
done, bv the introduction into the Senate 
on the' 19th February, 1847, by Mr, Cal- 
houn of his new slavery resolutions, de- 
claring the Territories to be the comrnon 
property of the several States; denying 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH MEXICO. 



49 



the right of Congress to prohibit slavery 
in a Territory, or to pass any law which 
would have the effect to deprive the citi- 
zens of any slave State from emigrating 
with his property (slaves) into such Terri- 
tory. The iTitroduction of the resolutions 
was prefaced by an elaborate speech by 
Mr. Calhoun, who demanded an immediate 
vote upon them. They never came to a 
• vote ; they were evidently introduced for 
the mere purpose of carrying a question to 
the slave States on which they could be 
formed into a unit against the free States ; 
and so began the agitation which finally 
led to the abrogation of the Missouri Com- 
promise line, and arrayed the States of one 
section against those of the other. 

The Thirtieth Congres-^, which assem- 
bled for its first session in December, 1847, 
was found, so far as respects the House of 
Representatives, to be politically adverse 
to the administration. The Whigs were 
in the majority, and elected the Speaker; 
Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, 
being chosen. The President's message 
contained a full report of the progress of 
the war with Mexico ; the success of the 
American arms in that conflict; the vic- 
tory of Cerro Gordo, and the capture of 
the City of Mexico ; and that negotiations 
were then pending for a treaty of peace. 
The message concluded with a reference 
to the excellent results from the indepen- 
dent treasury sj'stem. 

The war with Mexico was ended by the 
signing of a treaty of peace, in February, 
1848, by the terms of which New Mexico 
and Upper California were ceded to the 
United States, and the lower Rio Grande, 
from its mouth to El Paso, taken for the 
boundary of Texas. For the territory thus 
acquired, the United States agreed to pay 
to Mexico the sum of fifteen million dol- 
lars, in five annual installments; and be- 
sides that, assumed the claims of Ameri- 
can citizens against Mexico, limited to 
three and a quarter million dollars, out of 
and on account of which claims the war 
ostensibly originated. The victories achiev- 
ed by the American commanders. Generals 
Zachary Taylor and Winfield Scott, during 
that war, won for them national reputa- 
tions, by means of which they were brought 
prominently forward for the Presidential 
succession. 

The question of the power of Congress to 
legislate on the subject of slavery in the 
Territories, was again raised, at this session, 
on the bill for the establishment of the 
Oregon territorial government. An amend- 
ment was offered to insert a provision for 
the extension of the Missouri compromise 
line to the Pacific Ocean ; which line thus 
extended was intended by the amendment 
to be permanent, and to apply to all future 
territories established in the West. This 
amendment was lost, but the bill was finally 



passed with an amendment incorporating 
into it the anti-slavery clause of the ordi- 
nance of 1787. Mr. Calhoun, in the Sen- 
ate, declared that the exclusion of slavery 
from any territory was a subversion of the 
Union ; openly proclaimed the strife be- 
tween the North and South to be ended, 
and the separation of the States accom- 
plished. His speech was an open invoca- 
tion to disunion, and from that time forth, 
the efibrts were regular to obtain a meet- ■ 
ing of the members from the slave States, 
to unite in a call for a convention of the 
slave States to redress themselves. He 
said: " The great strife between the North 
and the South is ended. The North is • 
determined to exclude the property of the 
slaveholder, and, of course, the slaveholder 
himself, from its territory. On this pointi 
there seems to be no division in the North. 
In the South, he regretted to say, there 
was some division of sentiment. The 
effect of this determination of the Northli 
was to convert all the Southern population 
into slaves ; and he would never consent 
to entail that disgrace on his posterity. . 
He denounced any Southern man whs 
would not take the same course. Gentle-- 
men were greatly mistaken if they sup- 
posed the Presidential question in the' 
South would override this more importanti 
one. The separation of the North and the 
South is completed. The South has now 
a most solemn obligation to perform — to 
herself — to the constitution — to the Union., 
She is bound to come to a decision -not . to 
permit this to go on any further, but to 
show that, dearly as she prizes the Union, 
there are questions which she regards as 
of greater importance than the Union. 
This is not a question of territorial govern- 
ment, but a question involving the con- 
tinuance of the Union;." The President, 
in approving the Oregon bill, took occa- 
sion to send in a special message, point- 
ing out the danger to- the Union from the 
progress of the slavery agitation, and urged 
an adherence to the principles of the ordi- 
nance of 1787 — the terms of the Missouri 
compromise of 1820 — as also that involved 
and declared in the Texas case in 1845, as 
the means of averting that danger. 

The Presidential election of 1848 was 
coming on. The Democratic convention 
met in Baltimore in May of that year; 
each State being represented in the con- 
vention by the number of delegates equal 
to the number of electoral votes it was en- 
titled to ; saving only New York, which 
sent two sets of delegates, and both were 
excluded. The delegates were, for the 
most part, members of Congress and office- 
holders. The two-thirds rule, adopted by 
the previous convention, was again made 
a law of the convention. The main ques- 
tion which arose upon the formation of 
the platform for the campaign, was the 



50 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



doctrine advanced by the Southern mem- ' 
bers of non-interference with slavery in 
the States or in the Territories. Tlie can- 
didates of the party were, Lewis Cass, of 
Michigan, for President, and General Wm. 
O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

The Whig convention, taking advan- 
tage of the popularity of Genl. Zachary 
Taylor, for his military achievements in 
the Mexican war, then just ended; and 
his consequent availability as a candidate, 
nominated him for the Presidency, over Mr. 
Clay, Mr. Webster and General Scott, who 
were his competitors before the convention. 
Millard Fillmore was selected as the Vice- 
presidential candidate. 

A third convention was held, consisting 
of the disaffected Democrats from New 
York who had been excluded from the 
Baltimore convention. They met at Utica, 
New York, and nominated Martin Van 
Bnren for President, and Charles Francis 
Adams for Vice President. The princi- 
ples of its platform, were, that Congress 
should abolish slavery wherever it consti- 
tutionally had the power to do so — [which 
was intended to apply to the District of 
Columbia] — that it should not interfere 
with it in the slave States — and that it 
should prohibit it in the Territories. This 
party became known as " Free-soilers," 
from their doctrines thus enumerated, and 
their party cry of " free-soil, free-speech, 
free-labor, free-men." The result of the 
election, as might have been foreseen, was 
to lose New York State to the Baltimore 
candidate, and give it to the whigs, who 
were triumphant in the reception of 1G3 
electoral votes for their candidates, against 
127 for the democrats ; and none for ihe 
free-soilers. 

The last message of President Polk, in 
December following, gave him the oppor- 
tunity to again urge upon Congress the 
necessity for some measure to quiet the 
slavery agitation, and he recommended 
the extension of the Missouri compromise 
line to the Pacific Ocean, passing through 
the new Territories of California and New 
Mexico, as a fair adjustment, to meet as 
far as possible the views of .all parties. 
The President referred also to the state of 
the finances; the excellent condition of 
the public treasury; government loans, 
commanding a high premium; gold and 
silver the established currency ; and the 
business interests of the country in a pros- 
perous condition. And this was the state 
of affairs, only one year after emergency 
from a foreign war. It would be unfair 
not to give credit to the President and to 
Senator Benton and others equally promi- 
nent and courageous, who at that time had 
to battle against the bank theory and 
national paper money currency, as strongly 
urged and advocated, and to prove even- 



tually that the money of the Constitution 
— gold and silver — was the only currency 
to ensure a successful financial working of 
the government, and prosperity to the peo- 
ple. 

The new President, General Zachary 
Taylor, was inaugurated March 4, 1849. 
The Senate being convened, as usual, in 
extra session, for the purpose, the Vice 
President elect, Millard Fillmore, was duly 
installed; and the Whig cabinet officers 
nominated by the President, promptly 
confirmed. An additional member of the 
Cabinet was appointed by this administra- 
tion to preside over the new " Home De- 
partment " since called the "Interior," 
created at the previous session of Con- 
gress. 

The following December Congress met 
in regular session — the 31st since the or- 
ganization of the federal government. 
The Senate consisted of sixty members, 
among whom were Mr. Webster, Mr. Cal- 
houn, and Mr. Clay, who had returned to 
public life. The House had 230 members ; 
and although the whigs had a small ma- 
jority, the House was so divided on the 
slavery question in its various phases, 
that the election for Speaker resulted in 
the choice of the Democratic candidate, 
Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, by a majority of 
three votes. The annual message of the 
President plainly showed that he compre- 
hended the dangers to the Union from a 
continuance of sectional feeling on the 
slavery question, and he averred his deter- 
mination to stand by the Union to the full 
extent of his obligations and powers. At 
the previous session Congress had spent 
six months in endeavoring to frame a sat- 
isfactory bill providing territorial govern- 
ments for California and New Mexico, 
and had adjourned finally without accom- 
plishing it, in consequence of inability to 
agree upon whether the Missouri compro- 
mise line should be carried to the ocean, 
or the territories be permitted to remain 
as they were — slavery prohibited under 
the laws of Mexico. Mr. Calhoun brought 
forward, in the debate, a new doctrine — 
extending the Constitution to the territory, 
and arguing that as that instrument recog- 
nized the existence of slavery, the settlers 
in such territory should be permitted to 
hold their slave property taken there, and 
be protected. Mr. Webster's answer to 
this was that the Constitution was made 
for States, not territories; that it cannot 
operate anywhere, not even in the States 
for which it was made, without acts of 
Congress to enforce it. The proposed ex- 
tension of the constitution to territories, 
with a view to its transportation of slavery 
along with it, was futile and nugatoiy, 
without the act of Congress to vitalize 
slavery under it. The early part of the 
year had witnessed ominout movements — 



MR. CLAY'S COMPROMISE RESOLUTIONS. 



51 



nightly meetings of large numbers of mem- 
bers from the slave States, led by Mr. 
Calhoun, to consider the state of things 
between the North and the South. They 
appointed committees who prepared an 
address to the people. It was in this con- 
dition of things, that President Taylor ex- 
pressed his opinion, in his message, of the 
remedies required. California, New 
Mexico and Utah, had been left without 
governments. For California, he recom- 
mended that having a sufficient popula- 
tion and having framed a constitution, 
she be admitted as a State into the 
Union ; and for New Mexico and Utah, 
without mixing the slavery question with 
their territorial governments, they be left 
to ripen into States, and settle the slavery 
question for themselves in their State con- 
stitutions. 

With a view to meet the wishes of all 
parties, and arrive at some definite and 
permanent adjustment of the slavery ques- 
tion, Mr. Clay early in the session in- 
troduced compromise resolutions which 
were practically a tacking together of the 
several bills then on the calendar, provid- 
ing for the admission of California — the 
territorial government for Utah and New 
Mexico — the settlement of the Texas boun- 
dary — slavery in the District of Columbia 
— and for a fugitive slave law. It was 
seriously and earnestly opposed by many, 
as being a concession to the spirit of dis- 
union — a capitulation under threat of se- 
cession ; and as likely to become the source 
of more contentions than it proposed to 
quiet. 

The resolutions were referred to a special 
committee, who promptly reported a bill 
embracing the comprehensive plan of com- 
promise which Mr. Clky proposed. Among 
the resolutions offered, was the following : 
" Resolved, that as slavery does not exist 
by law and is not likely to be introduced 
into any of the territory acquired by the 
United States from the Republic of Mexi- 
co, it is inexpedient for Congress to pro- 
vide by law either for its introduction into 
or exclusion from any part of the said ter- 
ritory ; and that appropriate territorial 
governments ought to be established by 
Congress in all of the said territory, and 
assigned as the boundaries of the proposed 
State of California, without the adoption 
of any restriction or condition on the sub- 
ject of slavery." Mr. Jefferson Davis of 
Mississippi, objected that the measure gave 
nothing to the South in the settlement of 
the question ; and he required the exten- 
sion of the Missouri compromise line to 
the Pacific Ocean as the least that he 
would be willing to take, with the specific 
recognition of the right to hold slaves in 
the territory below that line ; and that, be- 
fore such territories are admitted into the 
Union as States, slaves may be taken there 



from any of the United States at the option 
of their owner. 

Mr. Clay in reply, said : " Coming from 
a slave State, as I do, I owe it to myself, I 
owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to 
say that no earthly power could induce me 
to vote for a specific measure for the in- 
troduction of slavery where it had not be- 
fore existed, either south or north of that 
line. * * * If the citizens of those 
territories choose to establish slavery, and 
if they come here with constitutions es- 
tablishing slavery, I am for admitting 
them with such provisions in their consti- 
tutions ; but then it will be their own 
work, and not ours, and their posterity 
will have to reproach them, and not us, for 
forming constitutions allowing the institu- 
tion of slavery to exist among them." 

Mr. Seward of New York, proposed a 
renewal of the Wilmot Proviso, in the fol- 
lowing resolution : " Neither slavery nor 
involuntary servitude, otherwise than by 
conviction for crime, shall ever be allowed 
in either of said territories of Utah and 
New Mexico ; " but his resolution was re- 
jected in the Senate by a vote of 23 yeas to 
38 nays. Following this, Mr. Calhoun 
had read for him in the Senate, by his 
friend James M. Mason of Virginia, his 
last speech. It embodied the points cov- 
ered by the address to the people, pre- 
pared by him the previous year ; the prob- 
ability of a dissolution of the Union, and 
presenting a case to justify it. The tenor 
of the speech is shown by the following ex- 
tracts from it: "I have. Senators, believed 
from the first, that the agitation of the sub- 
ject of slavery would, if not prevented by 
some timely and effective measure, end in 
disunion. Entertaining this opinion, I 
have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to 
call the attention of each of the two great 
parties which divide the country to adopt 
some measure to prevent so great a disas- 
ter, but without success. The agitation hag 
been permitted to proceed, with almost no 
attempt to resist it, until it has reached a 
period when it can no longer be disguised 
or denied that the Union is in danger. 
You have had forced upon you the great- 
est and gravest question that can ever 
come under your consideration : How can 
the Union be preserved ?***** 
Instead of being Aveaker, all the elements 
in favor of agitation are stronger now than 
they were in 1835, when it first commenced, 
while all the elements of influence on the 
part of the South are weaker. Unless 
something decisive is done, I again ask 
what is to stop this agitation, before the 
great and final object at which it aims — 
the abolition of slavery in the States — is 
consummated ? Is it, then, not certain that 
if something decisive is not now done to 
arrest it, the South will be forced to choose 
between abolition and secession ? Indeed 



52 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



as events are now moving, it will not re- 
quire the South to secede to dissolve the 
Union. * * * * If the agitation goes 
on, nothing will be left to hold the States 
together except force." He answered the 
question, How can the Union be saved? 
with which his speech opened, by suggest- 
ing. " To provide for the insertion of a 
provision in the constitution, by an amend- 
ment, which will restore to the South in 
substance the power she possessed of pro- 
tecting herself, before the equilibrium be- 
tween the sections was destroyed by the 
action of the government." He did not 
state of what the amendment should con- 
.sist, but later on, it was ascertained from 
reliable sources that his idea was a dual 
executive — one President from the free, 
and one from the slave States, the consent 
of l)oth of whom should be required to all 
acts of Congress before they become laws. 
This speech of Mr. Calhoun's, is import- 
ant as explaining many of his previous ac- 
tions; and as furnishing a guide to those 
who ten years afterwards attempted to 
carry out practically the suggestions 
thrown out by him. 

Mr. Chiy's compromise bill was rejected. 
It was evident that no compromise of any 
kind whatever on the subject of slavery, 
under any one of its aspects separately, ] 
much less under all .put together, could 
possibly be made. There was no spirit of 
concession manifested. The numerous ] 
measures put together in Mr. Clay's bill 
were disconnected and separated. Each 
measure received a separate and inde- 
pendent consideration, and with a result 
which showed the injustice of the at- 
tempted conjunction ; for no two of them 
were passed by the same vote, even of the 
meml)crs of the committee which had even 
unanimously reported favorably upon them 
as a whole. 

Mr. Calhoun died in the spring of 1850 ; 
before the separate bill for the admission 
of California was taken up. His death 
took place at Washington, he having 
reached the age of G8 years. A eulogy 
upon him was delivered in the Senate by 
his colleague, Mr. Butler, of South Caro- 
lina. Mr. Calhoun was the first great ad- 
vocate of the doctrine of secession. He 
was the author of the nullification doc- 
trine, and an advocate of the extreme doc- 
trine of States Rights. He was an elo- 
quent speaker — a man of strong intellect. 
His speeches were plain, strong, concise, 
sometimes impassioned, and always severe. 
Daniel Webster said of him, that " he had 
the basis, the indispensable basis of all 
high characters, and that was unspotted 
integrity, unirapeached honor and char- 
acter ! " 

In July of this year an event took place 
which threw a gloom over the country. 
The President, General Taylor, contracted a 



fever from exposure to the hot sun at a cele- 
bration of Independence Day, from which 
he died four days afterwards. He was a 
man of irreproachable private character, 
undoubted patriotism, and established re- 
putation for judgment and firmness. His 
brief career showed no deficiency of poli- 
tical wisdom nor want of political training. 
His administration was beset with difficul- 
ties, with momentous questions pending, 
and he met the crisis with firmness and 
determination, resolved to maintain the 
Federal Union at all hazards. His first 
and only annual message, the leading 
points of which have been stated, evinces 
a spirit to do what was right among all the 
States. His death was a public calamity. 
No man could have been more devoted to 
the Union nor more opposed to the slavery 
agitation ; an<l his position as a Southern 
nu\n and a slaveholder — his military repu- 
tation, and his election by a majority of 
the people as well as of the States, would 
have given him a power in the settlement 
of the pending questions of the day which 
no President without these qualifications 
could have possessed. 

In accordance with the Constitution, the 
ofiice of President thus devolved upon the 
Vice-President, Mr. Millard Fillmore, who 
was duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. The 
new cabinet, with Daniel Webster as Se- 
cretary of State, was duly appointed and 
confirmed by the Senate. 

The bill for the admission of California 
as a State in the Union, was called up in 
the Senate and sought to be amended by 
extending the Missouri Compromise line 
through it, to the Pacific Ocean, so as to 
authorize slavery in the State below that 
line. The amendment was introduced and 
pressed by Southern friends of the late 
Mr. Calhoun, and made a test question. It 
was lost, and the bill passed by a two- 
third vote ; whereupon ten Southern Sena- 
tors offered a written protest, the conclud- 
ing clause of which was : '" We dissent 
from this bill, and solemnly protest against 
its passage, because in sanctioning mea- 
sures so contrary to former precedents, to 
obvious policy, to the spirit and intent of 
the constitution of the United States, for 
the purpose of excluding the slaveholding 
States from the territory thus to be erected 
into a State, this government in effect de- 
clares that the exclusion of slavery from 
the territory of the United States is an ob- 
ject so high and important as to justify a 
disregard not only of all the principles of 
sound policy, but also of the constitution 
itself. Against this conclusion we must 
now and for ever protest, as it is destruc- 
tive of the safety and liberties of those 
whose rights have been committed to our 
care, fatal to the peace and equality of the 
States which we represent, and must lead, 
if persisted in, to the dissolution of that 



RISE AND PROGRESS OF ABOLITION PARTY. 



53 



confederacy, in which the slaveholding 
States have never sought more than 
equality, and in which they will not be 
content to remain with less." On objec- 
tion being made, followed by debate, the 
Senate refused to receive the protest, or 
permit it to be entered on the Journal. 
The bill went to the House of Representa- 
tives, was readily passed, and promptly 
anproved by the President. Thus wa-; 
virt lally accomplished the abrogation of 
the Missouri compromise line ; and the ex- 
tension or non-extension of slavery was 
then made to form a foundation for future 
political parties. 

The year 1850 was prolific witli disunion 
movements in the Southern States. The 
Senators who had joined with Mr. Calhoun 
in the address to the people, in 1849, 
united with their adherents in establishing 
at Washington a newspaper entitled " The 
Southern Press," devoted to the agitation 
of the slavery question ; to presenting the 
advantages of disunion, and the organi- 
zation of a confedei'acy of Southern 
States to be called the ''United States 
South." Its constant aim was to influence 
the South against the North, and advoca- 
ted concert of action by the States of the 
former section. It was aided in its efforts 
by newspapers } ublished in the South, 
more especially in South Carolina and 
Mississippi. A disunion convention was 
actually held, in Nashville, Tennessee, and 
invited the assembly of a Southern Con- 
gress. Two States, South Carolina and 
Mississippi responded to the appeal ; 
passed laws to carry it into effect, and the 
former went so far as to elect its quota of 
Representatives to the proposed new 
Southern Congress. These occurrences 
are referred to as showing the spirit that 
prevailed, and the extraordinary and un- 
justifiable means used by the leaders to 
mislead and exasperate the people. The 
assembling of a Southern " Congress " was 
a turning point in the progress of disunion. 
Georgia refused to join ; and her weight as 
a great Southern State was sufficient to cause 
the failure of the scheme. But the seeds 
of discord were sown, and had taken root, 
only to spring up at a future time when 
circumstances should be more favorable to 
the accomplishment of the object. 

Although the Congress of the United 
States hid in 1790 and again in 1836 
formally declared the policy of the govern- 
ment to be non-interference with the States 
in respect to the matter of slavery within 
the limits of the respective States, "the sub- 
ject continued to be agitated in conse-' 
quence of petitions to Congress to abolish 
slavery in the District of Columbia, which 
was under the exclusive control of the fed- 
eral government; and of movements 
throughout the United States to limit, and 
finally abolish it. The subject first made its 



appearance in national politics in 1840, when 
a presidential ticket was nominated by a 
party then formed favoring the abolition of 
slavery; it had a very slight following 
which was increased ten-fold at the elec- 
tion of 1844 when the same party again 
put a ticket in the field with James 0. 
Birney of Michigan, as its candidate for 
the Presidency; who received 62,140 votes. 
The efforts of the leaders of that faction 
were continued, and persisted in to such 
an extent, that when in 1848 it nominated 
a ticket with Gerritt Smith for President, 
against the Democratic candidate, Martin 
Van Buren, the former received 296,232 
votes. In the presidential contest of 1852 
the abolition party again nominated a 
ticket, with John P. Hale as its candidate 
for President, and polled 157,926 votes. 
This large following was increased from 
time to time, until uniting with a new 
party then formed, called the Republican 
partv, which latter adopted a platform en- 
dorsing the views and sentiments of the 
abolitionists, the great and decisive battle 
for the principles involved, was fought in 
the ensuing presidential contest of 1856 ; 
when the candidate of the Republican 
party, John C. Fremont, supported by the 
entire abolition party, polled 1,341,812 
votes. The first national platform of the 
Abolition party, upon which it went into 
the contest of 1840, favored the abolition 
of slavery in the District of Columbia and 
Territories ; the inter-state slave trade, 
and a general oj)position to slaveiy to the 
full extent of constitutional power. 

Following the discussion of the subject of 
slavery, in the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives, brought about by the presenta- 
tion of petitions and memorials, and the 
passage of the resolutions in 1836 rejecting 
such petitions, the question was again 
raised by the presentation in the House, 
by Mr. Slade of Vermont, on the 20th 
December 1837, of two memorials praying 
the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia, and moving that they be re- 
ferred to a select committee. Great excite- 
ment prevailed in the chamber, and of the 
many attempts by the Southern members 
an adjournment was had. The next day a 
resolution was offered that thereafter all 
such petitions and memorials touching the 
abolition of slavery should, when pre- 
sented, be laid on the table ; which resolu- 
tion was adopted by a large vote. During 
the 24th Congress, the Senate pursued the 
course of laying on the table the motion to 
receive all abolition petitions ; and both 
Houses during the 25th Congress continued 
the same course of conduct; when finally 
on the 25th of January 1840, the House 
adoptted bv a vote of 114 to 108, an amend- 
ment to the rules, called the 21st Rule, 
W'hich provided : — " that no petition, me- 
morial or resolution, or other paper, pray- 



54 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



ing the abolition of slavery in the District 
of Columbia, or any state or territory, or 
the slave-trade between the States or ter- 
ritories of the United States, in which it 
now exists, shall be received by this 
House, or entertained in any way what- 
ever." This rule was afterwards, on the 
Oil of December, 1844, rescinded by the 
House, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, 
by a vote of 108 to 80 ; and a motion to 
re-instate it, on the 1st of December 1845, 
was rejected by a vote of 84 to 121. 
Within five years afterwards — on the 17th 
September 1850, — the Congress of the 
United States enacted a law, which was ap- 
proved by the President, abolishing slavery 
in the District of Columbia. 

On the 25th of February, 1850, there 
Avas presented in the House of Representa- 
tives, two petitions from citizens of Penn- 
sylvania and Delaware, setting forth that 
slavery, and the constitution which per- 
mits it, violates the Divine law; is incon- 
sistent with republican principles ; that 
its existence has brought evil upon the 
country; and that no union can exist with 
States which tolerate that institution ; and 
asking that some plan be devised for the 
immediate, peaceful dissolution of the 
Union. The House refused to receive and 
consider the petitions ; as did also the 
Senate when the same petitions were pre- 
sented the same month. 

The presidential election of 1852 was the 
last campaign in which the Whig party 
appeared in National politics. It nomi- 
nated a ticket with General Winfield Scott 
as its candidate for President. His oppo- 
nent on the Democratic ticket was General 
Franklin Pierce. A third ticket was placed 
in the field by the Abolition party, with 
John P. Hale as its candidate for Presi- 
dent. The platform and declaration of 
principles of the AVhig party was in sub- 
stance a ratification and endorsement of 
the several measures embraced in Mr. 
Clay's compromise resolutions of the pre- 
vious session of Congress, before referred 
to; and the policy of a revenue for the 
economical administration of the govern- 
ment, to be derived mainly from duties on 
imports, and by these means to afford pro- 
tection to American industry. The main 
plank of the platform of the Abolition 
party (or Independent Democrats, as they 
were called) was for the non-extension and 
gradual extinction of slavery. The Demo- 
cratic party equally adhered to the com- 
promise measure. The election resulted 
in the choice of Franklin Pierce, by a 
popular vote of 1,601,474, and 254 electoral 
votes, against a popular aggregate vote of 
1,542,403 (of which the abolitionists polled 
157,926) and 42 electoral votes, for the 
Whig and Abolition candidates. Mr. 
Pierce was duly inaugurated as President, 
March 4, 1853. 



The first political parties in the United 
States, from the establishment of the fede- 
ral government and for many years after- 
wards, were denominated Federalists and 
Democrats, or Democratic Republicans. 
The former was an anti-alien party. The 
latter was made up to a large extent of 
naturalized foreigners; refugees from Eng- 
land, Ireland and Scotland, driven from 
home for hostility to the government or lor 
attachment to France. Naturally, aliens 
sought alliance with the Democratic party, 
which favored the war against Great 
Britain. The early party contests were 
based on the naturalization laws ; the first 
of which, approved March 26, 1790, re- 
quired only two years' residence in this 
country ; a few years afterwards the time 
was extended to five years ; and in 1798 
the Federalists taking advantage of the 
war fever against France, and then being 
in power, extended the time to Iburteen 
years. (See Alien and Sedition Laws of 
1798). Jefferson's election and Demo- 
cratic victory of 1800, brought the period 
back to five years in 1802, and re-inforced 
the Democratic party. The city of New 
York, especially, from time to time became 
filled with foreigners; thus naturalized; 
brought into the Democratic ranks ; and 
crowded out native Federalists from con- 
trol of the city government, and to meet 
this condition of affairs, the first attempt 
at a Native American organization was 
made. Beginning in 1835 ; ending in 
failure in election of Mayor in 1837, it was 
revived in April, 1844, when the Native 
American organization carried New York 
city for its Mayoralty candidate by a good 
majority. The success of the movement 
there, caused it to spread to New Jersey 
and Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, it was 
desperately opposed by the Democratic, 
Irish and Roman Catholic element, and so 
furiously, that it resulted in riots, in which 
two Romish Churches were burned and 
destroyed. The adherents of the Ameri- 
can organization were not confined to 
Federalists or Whigs, but largely of native 
Democrats ; and the Whigs openly voted 
with Democratic Natives in order to secure 
their vote for Henry Clay for the Presi- 
dency ; but when in NoA'ember, 1844, New 
York and Philadelphia both gave Native 
majorities, and so sapped the Whig vote, 
that both places gave majorities for the 
Democratic Presidential electors, the 
Whigs drew off". In 1845, at the April 
election in New York, the natives were 
defeated, and the new party disappeared 
there. As a result of the autumn election 
of 1844, the 29th Congress, which organ- 
ized in December, 1845, had six Native 
Representatives ; four from New York and 
two from Pennsylvania. In the 30th Con- 
irress, Pennsylvania had one. Thereafter 
for some years, with the exception of a 



THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL. 



55 



small vote in Pennsylvania and New York, 
Nativism disappeared. An able writer of 
that day — Hon. A. H. H. Stuart, of Vir- 
ginia — published under the nom-de-plume 
of '• Madison " several letters in vindication 
of the American party (revived in 1852,) in 
which he said : " The vital principle of the 
American party is Americanism — develop- 
ing itself in a deep-rooted attachment to 
our own country — its constitution, its union, 
and its laws — to American men, and Ameri- 
can measures, and American interests — or_, 
in other words, a fervent patriotism — 
which, rejecting the transcendental philan- 
thropy of abolitionists, and that kindred 
batch of wild enthusiasts, who would seek 
to embroil us with foreign countries, in 
righting the wrongs of Ireland, or Hun- 
gary, or Cuba — would guard with vestal 
vigilance American institutions and Ameri- 
can interests against the baneful eflects of 
foreign influence." 

About 1852, when the question of slavery 
in the territories, and its extension or its 
abolition in the States, was agitated and 
causing sectional differences in the coun- 
try, many Whigs and Democrats forsook 
their parties, and took sides on the ques- 
tions of the day. This was aggravated by 
the large number of alien naturalized citi- 
zens constantly added to the ranks of 
voters, who took sides with the Democrats 
and against the Whigs. Nativism then 
re-appeared, but in a new form — that of a 
secret fraternity. Its real name and ob- 
jects were not revealed — even to its mem- 
bers, until they reached a high degree in 
the order; and the answer of members on 
being questioned on these subjects was, " I 
don't know " — which gave it the popular 
name, by which it is yet known, of " Know- 
nothing." Its moving causes were the 
growing power and designs of the Roman 
Catholic Church in America ; the sudden 
influx of aliens; and the greed and inca- 
pacity of naturalized citizens for office. 
Its cardinal principle was: "Americans 
must rule America " ; and its countersign 
was the order of General Washington on a 
critical occasion during the war : " Put 
none but Americans on guard to-night." 
Its early nominations were not made pub- 
lic, but were made by select committees 
and conventions of delegates. At first 
these nominations were confined to selec- 
tions of the best Whig or best Democrat on 
the respective tickets; and the choice not 
being made known, but quietly voted for 
by all the members of the order, the effect 
was only visible after election, and threw 
all calculation into chaos. For a while it 
was really the arbiter of electioaii. 

On February 8, 1853, a bill passed the 
House of Representatives providing a ter- 
ritorial government for Nebra-^ka, embrac- 
ing all of what is now Kansas and 
Nebraska. It was silent on the subject of 



the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 
The bill was tabled in the Senate ; to be 
revived at the following session. In the 
Senate it was amended, on motion of Mr. 
Douglas, to read : " That so much of the 
8th section of an act approved March 6, 
1820, (the Missouri compromise) * * * 
which, being inconsistent with the princi- 
ples of non-intervention by Congress with 
slavery in the States and Territories, as 
recognized by the legislature of 1850, com- 
monly called the Compromise measures, is 
hereby declared inoperative and void ; it 
being the true intent and meaning of 
this act not to legislate slavery into any 
Territory or State, nor to exclude it there- 
from, but to leave the people thereof per- 
fectly free to form and regulate their 
domestic institutions in their own way, 
subject only to the Constitution of the 
United States." It was further amended, 
on motion of Senator Clayton, to prohibit 
"alien suffrage." In the House this 
amendment was not agreed to ; and the 
bill finally passed without it, on the 25tli 
May, 1854. 

So far as Nebraska was concerned, no 
excitement of any kind marked the initia- 
tion of her territorial existence. The 
persons who emigrated there seemed to 
regard the pursuits of business as of more 
interest than the discussion of slavery. 
Kansas was less fortunate. Her territory 
became at once the battle-field of a fierce 
political conflict between the advocates of 
slavery, and the free soil men from the 
North who went there to resist the estab- 
lishment of that institution in the terri- 
tory. Differences arose between the 
Legislature and the Governor, brought 
about by antagonisms between the Pro- 
slavery party and the Free State party ; 
and the condition of affairs in Kansas 
assumed so frightful a mien in January, 
1856, that the President sent a special 
message to Congress on the subject, 
January 24, 1856 ; followed by a Proclama- 
tion, February 11, 1856, "warning all un- 
lawful combinations (in the territory) to 
retire peaceably to their respective abodes, 
or he would use the power of the local 
militia, and the available forces of the 
United States to disperse them." 

Several applications were made to Con- 
gress for several successive years, for the 
admission of Kansas as a state in the 
Union ; upon the basis of three separate 
and distinct constitutions, all differing as 
to the main questions at issue between the 
contending factions. The name of Kansas 
was for some years synonymous with all 
that is lawless and anarchical. Elections 
became mere farces, and the oflUcers thus 
fraudulently placed in power, used their 
authority only for their own or their 
party's interest. The party opposed^ to 
slavery at length triumphed ; a constitution 



66 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



excluding slavery was adopted in 1859, 
and Kansas was admitted into the Union 
January 29, 1861. 

Under the fugitive slave law, which was 
passed by Congress at the session of 18o0, 
as one of the Compromise measures, intro- 
duced by Mr. Clay, a long and exciting 
litigation occurred to test the validity and 
constitutionality of the act, and the several 
laws on which it depended. The suit was 
instituted by Dred Scott, a negro slave, in 
the Circuit Court of the United States for 
the District of Missouri, in April Term, 
1854, against John F. A. Sanford, his 
alleged owner, for trespass ri ei armis, in 
holding the plaintiff and his wife and 
daughters in slavery in said District of 
Missouri, where by law slavery was pro- 
hibited ; they having been previously law- 
fully held in slavery by a former owner — 
Dr. Emerson — in the State of Illinois, 
from whence they were taken by him to 
Missouri, and sold to the defendent, San- 
ford. The case went up on appeal to the 
Supreme Court of the United States, and 
was clearly and elaborately argued. The 
majority opinion, delivered by Chief Jus- 
tice Taney, as also the dissenting ojiinions, 
are reported in full in Howard's U. S. 
Supreme Court Reports, Volume 19, page 
393. In respect to the territories the Con- 
stitution grants to Congress the power " to 
make all needful rules and regulations 
concerning the territory and other projierty 
belonging to the United States.'' The 
Court was of opinion that the clause of 
the Constitution applies only to the terri- 
tory within the original States at the time 
the Constitution was adopted, and that it 
did not apply to future territory acquired 
by treaty or conquest from foreign na- 
tions. They were also of opinion that the 
power of Congress over such future terri- 
torial acquisitions was not unlimited, that 
the citizens of the States migrating to a 
territory were not to be regarded as 
colonists, subject to absolute power in 
Congress, but as citizens of the United 
States, with all the rights of citizenship 
guarantied by the Constitution, and that 
no legislation was constitutional which at- 
tempted to deprive a citizen of his 
property on his becoming a resident of a 
territory. Tliis question in the case arose 
under the act of Congress prohibiting 
slavery in the territory of upper Louisiana, 
(acquired from France, afterwards the 
State), and of which the territory of 
Missouri was formed. Any obscurity as 
to what constitutes citizenship, will be re- 
moved by attending to the distinction be- 
tween local rights of citizenship of the 
United States according to the Constitu- 
tion. Citizenship at large in the sense of 
the Constitution can be conferred on a 
foreigner only by the naturalization laws 
of Congress. But each State, in the exer. 



cise of its local and reserved sovereignty, 
may place foreigners or other persons on 
a footing with its own citizens, as to politi- 
cal rights and privileges to be enjoyed 
within its own dominion. But State regu- 
lations of this character do not make the 
persons on whom such rights are conferred 
citizens of the United States or entitle 
them to the privileges and immunities of 
citizens in another State. See 5 Wheaton, 
(U. S. Supreme Court Reports), page 49. 

The Court said in The Dred Scott case, 
above referred to, that : — " The right of 
property in a slave is distinctly and ex- 
pressly affirmed in the Constitution. The 
right to traffic in it like the ordinary article 
of merchandise and property was guar- 
antied to the citizens of the United States, 
in every State that might desire it for 
twenty years, and the government in ex- 
press terms is pledged to protect it in all 
future time if the slave escapes from his 
owner. This is done in plain words — too 
plain to be misunderstood, and no word 
can be found in the Constitution which 
gives Congress a greater power over slave 
property, or which entitles property of 
that kind to less protection than the prop- 
erty of any other description. The only 
power conferred is the power coupled with 
the duty of guarding and protecting the 
owner in his rights. Upon these considera- 
tions, it is the opinion of the Court that 
the Act of Congress which prohibited a 
citizen from holding and owning property 
of this kind in the territory of the LTnited 
States north of the line therein mentioned, 
is not Avarranted by the Constitution and 
is therefore void ; and that neither Dred 
Scott himself, nor any of his family were 
made free by being carried into this terri- 
tory ; even if they had been carried there 
by the owner with the intention of becom- 
ing a permanent resident," The abolition 
of slavery by the 13th amendment to the 
Constitution of the United Stiiles ratified 
and adopted December 18, 1865, has put 
an end to these discussions formerly so 
numerous. 

As eai-ly as 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska 
controversy on the territorial government 
bill, resulted in a division of the Whig 
party in the North. Those not sufficiently 
opposed to slavery to enter the new Repub- 
lican party, then in its incipiency, allied 
themselves with the Know-Nothing order, 
which now accepting the name of Ameri- 
can party established a separate and in- 
dependent political existence. The party 
had no hold in the West ; it was entirely 
Middle State at this time, and polled a 
large vote in Massachusetts, Delaware and 
New York. In the State elections of 1855 
the American party made a stride South- 
ward. In 1855, the absence of natural- 
ized citizens was universal in the South, 
and even so late as 1881 the proportion of 



THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 



57 



foreign-born population in the Southern 
States, with the exception of Florida, 
Louisiana, and Texas was under two per 
cent. At the early date — 1855 — the na- 
tivist feeling among the Whigs of that 
section, made it easy to transfer them to 
the American party, which thus secured in 
both the Eastern and Southern States, the 
election of Governor and Legislature in 
the States of New Hampshire, Massachu- 
setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
York, California and Kentucky ; and also 
elected part of its State ticket in Mary- 
land, and Texas ; and only lost the States 
of Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi- 
ana, and Texas, by small majorities against 
it. 

The order began preparations for a cam- 
paign as a National party, in 1856. It aimed 
to introduce opposition to aliens and Ro- 
man Catholicism as a national question. 
On the 21st of February, 1856, the Nation- 
al Council held a session at Philadelphia, 
and proceeded to formulate a declaration of 
principles, and make a platform, which 
were as follows : 

"An humble acknowledgement to the 
Supreme Being, for his protecting care 
vouchsafed to our fathers in their success- 
ful Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto 
manifested to us, their descendants, in the 
preservation of the liberties, the indepen- 
dence, and the union of these States. 

2d. The perpetuation of the Federal 
Union, as the palladium of our civil and 
religious liberties, and the only sure Bul- 
wark of American independence. 

3d. Americans must rule America, and 
to this end, native-born citizens should be 
selected for all state, federal, and munici- 
pal offices or government employment, in 
preference to all others ; nevertheless, 

4th. Persons born of American par- 
ents residing temporarily abroad, should 
be entitled to all the rights of native-born 
citizens ; but, 

5th. No person shall be selected for po- 
litical station (whether of native or for- 
eign birth), who recognizes any allegiance 
or obligation, of any description, to any 
foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who 
refuses to recognize the Federal and State 
constitutions (each within its sphere) as 
paramount to all other laws, as rules of po- 
litical action. 

6th. The unqualified recognition and 
maintenance of the reserved rights of tlie 
several States, and the cultivation of har- 
mony and fraternal good will, between the 
citizens of the several States, and to this 
end, non-interference by congress with 
questions appertaining solely to the indi- 
vidual States, and non-intervention l)y each 
State with the affairs of any other State. 

7th. The recognition of the right of 
the native-born and naturalized citizens of 
the United States, permanently residing in 



any territory thereof, to frame their con- 
stitution and laws, and to regulate their 
domestic and social affairs in their own 
mode, subject only to the provisions of the 
Federal Constitution, with the privilege of 
admission into the Union, whenever they 
have the requisite population for one rep- 
resentative in Congress. — Provided always, 
that none but those who are citizens of the 
United States, under the Constitution and 
laws thereof, and who have a fixed resi- 
dence in any such territory, ought to par- 
ticipate in the formation of the Constitu- 
tion, or in the enactment of laws for said 
Territory or State. 

8th. An enforcement of the principle 
that no State or Territory ought to admit 
others than citizens of the United States to 
the right of suffrage, or of holding politi- 
cal office. 

9th. A change in the laws of naturali- 
zation, making a continued residence of 
twenty-one years, of all not hereinbefore 
provided for, an indispensable requisite for 
citizenship hereafter, and excluding all 
paupers, and persons convicted of crime, 
from landing upon our shores ; but no in- 
terference with the vested rights of foreign- 
ers. 

10th. Opposition to any union between 
Church and State ; no interference with re- 
ligious faith, or worship, and no test oaths 
for office. 

11th. Free and thorough investigation 
into any and all alleged abuses of public 
functionaries, and a strict economy in i)ub- 
lic expenditures. 

12th. The maintenance and enforce- 
ment of all laws constitutionally enacted, 
until said laws shall be repealed, or shall 
be declared null and void by competent 
judicial authority. 

The American Ritual, or Constitution, 
rules, regulations, and ordinances of the 
Order were as follows : — 

AMERICAN RITUAL. 

Constitution of the Nalinnnl Council of the United States of 
North America. 

Art. 1st. This organization shall be 
known by the name and title of The 
National Council of the United 
States of North America, and its juris- 
diction and power shall extend to all the 
states, districts, and territories of the 
United States of North America. 

Art. 2d. The object of this organization 
shall be to protect every American citizen 
in the legal and proper exercise of all his 
civil and religious rights and privileges ; 
to resist the insidious policy of ihe Church 
of Rome, and all other foreign influence 
against our republican institutions in all 
lawful ways ; to place in all offices of honor 
trust, or profit, in the gift of the people, or 
by appointment, none but native-born 
Protestant citizens, and to protect, preserve, 



58 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



and uphold the union of these states and 
the constitution of tlie same. 

Art. 3d. Sec. 1. — A person to become a 
member of any subordinate council must 
be twenty-one years of age ; he must be- 
lieve in tiie existence of a Supreme Being 
as the Creator and preserver of the uni- 
verse. He must be a native-born citizen ; 
a Protestant, either born of Protestant 
parents, or reared under Protestant influ- 
ence ; and not united in marriage with a 
lloman Catholic; provided, nevertheless, 
that in this last respect, the state, district, 
or territorial councils shall be authorized 
to so construct their respective constitu- 
tions as shall best promote the interests of 
the American cause in their several juris- 
dictions ; and provided, moreover, that no 
member who may have a Roman Catholic 
wife shall be eligible to office in this order ; 
and provided, further, should any state, 
district, or territorial council prefer the 
words " Roman Catholic" as a disquali- 
fication to membership, in place of " Pro- 
testant" as a qualification, they may so 
consider this constitution and govern their 
action accordingly. 

Sec. 2. — There shall be an interval of 
three weeks between the conferring of the 
first and second degrees ; and of three 
months between the conferring of the 
second and third degrees — provided, that 
this restriction shall not apply to those who 
may have received the second degree pre- 
vious to the first day of December next ; 
and provided, further, that the presidents 
of state, district, and territorial councils 
may grant dispensations for initiating in 
all the degrees, othcers of new councils. 

Sec. 3. — The national council shall hold 
its annual meetings on the first Tuesday 
in the month of June, at such place as may 
be designated by the national council at 
, the previous annual meeting, and it may 
adjourn from time to time. Special meet- 
ings may be called by the President, on the 
written request of five delegations repre- 
senting five state councils ; provided, that 
sixty days' notice shall be given to the 
state councils previous to said meeting. 

Sec. 4. — The national council shall be 
composed of seven delegates from each 
state, to be chosen by the state councils ; 
and each district or territory where a dis- 
trict or territorial council shall exist, shall 
be entitled to send two delegates, to be 
chosen from said council — provided that in 
the nomination of candidates for Presi- 
dent and Vice President of the United 
States, and each state shall be entitled to 
cast the same number of votes as they shall 
have members in both houses of Congress. 
In all sessions of the national council, 
thirty-two delegates, representing thirteen 
states, territories, or districts, shall consti- 
tute a quorum for the transaction of busi- 
ness. 



Sec. 5. — The national council shall be 
vested with the following powers and privi- 
leges : 

It shall be the head of the organization 
for the United States of North America, 
and shall fix and establish all signs, grips, 
passwords, and such other secret work, as 
may seem to it necessary. 

It shall have the power to decide all 
matters appertaining to national politics. 

It shall have the power to exact irom the 
state councils, quarterly or annual state- 
ments as to the number of members under 
their jurisdictions, and in relation to all 
other matters necessary for its information. 

It shall have the power to form state, 
territorial, or district councils, and to grant 
dispensations for the formation of such 
bodies, when five subordinate councils shall 
have been jmt in operation in any state, 
territory, or district, and application made. 

It shall have the power to determine 
upon a mode of punishment in case of any 
dereliction of duty on the part of its mem- 
bers or officers. 

It shall have the power to adopt cabal- 
istic characters for the purpose of writing 
or telegraphing. Said characters to be 
communicated to the presidents of the 
state councils, and by them to the presi- 
dents of the subordinate councils. 

It shall have the power to adopt any and 
every measure it may deem necessary to 
secure the success of the organization ; 
provided that nothing shall be done by the 
said national council in violation of the 
constitution ; and provided further, that 
in all political matters, its members may 
be instructed by the state councils, and if 
so instructed, shall carry out such instruc- 
tions of the state councils which they repre- 
sent until overruled by a majority of the 
national council. 

Art. 4. The President shall always preside 
over the national council when present, 
and in his absence the Vice President shall 
preside, and in the absence of both the 
national council shall appoint a president 
pro tempo7-e; and the presiding officers may 
at all times call a member to the chair, but 
such appointment shall not extend be- 
yond one sitting of the national council. 

Art. 5. Sec. 1.— The officers of the 
National Council shall be a President,Vice- 
President, Chaplain, Corresponding Secre- 
tary, Recording Secretary, Treasurer, and 
two Sentinels, with such other officers as 
the national council may see fit to appoint 
from time to time ; and the secretaries and 
sentinels may receive such compensation 
as the national council shall determine. 

Sec. 2. — The duties of the several officers 
created by this constitution shall be such 
as the work of this organization prescribes. 

Art. 6. Sec. 1.— All officers provided for 
by this constitution, except the sentinels, ■ 
shall be elected annually by ballot. The 



THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 



59 



president may appoint sentinels from time 
to time. 

Sec. 2. — A majority of all the votes cast 
shall be requisite to an election for an office. 

Sec. 3. — All officers and delegates of this 
council, and of all state, district, territorial, 
and subordinate councils, must be invested 
■with all the degrees of this order. 

Sec. 4. — All vacancies in the elective 
offices shall be filled by a vote of the na- 
tional council, and only for the unexpired 
term of the said vacancy. 

Art. 7. Sec 1. — The national council shall 
entertain and decide all cases of appeal, 
and it shall establish a form of appeal. 

Sec. 2. — The national council shall levy 
a tax iipon the state, district, or territorial 
councils, for the support of the national 
council, to be paid in such manner and at 
such times as the national council shall 
determine. 

Art. 8. — This national council may alter 
and amend this constitution at its regular 
annual meeting in June next, by a vote of 
the majority of the whole number of the 
members present. (Cincinnati, Nov. 24, 
1854.) 

KULE3 AND REGULATIONS. 

Kule 1. — Each State, District, or Terri- 
tory, in which there may exist five or 
more subordinate councils working under 
dispensations from the National Council 
of the United States of North America, or 
under regular dispensations from some 
State, District, or Territory, are duly em- 
powered to establish themselves into a 
State, District, or Territorial council, and 
when so established, to form for them- 
selves constitutions and by-laws for their 
government, in pursuance of, and in con- 
sonance with the Constitution of the 
National Council of the United States ; 
provided, however, that all State, District, 
or Territorial constitutions shall be subject 
to the approval of the National Council of 
the United States. (June, 1854.) 

Rule 2.— All State, District, or Terri- 
torial councils, when established, shall 
have full power and authority to establish 
all subordinate councils within tlieir re- 
spective limits ; and the constitutions and 
by-laws of all such subordinate councils 
must be appmved by their respective State, 
District, or Territorial councils. (June, 
1854.) 

Rules.— All State, District, or Terri- 
torial councils, when established and until 
the formation of constitutions, shall work 
under the constitution of the National 
Council of the United States. (June, 
1854.) 

Rule 4. — In all cases where, for the con- 
venience of the organization, two State or 
• Territorial councils may be established, 
the two councils together shall be entitled 
to but thirteen delegates* in the National 

*KoTE.— See Constitution, Art. 3, Sec. 4, p. 5. 



Council of the United States — the propor- 
tioned number of delegates to depend on 
the number of members in the organiza- 
tions ; provided, that no State shall be al- 
lowed to have more than one State coun- 
cil, without the consent of the National 
Council of the United States. (June, 
1854.) 

Rule 5. — In any State, District, or Ter- 
ritory, where there may be more than one 
organization working on the same basis, 
(to wit, the lodges and "councils,") the 
same shall be required to combine ; the 
officers of each organization shall resign 
and new officers be elected ; and thereafter 
these bodies shall be known as State coun- 
cils, and subordinate councils, and new 
charters shall be granted to them by the 
national council. (June, 1854.) 

Rule 6. — It shall be considered a penal 
offence for any brother not an officer of a 
subordinate council, to make use of the 
sign or summons adopted for public noti- 
fication, except by direction of the Presi- 
dent; or for officers of a council to post 
the same at any other time than from mid- 
night to one hour before daybreak, and 
this rule shall be incorporated into the by- 
laws of the State, District, and Territorial 
councils. (June, 1854.) 

Rule 7. — The determination of the neces- 
sity and mode of issuing the posters for 
public notification shall be intrusted to the 
State, District, or Territorial councils. 
(June, 1854.) 

Rule 8. — The respective State, District, 
or Territorial councils shall be required to 
make statements of the number of mem- 
bers within their respective limits, at the 
next meeting of this national council, and 
annually thereafter, at the regular annual 
meeting. (June, 1854.) 

Rule 9. — The delegates to the National 
Council of the tFnited States of North 
America shall be entitled to three dollars 
per day for their attendance upon the 
national council, and for each day that 
may be necessary in going and returning 
from the same; and five cents per mile for 
every mile they may necessarily travel in 
going to, and returning from the place of 
meeting of the national council; to be 
computed by the nearest mail route : which 
shall be paid out of the treasury of the 
national council. (November, 1854.) 

Rule 10.— Each State, District, or Terri- 
torial council shall be taxed four cents per 
annum for every member in good standing 
belonging to each subordinate council un- 
der its jurisdiction on the first day of 
April, which shall be reported to the na- 
tional council, and paid into the national 
treasury, on or before the first day of the 
annual session, to be held in June ; and on 
the snme day in each succeeding year. 
And the first fiscal year shall be considered 
as commencing on the first day of Decern- 



GO 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



ber, 1854, and ending on the fifteenth day 
of May, 1855. (November, 1854.) 

Rule 11.— The following shall be the 
key to determine and ascertain the pur- 
port of any communication that may be 
addressed to the President of a State, Dis- 
trict, or Territorial council by the Presi- 
dent of the national council, who is hereby 
instructed to communicate a knowledge of 
the same to said officers : 

ABCDEFGHI JKLM 

1 7 13 19 25 2 8 14 20 26 3 9 15 
NOPQRSTUVWXYZ 
21 4 10 16 22 5 11 17 23 6 12 18 24 

Rule 12. — The clause of the article of 
the constitution relative to belief in the 
Supreme Being is obligatory upon every 
State and subordinate council, as well as 
upon each individual member. (June, 
1854.) 

Rule 13.— The following shall be the 
compensation of the officers of this coun- 
cil: 

1st. The Corresponding Secretary shall 
be paid, two thousand dollars per annum, 
from the 17th day of June, 1854. 

2d. The Treasurer shall be paid five 
hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th 
day of June, 1854. 

3d. The Sentinels shall be paid five dol- 
lars for every day they may be in attend- 
ance on the sittings of the national coun- 
cil. 

4th. The Chaplain shall be paid one 
hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th 
day of June, 1854. 

5th. The Recording Secretary shall be 
paid five hundred dollars per annum, from 
the 17th day of June, 1854. 

6th. The Assistant Secretary shall be 
paid five dollars per day, for every day he 
may be in attendance on the sitting of the 
national council. All of which is to be 
paid out of the national treasury, on the 
draft of the President. (November, 1854.) 

SPECIAL VOTING. 

Vote 1st. — This national council hereby 
grants to the State of Virginia two State 
councils, the one to be located in Eastern 
and the other in Western Virginia, the 
Blue Ridge Mountains being the geo- 
graphical line between the two jurisdic- 
tions. (June, 1854.) 

Vote 2d.— The President shall have 
power, till the next session of the national 
council, to grant dispensations for the for- 
mation of State, District, or Territorial 
councils, in form most agreeable to liis 
own discretion, upon proper application 
being made. (June, 1854.) 

Vote 3d.— The seats of all delegates to 
and members of the present national coun- 
cil shall be vacated on the first Tuesday in 
June. 1855, at the hour of six o'clock in 
the forenoon; and the national council 



convening in annual session upon that 
day, shall be composed exclusively of del- 
egates elected under and in accordance 
with the provisions of the constitution, as 
amended at the present session of this 
national council ; provided, that this reso- 
lution shall not apply to the officers of the 
national council. (November, 1854.) 

Vote 4th. — The Corresponding Secretary 
of this council is authorized to have print- 
ed the names of the delegates to this 
national council ; also, those of the Presi- 
dents of the several State, District, and 
Territorial councils, together with their 
address, and to forward a copy of the 
same to each person named ; and further, 
the Corresponding Secretaries of each 
State, District, and Territory are requested 
to forward a copy of their several con- 
stitutions to each other. (November, 
1854.) 

Vote 5th. — In the publication of the 
constitution and the ritual, under the di- 
rection of the committee — brothers Desh- 
ler, Damrell, and Stephens — the name, 
signs, grips, and passwords of the order 
shall be indicated by [***], and a copy 
of the same shall be furnished to each 
State, District, and Territorial council, and 
to each member of that body. (Novem- 
ber, 1854.) 

Vote 6th. — A copy of the constitution of 
each State, District, and Territorial coun- 
cil, shall be submitted to this council for 
examination. (November, 1854.) 

Vote 7th.— It shall be the duty of the 
Treasurer, at each annual meeting of this 
body, to make a report of all moneys re- 
ceived or expended in the interval. (No- 
vember, 1854.) 

Vote 8th.— Messrs. Gifford of Pa., Bar- 
ker of N. Y., Deshler of N. J., Williamson 
of Va., and Stephens of Md., are appointed 
a committee to confer with similar commit- 
tees that have been appointed for the pur- 
pose of consolidating the various American 
orders, with power to make the necessarj' 
arrangement for such consolidation — sub- 
ject to the approval of this national coun- 
cil, at its next session. (November, 1854.) 
Vote 9th. — On receipt of the new ritual 
by the members of this national council 
who have received the third degree, they 
or any of them may, and they are hereby 
empowered to, conlcr the third degree upon 
members of this body in their respective 
states, districts, and territories, and upon 
the presidents and other officers of their 
state, district, and territorial councils. 
And further, the presidents of the state, 
district, and territorial councils shall in 
the first instance confer the third degree 
upon as many of the presidents and officers 
of their subordinate councils as can be asr 
sembled together in their respective local- 
ities ; and afterwards the same may be con- 
ferred upon officers of other subordinate 



THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 



61 



councils, by any presiding officer of a coun- 
cil who shall have previously received it 
under the provisions of the coustitutiou. 
(November, 1854.) 

Vote 10th.— To entitle any delegate to a 
seat in this national council, at its annual 
session in June next, he must present a 
properly authenticated certificate that he 
was duly elected as a delegate to the same, 
or appointed a substitute in accordance 
with the requirements of the constitutions 
of st;ite, territorial, or district councils. 
And no delegate shall be received from 
any state, district, or territorial council 
which has not adopted the constitution and 
ritual of this national council. (November, 
1854.) 

Vote 11th. — The committee on printing 
the constitution and ritual is authorized to 
have a sufficient number of the same print- 
ed for the use of the order. And no state, 
district, or territorial council shall be al- 
lowed to reprint the same. (November, 
1854.) 

Vote 12th.— The right to establish all 
subordinate councils in any of the states, 
districts, and territories represented in this 
national council, shall be confined to the 
state, district, and territorial councils 
which they represent. (November, 1854.) 

Constitution for the Government of 
Subordinate Councils. 

Art. I. Sec. 1. — Each subordinate coun- 
cil shall be composed of not less than thir- 
teen members, all of whom shall have re- 
ceived all the degrees of the order, and 
shall be known and recognised as 



of the 



of the 



Council, No. — 
county of , and State of North Caro- 
lina. 

Sec. 2. — No person shall be a member of 
any subordinate council in this state, un- 
less he possesses all the qualifications, and 
comes up to all the requirements laid down 
in the constitution of the national council, 
and whose wife (if he has one), is not a 
Roman Catholic. 

Sec. 3. No application for membership 
shall be received and acted on from a per- 
son residing out of the state, or resides in 
a county where there is a council in ex- 
istence, unless upon special cause to be 
stated to the council, to be judged of by 
the same ; and such person, if the reasons 
be considered sufficient, may be initiated 
the same night he is proposed, provided he 
resides five miles or more from the place 
where the council is located. But no per- 
son can vote in any council, except the one 
of which he is a member. 

Sec. 4. Every person applving for mem- 
bership, shall be voted for" by ballot, in 
open council, if a ballot is requested bv a 
single member. If one-third of the votes 
cast be against the applicant, he shall be 
rejected. If any applicant be rejected, he 



shall not be again proposed within six 
months thereafter. Nothing herein con- 
tained shall be construed to prevent the 
initiation of applicants privately, by those 
empowered to do so, in localities where 
there are no councils within a convenient 
distance. 

Sec. 5. Any member of one subordinate 
council wishing to change his membership 
to another council, shall apply to the coun- 
cil to which he belongs, either in writing 
or orally through another member, and the 
question shall be decided by the council. 
If a majority are in favor of granting him 
an honorable dismission, he shall receive 
the same in writing, to be signed by the 
president and countersigned by the secre- 
tary. But until a member thus receiving 
an honorable dismission has actually been 
admitted to membership in another coun- 
cil, he shall be held subject to the disci- 
pline of the council from which he has re- 
ceived the dismission, to be dealt with by 
the same, for any violation of the require- 
ments of the order. Before being received 
in the council to which he wishes to trans- 
fer his membership, he shall present said 
certificate of honorable dismission, and 
shall be received as new members are. 

Sec. 6. Applications for the second de- 
gree shall not be received except in second 
degree councils, and voted on by second 
and third degree members only, and ap- 
plications for the third degree shall be 
received in third degree councils, and 
voted on by third degree members only. 

Art. II.— Each subordinate council shall 
fix on its own time and place for meeting: 
and shall meet at least once a month, but 
where not very inconvenient, it is recom- 
mended that they meet once a week. Thir- 
teen members shall form a quorum for 
the transaction of business. Special meet- 
ings may be called by the president at any 
time, at "the request of four members of the 
order. 

Art. III. — Sec. 1. The members of each 
subordinate council shall consist of a pre- 
sident, vice-president, instructor, secre- 
tary, treasurer, marshal, inside and outside 
sentinel, and shall hold their offices for the 
term of six months, or until their succes- 
sors are elected and installed. 

Sec. 2. The officers of each subordinate 
council (except the sentinels, who shall be 
appointed by the president), shall be elect- 
ed at the first regular meetings in January 
and July, separately, and by ballot ; and 
each shall receive a majority of all the 
votes cast to entitle him to an election. 
No member shall be elected to any office, 
unless he be present and signify his assent 
thereto at the time of his election. Any 
vacancy which may occur by death, resig- 
nation, or otherwise, shall be filled at the 
next meeting thereafter, in the manner 
and form above described. 



62 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Sec. 3. The President.— It shall be the 
duty of the president of each subordinate 
council, to preside in the council, and en- 
force a due observance of the constitution 
and rules of the order, and a proper resjject 
for the state council and the national coun- 
cil ; to have sole and exclusive charge of 
the charter and the constitution and ritual 
of the order, which he must always have 
with him when his council is in session, to 
see that all officers perform their respec- 
tive duties ; to announce all ballotings to 
the council ; to decide all questions of 
order ; to give the casting vote in all cases 
of a tie ; to convene special meetings when 
deemed expedient ; to draw warrants on 
the treasurer for all sums, the payment of 
which is ordered by the council ; and to 
perform such other duties as are demanded 
of him by the constitutions and ritual of 
the order. 

Sec. 4. The vice-president of each sub- 
ordinate council shall assist the president 
in the discharge of his duties, whilst his 
council is in session ; and, in his absence, 
shall perform all the duties of the presi- 
dent. 

Sec. 5. The instructor shall perform the 
duties of the president in the absence of 
the president and vice-president, and shall, 
under the direction of the president, per- 
form such duties as may be assigned to 
him by the ritual. 

Sec. 6. The secretary shall keep an ac- 
curate record of the proceedings of the 
council. He shall write all communica- 
tions, fill all notices, attest all warrants 
drawn by the president for the payment of 
money ; he shall keep a correct roll of all 
the members of the council, together with 
their age, residence, and occupation, in 
the order in which they have been admit- 
ted ; he shall, at the expiration of every 
three months, make out a report of all work 
done during that time, which report he 
shall forward to the secretary of the state 
council ; and when superseded in his office 
shall deliver all books, papers, &c., in his 
hands to his successor. 

Sec. 7. The treasurer shall hold all mo- 
neys raised exclusively for the use of the 
state council, which he shall pay over to 
the secretary of the state council at its 
regular sessions, or whenever called upon 
by the president of the state council. He 
shall receive all moneys for the use of the 
subordinate council, and pay all amounts 
drawn for on him, by the president of the 
subordinate council, if attested by the se- 
cretary. 

Sec. 8. The marshal shall perform 
such duties, under the direction of the 
president, as may be required of him by 
the ritual. 

Sec. 9. The inside sentinel shall have 
charge of the inner door, and act under 
the directions of the president. He shall 



admit no person, unless he can prove him- 
self a member of this order, and of the 
same degree in which the council is opened, 
or by order of the president, or is tatisiac- 
torily vouched for. 

Sec. 10. The outside sentinel shall have 
charge of the outer door, and act in ac- 
cordance with the orders of the president. 
He shall permit no person to enter the 
outer door unless he give the password of 
the degree in whiih the council is at work, 
or is properly vouched for. 

Sec. 11. The secretary, treasurer, and 
sentinels, shall receive such compensation 
as the subordinate councils may each con- 
clude to allow. 

Sec. 12. Each subordinate council may 
levy its own lees for initiation, to raise a 
fund to pay its dues to the state council, 
and to defray its own expenses. Each 
council may, also, at its discretion, initiate 
without charging the usual fee, those it 
considers unable to pay the sjime. 

Sec. 13. The president shall keep in his 
possession the constitution and ritual of 
the order. He shall not suffer the same 
to go out of his possession under any pre- 
tence whatever, unless in case of absence, 
when he may put them in the hands of 
the vice-president or instructor, or whilst 
the council is in session, for the informa- 
tion of a member wishing to see it, for 
the purpose of initiation, or conferring of 
degrees. 

Art. IV. Each subordinate council shall 
have power to adopt such by-laws, rules, 
and regulations, for its own government, 
as it may think proper, not inconsistent 
with the constitutions of the national and 
state councils. 

FoKM OF Application for a Charter 
TO Organize a new Council. 



Post Office 



Date 



county, 



To 

President of the State Council of North 
Carolina : — 

We, the undersigned, members of the 
Third Degree, being desirous of extending 
the influence and usefulness of our organi- 
zation, do hereby ask for a warrant of dis- 
pensation, instituting and organizing us as 
a subordinate branch of the order, under 
the jurisdiction of the State Council of the 
State of North Carolina, to be known and 
hailed as Council No. , and to be lo- 
cated at , in the county of , State 

of North Carolina. 

And we do hereby pledge ourselves to 
be governed by the Constitution of the 
State Council of the State of North Caro- 
lina, and of the Grand Council of the U. 
S. N. A., and that we will in all things con- 
form to the rules and usages of the order. 



Names. 



Residences. 



THE AMERICAN RITUAL, 



63 



FORM OF DISMISSION FROM ONE COUNCIL 
TO ANOTHER. 

This is to certify that Brother , a 

member of Council, No. , having 

made an application to change his mem- 
bership from this council to that of 

Council, No. , at , in the county 

of , I do hereby declare, that said 

brother has received an honorable dismis- 
sion from this council, and is hereby re- 
commended for membership in Coun- 
cil, No. , in the county of , N. C. ; 

provided, however, that until Brother 

has been admitted to membership in said 
council, he is to be considered subject to 
the discipline of this council, to be dealt 
with by the same for any violation of the 

requirements of the order. This the 

day of , 185 — , and the year of 

American Independence. 

President, Council, 



Secretary. 



No. 



FORM OF CERTIFICATE FOR DELEGATES TO 
THE STATE COUNCIL. 



Council, No. 



county of 



This is to certify that- 



-, N. C. 
■ and were 



at the regular meeting of this council, held 

on the , 185 — , duly elected delegates 

to represent this council in the next an- 
nual meeting of the state council, to be 
held in , on the 3d Monday in Novem- 
ber next. And by virtue of the authority 
in me reposed, I do hereby declare the 

said and to be invested with all 

the rights, powers, and privileges of the 
delegates as aforesaid. This being the 

day of , 185 — , and the year 

of our national independence. 

President of 



Council, No.- 



Secretary. 



FORM OF NOTICE 

From the Suhordinale Council to the State Council, whenever 
any Member of a Suburdinale Omncil is excelled. 

Council, No. 



county of , N. C. 



To the President of the State Council of 
North Carolina: 

Sir : — This is to inform you that at a 

meeting of this council, held on the 

day of , 185 — , was duly ex- 
pelled from membership in said council, 
and thus deprived of all the privileges, 
rights, and benefits of this organization. 

In accordance with the provisions of the 
constitution of the state council, vou are 
hereby duly notified of the same, that you 
may officially notify all the subordinate 
councils of the state to be upon their guard 

against the said , as one unworthy to 

associate with patriotic and good men, 'and 
(if expelled for violating his ohligntion) as 
a perjurer to God and his country. The 



said — — is about years of age, and 

is by livelihood a 

Dulv certified, this the - 



185 — , and in the 
independence. 



- day of 

year of our national 

— President oi 



Council, No. . 

Secretary. 

First Degree Council. 

To be admitted to membership in this 
order, the applicant shall be — 

1st. Proposed and found acceptable. 

2nd. Introduced and examined under 
the guarantee of secrecy. 

3rd. Placed under the obligation which 
the order imposes. 

4th. Required to enrol his name and 
place of residence. 

5th. Instructed in the forms and usages 
and ceremonies of the order. 

6th. Solemnly charged as to the objects 
to be obtained, and his duties. 

[A recommendation of a candidate to 
this order shall be received only from a 
brother of approved integrity. It shall be 
accompanied by minute particulars as to 
name, age, calling, and residence, and by 
an explicit voucher for his qualifications, 
and a personal pledge for h's fidelity. 
These particulars shall be recorded by the 
secretary in a book kept for that purpose. 
The recommendation may be referred, and 
the ballot taken at such time and in such a 
manner as the state council may prescribe ; 
but no communication shall be made to the 
candidate until the ballot has been declared 
in his favor. Candidates shall be received 
in the ante-room by the marshal and sec- 
retary.] 

outside. 

Marshal. — Do you believe in a Supreme 
Being, the Creator and Preserver of the 
universe ? 

Ans. — I do. 

Marshal. — Before proceeding further, we 
require a solemn obligation of secrecy and 
truth. If you will take such an obligation, 
you will lay your right hand upon the Holy 
Bible and cross. 

(When it is known that the applicant is 
a Protestant, the cross may be omitted, or 
afiirmation may be allowed.) 

OBLIGATION. 

You do solemnly swear (or affirm) that 
you will never reveal anything said or done 
in this room, the names of any persons 
present, nor the existence of this societv, 
whether found worthy to proceed or not, 
and that all your declarations shall be true, 
so help you God? 

Jns.— "Ido." 

Marshal. — Where were you born ? 

Marshal. — Where is your permanent 
residence ? 



64 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



(If born out of the juri:^diction of the 
United States, the answer shall be written, 
the candidate dismissed with an admonition 
of secrecy, and the brother vouching for 
him suspended from all the privileges of 
the order, unless upon satisfactory proof 
that he has been misinformed.) 

Marshal. — Are you twenty-one years of 

3,(rg ? 

^Ans.—" I am." 

Marshal. — Were you born of Protestant 
parents, or were you reared under Protes- 
tant influence ? 

Jns._" Yes." 

Marshal. — If married, is your wife a Ro- 
man Catholic ? 

("No" or " Yes "—the answer to be 
valued as the Constitution of the State 
Council shall provide.) 

Marshal. — Are you willing to use your 
influence and vote only for native-born 
American citizens for all oflices of honor, 
trust, or profit in the gift of the people, to 
the exclusion of all foreigners and aliens, 
and Roman Catholics in particular, and 
without regard to party predilections ? 

Ans. — " I am." 

INSIDE. 

(The marshal shall then repair to the 
council in session, and present the written 
list of name^, vouchers, and answers to the 
president, who shall cause them to be read 
aloud, and a vote of the council to be taken 
on each name, in such manner as pre- 
scribed by its by-laws. If doubts arise in 
the ante-room, they shall be referred to the 
council. If a candidate be dismissed, he 
shall be admonished to secrecy. The 
candidates declared elected shall be con- 
ducted to seats within the council, apart 
from the brethren. When all are present 
the president by one blow of the gavel, 
shall call to order and say :) 

President. — Brother marshal, introduce 
the candidates to the vice-president. 

Marshal. — Worthy Vice-President, I pre- 
sent to you these candidates, who have duly 
answered all questions. 

Vice-President, rising in his place. — Gen- 
tlemen, it is my office to welcome you as 
friends. When you shall have assumed 
the patriotic vow by which we are all bound, 
we will embrace you as brothers. I am 
authorized to declare that our obligations 
enjoin nothing which is inconsistent with 
the duty which every good man owes to 
his Creator, his country, his family, or 
himself. We do not compel you, against 
your convictions, to act with us in our 
good work ; but should you at any time 
wish to withdraw, it will be our duty to 
grant you a dismissal in good faith. If 
satisfied with this assurance, you will rise 
upon your feet {pausing till they do so), 
place the left hand upon the breast, and 
raise the right hand towards heaven. 



(The brethren to remain seated till called 
up.) 

OBLIGATION. 

In the presence of Almighty God and 
these witnesses, you do solemnly promise 
and swear, that you will never betray any 
of the secrets of this society, nor commu- 
nicate them even to proper candidates, ex- 
cept within a lawful council of the order ; 
that you never will permit any of the 
secrets of this society to be written, or in 
any other manner made legible, except for 
the purpose of official instruction ; that 
you will not vote, nor give your influence 
for any man for any office in the gift of the 
jieople, unless he be an American born 
citizen, in favor of Americans ruling 
America, nor if he be a Roman Catholic; 
that you will in all political matters, so 
far as this order is concerned, comply with 
the will of the mr.jority, though it may 
conflict with your personal preference, so 
long as it does not conflict with the Con- 
stitution of the United States of America, 
or that of the state in which you reside; 
that you will not, under any circumstances 
whatever, knowingly 'recommend an un- 
worthy person for initiation, nor suffer it 
to be done, if in your power to prevent it; 
that you will not, under any circumstances, 
expose the name of any member of this 
order, nor reveal the existence of such an 
association ; that you will answer an impe- 
rative notice issued by the proper authori- 
ty ; obey the command of the .«tate council, 
president, or his deputy, while assembled 
by such notice, and respond to the claim 
of a sic/n or cry of the order, unless it be 
physically impossible ; and that you will 

acknowledge the State Council of 

as the legislative head, the ruling authori- 
ty, and the supreme tribunal of the order 

in the state of , acting under the 

jurisdiction of the National Council of the 
United States of North America. 

Binding yourself in the penalty of ex- 
communication from the order, the forfei- 
ture of all intercourse with its members, 
and being denounced in all the societies of 
the same, as a wiliul traitor to your God 
and your country. 

(The president shall call up every per- 
son present, by three blows of the gavel, 
when the candidates shall all repeat after 
the vice-president in concert:) 

All this I voluntarily and sincerely 
promise, with a full understanding of the 
solemn sanctions and penalties. 

Vice-President. — You have now taken 
solemn oaths, and made as sacred promises 
as man can make, that you will keep all 
our secrets inviolate ; and we wish you dis- 
tinctly to understand that he that takes 
these oaths and makes these promises, and 
then violates them, leaves the foul, the 
deep and blighting stain of perjury resting 
on his soul. 



THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 



65 



President. — (Having seated all by one 
blow of the gavel.) — Brother Instructor, 
these new brothers having complied with 
the demand of the order, are entitled to the 
secrets and privileges of the same. You 
will, therefore, invest them with every- 
thing appertaining to the first degree. 

Instructor. — Brothers : the practices and 
proceedings in our order are as follows : 

We have pass- words necessary to be used 
(to obtain admi^ssion to our councils ; forms 
'for our conduct while there ; means of re- 
cognizing each other when abroad; means 
of mutual protection; and methods for 
giving notices to members. 

At the outer door you will* (waX-e amj 
ordinary alarm to attract the attention of 
the outside sentinel). 

When the wicket is opened you will 
pronounce the {words — what's the pass), in 
a whisper. The outside sentinel will re- 
ply ( Give it), when you will give the term 
pass-word and be admitted to the ante- 
room. You will then proceed to the inner 
door and give (one rap). When the 
wicket is opened, give your name, the 
number of, and location of your council, 
the explanation of the term pass, and the 
degree pass-word. 

If these be found correct, you will be 
admitted ; if not, your name will be re- 
ported to the vice president, and must be 
properly vouched for before you can gain 
admission to the council. You will then 
proceed to the centre of the room and ad- 
dress the {President) with the countersign, 
which is performed thus {placing the right 
hand diagonally across the mouth). When 
this salutation is recognized, you will 
quietly take your seat. 

This sign is peculiar to this degree, and 
is never to be used outside the council 
room, nor during the conferring of this 
degree. When retiring, you will address 
the ( Vice President) in the same manner, 
and also give the degree pass- word to the 
inside sentinel. 

The " term pass-word " is ( We are). 

(The pass-word and explanation is to be 
established by each State Council for its 
respective subordinates.) 

The "explanation" of the" term-pass,*' 
to be used at the inner door, is {our 
country'' s hope.) 

The "degree pass-word " is {Native). 

The "traveling pass-word" is {The 
memory of our pilgrim fathers). 
\ (This word is changed annually by the 

I 

* Id the Ritual the words in parentheses are omitted. 
In the key to the Rituul, they are written in figures— 
j the alphabet used being the same as printed below. So 
throughout. 

Key to Unlock Ccmmunications. 

ABCDEFGHI.TKLM 
1 7 13 19 25 2 8 14 20 26 3 9 15 
NOPQRSTUYWXTZ 
21 4 10 16 22 r. 11 17 23 6 12 18 M 



President of the National Council of the 
United States, and is to be made and used 
only when the brother is traveling beyond 
the jurisdiction of his own state, district, 
or territory. It and all other pass-words 
must be communicated in a whisper, and 
no brother is entitled to communicate 
them to another, Avithout authority from 
the presiding officer.) 

" The sign of recognition " is {grasping 
the right lappel of the coat with the right 
hand, the fore finger being extended in- 
wards. ) 

The " answer " is given by (a similar 
action with the left hand .) 

The "grip" is given by {an ordinary 
shake of the hand). 

The person challenging shall {the?i draw 
the forefinger along the palm of the hand). 
The answer will be given by {a similar ac- 
tion forming a link by hooking together the 
ends of the fore finger) ; when the follow- 
ing conversation ensues — the challenging 
party first saying {is that yours?) The 
answer, {it is.) Then the response {how 
did you get it f), followed by the rejoinder 
{it is my birth-right). 

Public notice for a meeting is given by 
means of a {piece of white paper the shape 
of a heart). 

(In cities * the *** of the *** where the 
meeting is to be held, will be written legi- 
bly upon the notice ; and upon the election 
day said *** will denote the *** where 
your presence is needed. This notice will 
never be passed, but will be *** or thrown 
upon the sidewalk with a *** in the 
centre.) 

If information is wanting of the object 
of the gathering, or of the place, &c., the 
inquirer will ask of an undoubted brother 
{where' s when ?) The brother will give the 
information if possessed of it ; if not it will 
be yours and his duty to continue the in- 
quiry, and thus disseminate the call 
throughout the brotherhood. 

If the color of the paper (be red), it will 
denote actual trouble, which requires that 
you come prepared to meet it. 

The " cry of distress " — to be used only 
in time of danger, or where the American 
interest requires an immediate assemblage 
of the brethren — is {oh, oh, oh.) The re- 
sponse is.(///o, hio, h-i-o.) 

The "sign of caution" — to be given 
when a brother is speaking unguardedly 
before a stranger — is {drawing the fore fing- 
er and thumb together across the eyes, the 
rest of the hand being closed), which sig- 
nifies " keep dark." 

Brothers, you are now initiated into and 
made acquainted with the work and or- 
ganization of a council of this degree of 
the order ; and the marshal will present 

* Concerning what is said of cities, the key to th» 
Bitual Kays : " Considered unnecessary to decipher what 
is said in regard to cities." 



66 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



you to the worthy president for admoni- 
tion. 

President. — It has no doubt, been long 
apparent to you, brothers, that foreign in- 
fluence and Roman Catholicism have been 
making steady and alarming progress in 
our country. You cannot have failed to 
observe the significant transition of the 
foreigner and Romanist from a character 
quiet, retiring, and even abject, to one 
bold, threatening, turbulent, and despotic 
in its appearance and assumptions. You 
must have become alarmed at the syste- 
matic and rapidly augmenting power of 
these dangerous and unnatural elements of 
our national condition. So it is, brothers, 
with others beside yourselves in every 
state of the Union. A sense of danger has 
struck the great heart of the nation. In 
every city, town, and hamlet, the danger 
has been seen and the alarm sounded. 
And hence true men have devised this or- 
der as a means of disseminating patriotic 
principles, of keeping alive the fire of na- 
tional virtue, of fostering the national in- 
telligence, and of advancing America and 
the American interest on the one side, and 
on the other of checking the strides of the 
foreigner or alien, or thwarting the ma- 
chinal ions and subverting the deadly plans 
of the papist and Jesuit. 

Note. — The President shall impress up- 
on the initiates the importance of secrecy, 
the manner of proceeding in recommend- 
ing candidates for initiation, and the re- 
Bponsibility of the duties which they have 
assumed. 

Second Degree Council. 

Marshal. — Worthy President : These 
brothers have been duly elected to the sec- 
ond degree of this order. I present them 
to you for obligation. 

President. — Brothers: You will place 
your left hand upon your right breast, and 
extend your right hand towards the flag of 
our country, preparatory to obligation. 
(Each council room should have a neat 
American flag festooned over the platform 
of the President.) 

OBLIGATION. 

You, and each of you, of your own free 
will and accord, in the presence of Al- 
mighty God and these witnesses, your left 
hand resting upon your right breast, and 
your right hand extended to the flag of 
your country, do solemnly and sincerely 
swear, that you will not under any cir- 
cumstances disclose in any manner, nor 
Buffier it to be done by others, if in your 
power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass- 
words, or other secrets of this degree, ex- 
cept in open council for the purpose of in- 
struction ; that you will in all things con- 
form to all the rules and regulations of this 
order, and to the constitution and bv-laws 



of this or any other council to which you 
may be attached, so long as they do not 
conflict with the Constitution of the United 
States, nor that of the State in which you 
reside ; that you will under all circum- 
stances, if in your power so to Jo, attend 
to all regular signs or summons that may 
be thrown or sent to you by a brother of 
this or any other degree of this order ; that 
you will support in all political matters, fo! 
all political ofiices, members of this ordo 
in preference to other persons ; that if ii 
may be done legally, you will, when elect- 
ed or appointed to any oflBcial station con- 
ferring on you the power to do so remove 
all foreigners, aliens, or Roman Catholics 
from office or place, and that you will in 
no case appoint such to any office or place 
in your gift. You do also promise and 
swear that this and all other obligations 
which you have previously taken in this 
order shall ever be kept through life sacred 
and inviolate. All this you promise and 
declare, as Americans, to sustain and 
abide by, without any hesitation or mental 
reservation whatever. So help you God 
and keep you steadfast. 

(Each will ansAver " I do." 
. President. — Brother Marshal, you will 
now present the brothers to the instructor 
for instructions in the second degree ol the 
order. 

Marshal. — Brother Instructor, by direc- 
tion of our worthy president, I present 
these brothers before you that you may in- 
struct them in the secrets and mysteries of 
the second degree of the order. 

Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree we 
have an entering sign and a countersign. 
At the outer door proceed [as in the jirst 
degree). At the inner door you will make 
[tu-o raps), and jiroceed as in the fu-st de- 
gree, giving the second degree pass-word, 
which is American, instead of that of ihe 
first degree. If found to be correct, you 
will then be admitted, and proceed (to the 
centre of the room), giving the ccuntersign, 
which is made thus [extending tlte right 
arm to the national fiag over the jnesident, 
the palm of the hand being vpirords). 

The sign of recognition in this degree is 
the same as in the first degree, with the 
addition of [the middle finger), and the re- 
sponse to be made in a [similar manner.) 

Marshal, you will now present the broth- 
ers to the worthy president for admonition. 

Marshal. — Worthy President, I now pre- 
sent these candidates to you for admo- 
nition. 

President. — Brothers, you are now duly 
initiated into the second degree of this or- 
der. Renewing the congratulations which 
we extended to you upon your admission to 
the first degree, we admonish you by every 
tie that may nerve patriots, to aid us in 
our efl^orts to restore the political institu- 
tions of our country to their original 



THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 



purity. Begin witli the youth of our land. 
Instil into their minds the lessons of our 
country's history — the glorious battles and 
the brilliant deeds of patriotism of our 
fathers, through which we received the in- 
estimable blessings of civil and religious 
liberty. Point them to the example of the 
sages and the statesmen who founded our 
government. Implant in their bosoms an 
ardent love for the Union. Above all else, 
keep alive in their bosoms the memory, 
the maxims, and the deathless example of 
our illustrious Washington. 

Brothers, recalling to your minds the 
solemn obligations which you have sever- 
ally taken in this and the first degree, I 
now pronounce you entitled to all the 
privileges of membership in this the second 
degree of our order. 

Third Degree Council, 

Marshal. — Worthy President, these bro- 
thers having been duly elected to the third 
degree of this order, I present them before 
you for obligation. 

President. — Brothers, you will place 
yourselves in a circle around me, each one 
crossing your arms upon your breasts, and 
grasping firmly each other's hands, hold- 
ing the right hand of the brother on the 
right and the left hand of the brother on 
the left, so as to form a circle, symbolical 
of the links of an unbroken chain, and of 
a ring which has no end. 

Note. — This degree is to be conferred 
with the national flag elevated in the cen- 
tre of the circle, by the side of the presi- 
dent or instructor, and not on less than five 
at any one time, in order to give it solem- 
nity, and also for the formation of the cir- 
cle — except in the first instance of confer- 
ring it on the officers of the state and sub- 
ordinate councils, that they may be em- 
powered to progress with the work. 

The obligation and charge in this de- 
gree may be given by the president or in- 
structor, as the president may prefer. 

OBLIGATION. 

You, and each of you, of your own free 
will and accord, in the presence of Al- 
mighty God and these witnesses, with your 
bands joined in token of that fraternal af- 
fection which should ever bind together 
the States of this Union — forming a ring, 
in token of your determination that, so far 
as your efforts can avail, this Union shall 
have no end — do solemnly and sincerely 

, swear [or affirm] that you will not under 
any circumstances disclose in any manner, 

j nor suffer it to be done by others 'if in your 

I power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass- 
words, or other secrets of this degree, ex- 

; cept to those to whom you may prove on 
trial to be brothers of the same degree, or 



in open council, for the purpose of instruc- 
tion ; that you do hereby solemnly declare 
your devotion to the Union of these States ; 
that in the discharge of your duties as 
American citizens, you will uphold, main- 
tain, and defend it ; that you will discour- 
age and discountenance any and every at- 
tempt, coming from any and every quarter, 
which you believe to be designed or calcu ■ 
lated to destroy or subvert it, or to weaken 
its bonds ; and that you will use your influ- 
ence, so far as in your power, in endeavor- 
ing to procure an amicable and equitable 
adjustment of all political discontents or 
differences which may threaten its injury 
or overthrow. You further promise and 
swear [or affirm] that you will not vote for 
any one to fill any office of honor, profit or 
trust of a political character, whom you 
know or believe to be in favor of a disso- 
lution of the Union of these States, or who 
is endeavoring to produce that result; that 
you will vote for and support for all polit- 
ical offices, third or union degree members 
of this order in preference to all others; that 
if it may be done consistently with the 
constitution and laws of the land, you will, 
when elected or appointed to any official 
station which may confer on you the power 
to do so, remove from office or place all 
persons whom you know or believe to be in 
favor of a dissolution of the Union, or who 
are endeavoring to produce that result ; and 
that you will in no case appoint such per- 
son to any political office or place whatever 
All this you promise and swear [or affirm] 
upon your honor as American citizens and 
friends of the American Union, to sustain 
and abide by without any hesitation or 
mental reservation whatever. You also 
promise and swear [or affirm] that this and 
all other obligations which you have pre- 
viously taken in this order, shall ever be 
kept sacred and inviolate. To all this you 
pledge your lives, your fortunes, and your 
sacred honors. So help you God and keep 
you steadfast. 

( Each one shall answer, *' I do."} 

President. — Brother Marshal, you will 
now present the brothers to the instructor 
for final instruction in this third degree of 
the order. 

Marshal. — Instructor, by direction of our 
worthy president, I present these brothers 
before you that you may instruct them in 
the secrets and mysteries of this the third 
degree of our order. 

Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree as 
in the second, we have an entering pass- 
word, a degree password, and a token of 
salutation. At the outer door [make any 
ordinary alorm. The outside sentinel will 
say U ; you say ni ; the sentinel will re- 
join on). This will admit you to the inner 
door. At the inner door you will make 
[three] distinct (raps). Then announce 
your name, with the number (or name) 



68 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



and location of the council to which you 
belong, giving the explanation to the pass- 
word, which is [safe). If found correct, 
you will then be admitted, when you will 
proceed to the centre of the room, and 
placing the {hands on the breast with the 
finyers interlocked), give the token of salu- 
tation, which is [bt/ bowing to the president). 
You will then quietly take your seat. 

The sign of recognition is made by the 
fsame action as in the second degree, with 
the addition of {the third finger), and the 
response is made by (a similar action with 
the left hand.) 

(The grip is given by taking hold of the 
harid in the usual way, and then by slipping 
the finger around on the top of the thumb ; 
then extending the little finger and pressing 
the inside of the wrist. The person chal- 
lenging shall say, do you know what that is f 
The answer is yes. The challenging party 
shall say, further, what is it ? The answer 
is, Union. 

[The instructor will here give the grip of 
this degree, with explanations, and also the 
true password of this degree, which is 
{Union.)] 

CHAKGE. 

To be given by the president. 
Brothers, it is with great pleasure that I 
congratulate you upon your advancement 
to the third degree of our order. The re- 
sponsibilities you have now assumed, are 
more serious and weighty than those which 
preceded, and are committed to such only 
as have been tried and found worthy. Our 
obligations are intended as solemn avowals 
of our duty to the land that gave us birth ; 
to the memories of our fathers ; and to the 
happiness and welfare of our children. 
Consecrating to your country a spirit un- 
selfish and a fidelity like that which dis- 
tinguished the patriots of the Revolution, 
you have pledged your aid in cementing 
the bonds of a Union which we trust will 
endure for ever. Your deportment since 
your initiation has attested your devotion 
to the principles we desire to establish, and 
has inspired a confidence in your patriot- 
ism, of which we can give no higher proof 
than your reception here. 

The dangers which threaten American 
liberty arire from foes without and from 
enemies within. The first degree pointed 
out the source and nature of our most im- 
minent peril, and indicated the first mea- 
sure of safety. The second degree defined 
the next means by which, in coming time, 
such assaults may be rendered harndess. 
The third degree, which you have just re- 
ceived, not only reiterates the lessons of 
the other two, but it is intended to avoid 
and provide for a more remote, but no less 
terrible danger, from domestic enemies to 
our free institutions. 

Our object is briefly this ; — to perfect an 



organization modeled after that of the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and coex- 
tensive with the confederacy. Its object 
and principles, in all matters of national 
concern, to be uniform and identical whilst 
in all local matters the component parts 
shall remain independent and sovereign 
within their respective limits. 

The great result to be attained — the only 
one which can secure a perfect guarantee 
as to our future — is union ; permanent, 
enduring, fraternal union! Allow me, then, 
to impress upon your minds and memories 
the touching sentiments of the Father of 
his Country, in his Farewell Address: — 

" The unity of government which consti- 
tutes you one people," says Washington, 
" is justly dear to you, for it is the main 
pillar in the edifice of your real independ- 
ence, the support of your tranquillity at 
home, of your peace abroad, of your safety, 
your prosperity — even that liberty you so 
justly prize. 

" * * It is of infinite moment that 
you should properly estimate the immense 
value of your National Union, to your col- 
lective and individual happiness. You 
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and im- 
movable attachment to it; accustoming 
yourselves to think and speak of it, as the 
palladium of your political safety and pros- 
perity ; watching for its preservation with 
jealous anxiety; discountenancing what- 
ever may suggest even a suspicion that it 
can in any event be abandoned ; and in- 
dignantly frowning upon the dawning of 
every attempt to alienate any portion of 
oux country from the rest, or to enfeeble 
the sacred ties which now bind together 
the various parts." 

Let these words of paternal advice and 
warning, from the greatest man that ever 
lived, sink deep into your hearts. Cherish 
them, and teach your children to reverence 
them, as you cherish and reverence the 
memory of Washington himself The 
Union of these states is the great conserva- 
tor of that liberty so dear to the American 
heart. Without it, our greatness as a na- 
tion would disappear, and our boasted self- 
government prove a signal failure. The 
very name of liberty, and the hopes of 
struggling freedom throughout the world, 
must perish in the wreck of this Union. 
Devote yourselves, then, to its maintenance, 
as our fathers did to the cause of independ- 
ence ; consecrating to its support, as you 
have sworn to do, your lives, your fortunes, 
and your sacred honors. 

Brothers : Recalling to your minds the 
solemn obligations which you have sever- 
ally taken in this and the preceding degrees, 
I now pronounce you entitled to all the 
privileges of membership in this organiza- 
tion, and take pleasure in informing you 
that you are now members of the order of 
{the American Union.) 



POLITICAL NOMINATIONS IN 1866, 



69 



Amt-riciui, AVlilg, Republican and Demo- 
cratic Nominations of 1S56. 

The American convention met the next 
day after the session of the National Coun- 
cil of the Order, on the 22d February, 
1856. It was composed of 227 delegates ; 
all the States being represented except 
Maine, Vermont, Georgia and South Car- 
olina. Hon. Millard Fillmore was nom- 
itiated for President, and Andrew J. Don- 
clson for Vice-President. 

The Whig Convention met at Baltimore, 
September, 17, 1856, and endorsed the 
nominations made by the American par- 
ty, and in its platform declared that 
" without adopting or referring to the pe- 
culiar doctrines of the party which has 
already selected Mr. Fillmore as a candi- 
date" * ■•" * Resolved, that in the 
present exigency of political affairs, we 
are not called upon to discuss the subordi- 
nate questions of the administration in the 
exercising of the constitutional powers of 
the government. It is enough to know 
that civil war is raging, and that the 
Union is in peril ; and proclaim the con- 
viction that the restoration of Mr. Fill- 
more to the Presidency will furnish the best 
if not the only means of restoring peace." 

The first National Convention of the 
new Republican party met at Philadelphia, 
June 18, 1856, and nominated John C. 
Fremont for President, and William L. 
Dayton for Vice-President. Since the 
previous Presidential election, a new party 
consisting of the disaffected former adhe- 
rents of the other parties — Native and In- 
dependent Democrats, Abolitionists, and 
Whigs opposed to slavery — had sprung 
into existence, and was called by its adhe- 
rents and friends, the Republican party. 

This convention of delegates assembled 
in pursuance of a call addressed to the 
people of the United States, without regard 
to past political differences or divisions, 
who were opposed to the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise. To the policy of 
President Pierce's administration: To the 
extension of slavery into free territory: In 
favor of the admission of Kansas as a free 
State : Of restoring the action of the fed- 
eral government to the principles of Wash- 
ington and Jefferson. 

It adopted a platform, consisting of a set 
of resolutions, the principal one of which 
was: "That we deny the authority of 
Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any 
individual, or association of individuals, 
to give legal existence to slavery in any 
territory of the United States, while the 
present Constitution shall be maintained." 
And closed with a resolution : " That we 
invite the approbation and co-operation of 
^e men of all parties, however different 
from us in other respects, in support of the 
principles herein declared ; and believing 



that the spirit of our institutions, as well 
as the Constitution of our country, guar- 
anties liberty of conscience and equality of 
rights among citizens, we oppose all legis- 
lation impairing their security." 

The Democratic Convention, met at 
Cincinnati, in May 1856, and nominated 
James Buchanan for President, and John 
C. Breckenridge for Vice-President. It 
adopted a platform which contained the 
material portions of all its previous plat- 
forms, and also defined its position on the 
new issues of the day, and declared (1 ) that 
the revenue to be raised should not exi-eed 
the actual necessary expenses of the gov- 
ernment, and for the gradual extinction of 
the public debt; (2) that the Constitution 
does not confer upon the general govern- 
ment the power to commence and carry on 
a general system of internal improvements ; 
(3) for a strict construction of the powers 
granted by the Constitution to the iedeial 
government; (4) that Congress has no 
power to charter a national bank ; (5) that 
Congress has no ])ower to interfere with 
slavery in the States and Territories; the 
people of which have the exclusive right 
and power to settle that question for them- 
selves. (6) Opposition to native American- 
ism. 

At the election which followed, in No- 
vember, 1856, the Democratic candidates 
were elected, though by a popular minority 
vote, having received 1,838,160 popular 
votes, and 174 electoral votes, against 
2,215,768 popular votes, and 122 electoral 
votes for John C. Fremont, the Republican 
candidate, and Mr. Fillmore, the Whig and 
American candidate. 

The aggregate vote cast for Mr. Fillmore, 
who was the nominee on both the Whig 
and American tickets, was 874,534, and 
his electoral vote was eight ; that of the 
State of Maryland. This was the last na- 
tional election at which the Whigs ap- 
peared as a party, under that name ; they 
having joined with the American and with 
the Republican parties, and finally united 
with the latter after the downfall and ex- 
tinction of the former. In the State elec- 
tions of that year, (1856) the American 
party carried Rhode Island and Maryland ; 
and in the 35th Congress, which met in 
December, 1857, the party had 15 to 20 
Representatives and five Senators. When 
the 36th Congress met, in 1859, it had be- 
come almost a border State or Southern 
party, having two Senators ; one from 
Kentucky and one from Maryland ; and 
23 Representatives, five from Kentucky, 
seven from Tennessee, three from Mary- 
land, one from Virginia, four from North 
Carolina, two from Georgia, and one from 
Louisiana. The American party had none 
of the elements of persistence. It made 
another desperate effort, however, in the 
next Presidential campaign, but having 



70 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



failed to carry the South, disappeared 
finally from politics. 

The new Republican party polled a very 
large vote — 1,341,234 out of a total vote of 
4,053,928 — and its candidates received 114 
votes out of 296, in the electoral college ; 
having secured majorities in all the Iree 
States, except Illinois, Indiana, Pennsyl- 
vania, New Jersey and California. 

The successful candidate, Mr. James 

l^^iK'liunan, was duly inaugurated as Presi- 

(i nt of the United States, and entered 

pon the discharge of his duties as such, 

March 4, 1857. 

After the election of November, 1856, 
the Republican Association of Washington 
issued an address to the people, in which 
the results of the election were examined, 
and the future policy of the party stated. 
It is an interesting paper, as laying the 
foundation of the campaign of 1860, which 
followed, and is here given in full : 



*' Repnttllcan Association of AVasIilngton. 

AiMrem to tlui Bepnhlicann of the United States. 

" Washington, Nov. 27, 1856. 

■'The Presidential contest is over, and at 
Jast we iiiive some materials to enable us 
to form a judgment of the results. 

"Seldom have two parties emerged from 
a conflict with less of joy in the victors, 
more of hope in the vanquished. The 
pro-slavery party has elected its Presiden- 
tial candidate, only, however, by the votes 
of a minority, and that of such a character 
as to stamp the victory as the offspring of 
sectionalism and temporary causes. The 
Republicans, wherever able to present 
clearly to the public the real issue of the 
canvass — slavery restriction or slavery ex- 
tension — have carried the people with them 
by un]trecedented majorities; almost break- 
ing up in some States the organization of 
their adversaries. A sudden gathering to- 
gether of the people, alarmed at the in- 
roads of the slave power, rather than a 
well fjrganizcd party, with but a few 
months to attend to the complicated de- 
tails of party warfare ; obstructed by a se- 
cret Order, which had pre-occupied the 
field, and obtained a strong hold of the 
national and religious prejudices of the 
masses ; opposed to an old party, com- 
mencing the canvass with the united sup- 
port of a powerful section, hardened by 
long party drill, accustomed to victory, 
wielding the whole power of the federal 
administration — a party which only four 
years ago carried all but four of the States, 
and a majority of the popular vote— still, 
under all these adverse circumstances, they 
have triumphed in eleven, if not twelve of 
the free States, pre-eminent for enterprise 
and general intelligence, and containing 



one halfofthe whole population of the coun- 
try ; given to their Presidential candidate 
nearly three times as many electoral votes 
as were cast by the Whig party in 1852 ; and 
this day control the governments of fourteen 
of the most powerful States of the Union. 

" Well may our adversaries tremble in 
the hour of their victory. 'The Demo- 
cratic and Black Republican parties,' they 
say, 'are nearly balanced in regard to 
power. The former was victorious in the; 
recent struggle, but success was hardly won, 
with the aid of important accidental ad- 
vantages. The latter has abated nothing 
of its zeal, and has suffered no pause in its 
preparations for another battle.' 

'With such numerical force, such zeal, 
intelligence, and harmony in counsel ; with 
so many great States, and more than a 
million voters rallied to their standard by 
the efforts of a few months, why may not 
the Republicans confidently expect a vic- 
tory in the next contest? 

The necessity for their organization still 
exists in all its force. Mr. Buchanan has 
always proved true to the demands of his 
party. He fiilly accepted the Cincinnati 
platform, and pledged himself to its policy 
— a policy of filibustering abroad, propa- 
gandism at home. Prominent and controll- 
ing among his supporters are men com- 
mitted, by word and deed, to that policy ; 
and what is there in his character, his an- 
tecedents, the nature of his northern sup- 
port, to authorize the expectation that he 
will disregard their will? Nothing will be 
so likely to restrain him and counteract 
their extreme measures, as a vigorous and 
growing Republican organization, as noth- 
ing would be more necessary to save the 
cause of freedom and the Union, should he, 
as we have every reason to believe, con- 
tinue the pro-slaverj' policy of the present 
incumbent. Let us beware of folding our 
arms, and waiting to see what he will do. 
We know the ambition, the necessities, the 
schemes of the slave power. Its policy of 
extension and aggrandizement and univer- 
sal empire, is the law of its being, not an 
accident — is settled, not fluctuating. Covert 
or open, moderate or extreme, according to 
circumstances, it never changes in spirit or 
aim. With Mr. Buchanan, the elect of a 
party controlled by this policy, administer- 
ing the government, the safety of the 
country and of free institutions must rest in 
the organization of the Republican party. 

What, then, is the duty before us? 
Organization, vigilance, action ; action on 
the rostrum, through the press, at the bal- 
lot-box ; in state, county, city, and town 
elections ; everywhere, at all times ; in every 
election, making Republicanism, or loyal- 
ty to the policy and principles it advocates, 
the sole political test. No primary or 
municipal election should be suffered to 
go by default. The party that would sue- 



THE KANSAS STRUGGLE, 



71 



ceed nationally must triumph in states — 
triumph in the state elections, must be 
prepared by municipal success. 

Next to the remaining power in "the 
states already under their control, let the 
Republicans devote themselves to the 
work of disseminating their principles, 
and initiating the true course of political 
.iction in the states which have decided the 
(vection a2;ainst them. This time we have 
filled, for reasons nearly all of which may be 
reniDved by projjer effort. Many thousand 
honest, but not well-informed voters, who 
supported Mr. Buchanan under the delu- 
sive impression that he would favor the 
cause of free Kansas will soon learn their 
mistake, and be anxious to correct it. The 
timid policy of the Republicans in New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in post- 
poning their independent action, and tem- 
porizing with a party got up for purposes 
not harmonizing with their own, and the 
conduct of Mr. Fillmore's friends in either 
voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the 
opposition by a separate ticket, can hardly 
be repeated again. The true course of the 
Republicans is to organize promptly, bold- 
ly, and honestly upon their own principles, 
80 clearly set forth in the Philadelphia 
platform, and, avoiding coalitions with 
other parties, appeal directly to the masses 
of all parties to ignore all organizations 
and issues which would divert the pu'>lic 
mind from the one danger that now threat- 
ens the honor and interests of the country, 
and the subtlety of the Uni );i — slavery 
propagandism allied with disuiiionism. 

Let us not forget that it is not the want 
of generous sentiment, but of sufficient in- 
formation, that prevents the American peo- 
ple from being united in action against the 
aggressive policy of the slave power. Were 
these simple questions submitted to-day to 
the people of the United States : — Are you 
in favor of the extension of slavery ? Are 
you in favor of such extension by the aid 
or connivance of the federal government? 
And could they be permitted to record their 
votes in response, without embarrassment, 
without constraint of any kind, nineteen- 
twentieths of the people of the free States, 
and perhaps more than half of the people 
I of the slave States, would return a decided 
negative to both. 
Let us have faith in the people. Let us 
I believe, that at heart they are hostile to 
jl the extension of slavery, desirous that 
' the territories of the Union be consecrated 
to free labor and free institutions ; and that 
they require only enlightenment as to the 
most effectual means of securing this end, 
to convert their cherished sentiment into a 
fixed principle of action. 

The times are pregnant with warning. 
That a disunion party exists in the South, 
no longer admits of a doubt. It accepts 
the election of Mr. Buchanan as affording 



time and means to consolidate its strength 
and mature its plans, which comprehend 
not only the enslavement of Kansas, and 
the recognition of slavery in all territory of 
the United States, but the conversion of 
the lower half of California into a slave 
State, the organization of a new slavery 
territory in the Gadsden purchase, the fu- 
ture annexation of Nicaragua and subju- 
gation of Central America, and the acqui- 
sition of Cuba ; and, as the free States are 
not expected to submit to all this, ultimate 
dismembei-ment of the Union, and the for- 
mation of a great slaveholding confeder- 
acy, with foreign alliances with Brazil and 
Russia. It may assume at first a moderate 
tone, to prevent the sudden alienation of its 
Northern allies ; it may delay the develop- 
ment of its plot, as it did under the Pierce 
administration ; but the repeal of the Mis- 
souri compromise came at last, and so will 
come upon the country inevitably the final 
acts of the dark conspiracy. When that 
hour shall come, then will the honest Dem- 
ocrats of the free States be driven into our 
ranks, and the men of the slave States who 
prefer the republic of Washington, Adams 
and Jefferson — a republic of law, order 
and liberty — to an oligarchy of slavehold- 
ers and slavery propagandists, governed by 
Wise, Atchison, Soule, and Walker, founded 
in fraud and violence and seeking aggran- 
dizement by the spoliation of nations, will 
bid God speed to the labors of the Repub- 
lican party to preserve liberty and the 
Union, one and inseparable, perpetual and 
all powerful. 

Washington, D. C, Nov. 27, 1856. 



Tlie Kansas Struggle. 

It was the removal of the interdiction 
against slavery, in all the territory north 
of 36'' 30,' by the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise which gave legality to the 
struggle for Kansas, and it was the do<;- 
trine of popular sovereignty which gave 
an impartial invitation to both sides to en- 
ter the struggle. The aggressive men of 
both parties hurried emigrants to the Ter- 
ritory. Each accused the other of organ- 
ized efforts, and soon in the height of the 
excitement these charges were rather con- 
fessed than denied. 

A new question was soon evolved by the 
struggle, for some who entered from the 
South took their slaves with them. The 
Free State men now contended that sla- 
very w^as a local institution and confined 
to the States where it existed, and that it 
an emigrant passed into the territory with 
his slaves these became free. The South- 
ern view was, that slaves were recognized 
as property by the National Constitution ; 
that therefore their masters had a right to 
take them there and hold them under con- 



72 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



stitutional guarantees, the same as any 
other property ; that to assert anything 
else would be to deny the equality of the 
States within their common territory, and 
degrade them from the rank of equals to 
that of interiors. This last proposition 
had such force that it would doubtless have 
received more general recognition if the 
North had not felt that the early compact 
dedicating the territories north of 36*^ 30' 
to freedom, had been violated. In answer 
to this proposition they therefore pro- 
claimed in their platforms and speeches, 
and there was no other logical answer, 
" that freedom was National, and slavery 
.Sectional." 

We cannot enter upon a full description 
of the scenes in Kansiis, but bloodshed 
and rapine soon followed the attempts of 
the opposing parties to get control of its 
government. What were called the " Bor- 
der Ruffians" by the Free State men, be- 
cause of active and warlike organization 
in Missouri and upon its borders, in the 
earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to 
have the advantage. They were supported 
by friends near at hand at all times, and 
warlike raids were frequent. The Free 
State men had to depend mainly upon 
New England for supplies in arms and 
means, but organizations were in. turn 
rapidly completed to meet their calls, and 
the struggle soon became in the highest 
degree critical. 

The pro-slavery party sustained the 
Territorial government appointed by the 
administration ; the anti-slavery party re- 
pudiated it, because of its presumed com- 
mittal to slavery. The election for mem- 
bers of the Territorial legislature had been 
attended with nmch violence and fraud, 
and it was claimed that these things prop- 
erly annulled any action taken by that 
body. A distinct and separate convention 
was called at Topeka to frame a State con- 
stitution, and the Free State men likewise 
elected their own Governor and Legisla- 
ture to take the place of those appointed 
by Buchanan, and when the necessary 
preliminaries were completed, they ap- 
plied for admission into the Union. After 
a long and bitter struggle Congress decided 
the question by refusing to admit Kansas 
under the Topeka Constitution, and by re- 
cognizing the authority of the territorial 
government. These proceedings took place 
during the session of 1856-7, which ter- 
minated immediately before the inaugura- 
ation of President Buchanan. 

At the beginning of Buchanan's admin- 
istration in 1857, the Republicans almost 
solidly faced the Democrats. There still 
remained part of the division caused by 
the American or Know-Nothing party, but 
its membership in Congress had already 
been compelled to show at least the ten- 
dency of their sentiments on the great 



question which was now rapidly dividing 
the two great sections of the Union. The 
result of the long Congressional struggle 
over the admission of Kansas and Nebras- 
ka was simply this : " That Congress was 
neither to legislate slavery into any Terri- 
tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom ; 
but to leave the people thereof perfectly 
free to form and regulate their domestic 
institutions in their own way, subject only 
to the Constitution of the United States,"" 
and it was specially i^rescribed that wher 
the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted 
as a State, it shall be admitted into the 
Union with or without slavery as the con- 
stitution adopted should prescribe at the 
time of admission. 

This was, as it proved, but a temporary 
settlement on the principle of popular 
sovereignty, and was regarded at the time 
as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. 
Douglas by the friends of that great poli- 
tician. The more radical leaders of the 
South looked upon it with distrust, but 
the blood of the more excitable in both 
sections was rapidly rising toward fever 
heat, and the border men from the Free 
and Slave States alike were preparing to 
act upon a comjjromise which in effect in- 
vited a conflict. 

Tlie Presidential election in 1856 had 
singularly enough encouraged the more 
aggressive of both sections. Buchanan's 
election was a triumph for the South ; 
Fremont's large vote showed the power of 
a growing party as yet but partially or- 
ganized, and crippled by schisms which 
grew»out of the attempt to unite all ele- 
ments of opposition to the Democrats. 
The general plan of the latter was now 
changed into an attempt to unite all of the 
free-soil elements into a party organization 
against slavery, and from that time i'or- 
ward until its total abolition slavery was 
the paramount issue in the minds of the 
more aggressive men of the north. Lin- 
coln voiced the feelings of the Republi- 
cans when he declared in one of his Illi- 
nois speeches : — 

" We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, 
and against slavery, as long as the Consti- 
tution guaranties free speech ; until every- 
where, on this wide land, the sun shall 
shine, and the rain shall fall, and the 
wind shall blow upon no man who goes 
forth to unrequited toil." 

In the Congressional battle over the ad- 
mission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas 
was the most conspicuous figure, and the 
language which we have quoted from 
Buchanan's inaugural was the literal 
meaning which Douglas had given to his 
idea of "popular" or "squatter sover- 
eignty." 

Prior to the Kansas struggle the Free 

* President Buchanan's Inaugural Addrese. 



THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 



73 



Boilers of the North had regarded Douglas 
as an ally of the South, and his admitted 
ambition for the Presidency gave color to 
this suspicion. He it was who reported 
and carried through Congress the bill for 
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a 
measure which at that time was thought to 
obstruct Southern designs in the territories 
of the great West, but this repeal proved 
in fact the first plain steps toward the free- 
dom of the territories. Having repealed 
that compromise, something must take its 
place, and what better than "popular 
sovereignty," thought Douglas. Terri- 
tories contiguous to the Slave States, or in 
the same latitude, would thus naturally 
revert to slavery ; while those farther north, 
and at that time least likely of early set- 
tlement, would be dedicated to freedom. 
There was a grave miscalculation just here. 
Slave-owners were not apt to change their 
homesteads, and could not with either 
profit or convenience carry their property 
to new lands which might or might not be 
fruitful in the crops best adapted to slave 
labor. Slave-owners were few in number 
compared with the free citizens of the 
North and the thousands of immigrants 
annually landing on our shores. People 
who had once moved from the New Eng- 
land or Middle States westward, were 
rather fond of it, and many of these 
swelled the tide which constantly sought 
homes in the territories ; and where these 
did not go in person their sons and daugh- 
ters were quite willing to imitate the early 
adventures of their parents. All these 
counted for the North under the doctrine 
of " popular sovereignty," and it was the 
failure of that doctrine to aid the South 
which from this time forward caused that 
section to mistrust the friendship of 
Douglas. 

No political writer has since questioned 
his motives, and we doubt if it can be done 
successfully. His views may have under- 
gone some change since 1850, and it would 
be singular if they had not ; for a mind as 
discerning as his could hardly fail to note 
the changes going on all about him, and 
no where more rapidly than in his own 
State. He thought his doctrine at least 
adapted to the time, and he stood bv it 
with rare bravery and ability. If it "had 
been accepted by the Republicans, it would 
have been fatal to their organization as a 
party. We doubt the ability of any party 
to stand long upon any mere com{)romise, 
made to suit the exigencies and avoid the 
dangers of the moment. It may be said 
that our government, first based on a con- 
federacy and then a constitution, with a 
system of checks and balances, with a di- 
vision of power between the people and 
; the States, is but a compromise ; but the 
i assertion will not hold good. These things 
I were adopted because of a belief at the 



time that they were in themselves right, or 
as nearly right as those who participated 
in their adoption were given to see the 
right. There was certainly no attempt at 
a division of right and wrong, and the 
closest investigation will show nothing be- 
yond a surrender of power for the good of 
all, which is in itself the very essence and 
beginning of government. 

We have said that Douglas fought 
bravely for his idea, and every movement 
in his most remarkable campaign with • 
Lincoln for the U. S. Senate demonstrated 
the fact. The times were full of agitation 
and excitement, and these were increased 
when it became apparent that Buchanan's 
administration would aid the eifort to 
make Kansas a slave State. Douglas was 
the first to see that the application of ad- 
ministration machinery to his principle, 
would degrade and rob it of its fairness. 
He therefore resented Buchanan's inter- 
ference, and in turn Buchanan's friends 
sought to degrade him by removing him 
from the chairmanship of the Senate Com- 
mittee on Territories, the position which 
had given him marked control over all 
questions pertaining to the organization of 
territories and the admission of new 
States. 



Tlie Lincoln and Douglas Debate. 

The Senatorial term of Douglas was 
drawing near to its close, when in July, 
1858, he left Washington to enter upon the 
canvass for re-election. The Republican 
State Convention of Illinois had in the 
month jjrevious met at Springfield, and 
nominated Abraham Lincoln as a candi- 
date for United States Senator, this with a 
view to pledge all Republican members of 
the Legislature to vote for him — a practice 
since gone into disuse in most of the States, 
because of the rivalries which it engenders 
and the aggravation of the dangers of de- 
feat sure to follow in the selection of a can- 
didate in advance. " First get your goose, 
then cook it," inelegantly describes the 
basic principles of improved political tac- 
tics. But the Republicans, particularly of 
the western part of Illinois, had a double 
purpose in the selection of Lincoln. He 
was not as radical as they, but he well re- 
presented the growing Republican senti- 
ment, and he best of all men could cope 
with Douglas on the stump in a canvass 
which they desired should attract the at- 
tention of the Nation, and give shape to 
the sentiment of the North on all questions 
pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of 
"popular sovereignty " was not acceptable 
to the Republicans, the recent repeal of 
the Missouri compromise having led them, 
or the more radical portion of them, to 
despise all compromise measures. 

The plan of the Illinois Republicans, if 



74 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



indeed it was a well-settled plan, accom- 
plished even more than was anticipated, 
though it did not result in immediate suc- 
cess. It gave to the debate which followed 
between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide 
celebrity, and did more to educate and 
train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in 
connection with the ever-growing excite- 
ment in Kansas, than anything that could 
have happened. 

Lincoln's sjieech before the convention 
which nominated him, gave the first clear 
expression to the idea that there was an 
"irrepressible conflict" between freedom 
and slavery. Wm. H. Seward on October 
25th following, at Rochester, N. Y., ex- 
pressed the same idea in these words : 

" It is an irrepressible conflict between 
opposing and enduring forces, and it means 
that the United States will sooner or later 
become either an entire slaveholding Na- 
tion, or an entirely free labor Nation." 

Lincoln's words at Springfield, in July, 
1858, were : 

" If we could first know where we are, 
and whither we are tending, we could bet- 
ter judge what to do, and how to do it. 
We are now far into the fifth year, since a 
policy was initiated with the avowed object, 
and confident promise of putting an end to 
the slavery agitation. Under the operation 
of that policy, that agitation has not only 
not ceased, but has constantly augmented. 
in my opinion it will not cease, until a 
crisis shall have been reached and passed. 
* A house divided against itself cannot 
stand.' I believe this government cannot 
endure permanently half slave and half 
free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- 
solved — I do not expect the house to fall — 
but I do expect it will cease to be divided. 
It will become all one thing, or all the 
■other. Either the opponents of slavery 
will arrest the further spread of it, and 
place it where the public mind shall rest 
in the belief that it is in the course of ulti- 
naate extinction ; or its advocates will push 
it forward, till it shall become alike lawful 
in all the States, old as well as new — North 
as well as South." • 

Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9th 
of July, and was warmly received by en- 
thusiastic friends. His doctrine of " pop- 
ular sovereignty " had all the attractions 
of novelty and apparent fairness. For 
months it divided many Republicans, and 
at one time the New York Ti-ibune showed 
indications of endorsing the position of 
Douglas — a fact probably traceable to the 
attitude of jealousy and hostility manifested 
toward him by the Buchanan administra- 
tion. Neither of the great debaters were 
to be wholly free in the coming contest. 
Douglas was undermined by Buchanan, 
who feared him as a rival, and by the more 
bitter friends of slavery, who could not see 
that the new doctrine was safely in their 



interest ; but these things were dwarfed in 
the State conflict, and those who shared 
such feelings had to make at least a show 
of friendship until they saw the result. 
Lincoln was at first handicapped by the 
doubts of that class of Republicans who 
thought " popular sovereignty " not bad 
Republican doctrine. 

On the arrival of Douglas he replied to 
Lincoln's Springfield speech ; on the 16th 
he spoke at Bloomiugton, and on the 17th, 
in the afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln 
had heard all three speeches, and replied 
to the last on the night of the day of its 
delivery. He next addressed to Douglas 
the following challenge to debate : 

Chicago, July 24th, 1858. 

Hon. S. a. Douglas: — My Dear Sir: — 
AVill it be agreeable to you to make an ar- 
rangement to divide time, and address the 
same audience, during the present canvass? 
etc. Mr. Judd is authorized to receive 
your answer, and if agreeable to you, to en- 
ter into terms of such agreement, etc. 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

Douglas promptly accepted the chal- 
lenge, and it was arranged that there should 
be seven joint debates, each alternately 
opening and closing, the opening speech 
to occupy one hour, the reply one hour 
and a half, and the closing half an hour. 
They spoke at Ottawa, August 21st ; Free- 
port, August 27th ; Jonesboro', September 
15th ; Charleston, September 18th ; Gales- 
burg, October 7th ; Quincy, October 13th ; 
and Alton, October 15th. We give in 
Book III of this volume their closing 
speeches in full. 

Great crowds attended, and some of the 
more enterprising daily journals gave pho- 
nographic repoils of the speeches. The 
enthusiasm of the North soon ran in Lin- 
coln's favor, though Douglas had hosts of 
friends ; but then the growing and the 
aggressive party was the Republican, and 
even the novelty of a new and attractive 
doctrine like that of " popular sovereignty" 
could not long divert their attention. The 
prize suspended in view of the combat- 
ants was the United States Senatorship, 
and to close political observers this was 
plainly within the grasp of Douglas by 
reason of an apportionment which would 
give his party a majority in the Legisla- 
ture, even though the popular majority 
should be twenty thousand against him — 
a system of apportionment, by the way, 
not confined to Illinois alone, or not pecu- 
liar to it in the work of any of the great par- 
ties at any period when party lines were 
drawn. 

Buchanan closely watched the fight, and 
it was charged and is still believed by the 
friends of the " Little Giant," that the 



THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 



75 



administration secretly employed its pa- 
tronage and power to defeat him. Certain 
it is that a lew prominent Democrats de- 
serted the standard of Douglas, and that 
some of them were rewarded. In the heat 
of the battle, however, Douglas' Iriends 
were careless of the views of the adminis- 
tration. He was a greater leader than 
Buchanan, and in Illinois at least he over- 
shadowed the administration. He lacked 
neither money nor friends. Special trains 
of cars, banners, cannon, bands, proces- 
sions, were all supplied with lavish hands. 
The democracy of Illinois, nor yet of any 
other State, ever did so well before or 
since, and if the administration had been 
with him this enthusiasm might have 
spread to all other States and given his 
doctrine a larger and more glorious life. 
Only the border States of the South, how- 
ever, saw opportunity and glory in it, 
while the office-holders in other sections 
stood off and awaited results. 

Lincoln's position was different. He, 
doubtless, early realized that his chances 
for election were remote indeed, with the 
apportionment as it was, and he sought to 
impress the nation with the truth of his 
convictions, and this without other dis- 
play than the force of their statement and 
publication. Always a modest man, he 
was never more so than in this great battle. 
He declared that he did not care for the 
local result, and in the light of what tran- 
spired, the position was wisely taken. 
Douglas was apparently just as earnest, 
though more ambitious ; for he declared 
in the vehemence of the advocacy of his 
doctrine, that " he did not care whether 
slavery w;i.s voted up or voted down." 
Douglas had more to lose than Lincoln — 
a place which his high abilities had hon- 
»ored in the United States Senate, and 
\which intriguing enemies in his own party 
made him doubly anxious to hold. Beaten, 
and he was out of the field for the Presi- 
dency, with his enthroned rival a candi- 
date for re-election. Successful, and that 
rival must leave the field, with himself in 
direct command of a great majority of the 
party. This view must have then been 
presented, but the rapid rise in jjublic feel- 
ing made it in part incorrect. The calcu- 
lation of Douglas that he could at one 
and the same time retain the good will of 
all his political friends in Illinois and 
those of the South fiiiled him. though he 
did at the time, and until his death, better 
represent the majority of his party in the 
whole country than any other leader. 

At the election which followed the de- 
bate, the popular choice in the State as a 
whole was for Lincoln by 126,084 to 121,- 
940 for Douglas; but the apportionment 
of 1850 gave to Douglas a plain majority 
of the Senators and Representatives.' 

At the Freeport meeting, August 27th, 



there were sharp questions and answers 
between the debaters. They were brought 
on by Lincoln, who, after alluding to some 
questions propounded to him at Ottawa, 
said : 

" I now propose that I will answer any 
of the interrogatories, upon condition that 
he will answer questions from me not ex- 
ceeding the same number, to which I give 
him an opportunity to respond. The judge 
remains silent ; I now say that I will an- 
swer his interrogatories, whether he an- 
swer mine or not, and that after I have 
done so I shall propound mine to him. 

" I have supposed myself, since the or- 
ganization of the Republican party at 
Bloomington in May, 1856, bound as a 
party man by the platforms of the party, 
there, and since. If, in any interrogatories 
which I shall answer, I go beyond the 
scope of what is within these platforms, it 
will be perceived that no one is responsible 
but myself. 

" Having said thus much, I will take up 
the judge's interrogatories as I find them 
printed in the Chicago Times, and answer 
them seriatim. In order that there may 
be no mistake about it, I have copied the 
interrogatories in writing, and also my 
answers to them. The first one of these 
interrogatories is in these words : 

Question 1. — I desire to know whether 
Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854, 
in favor of the unconditional repeal of the 
Fugitive Slave Law ? 

Ansicer. — I do not now, nor ever did, 
stand in favor of the unconditional repeal 
of the Fugitive Slave Law. 

Q. 2, — I desire him to answer whether 
he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, 
against the admission of any more slave 
States into the Union, even if the people 
want them ? 

A. — I do not now, nor ever did, stand 
pledged against the admission of any more 
slave States into the Union. 

Q. 3 — I want to know, whether he stands 
pledged against the admission of a new 
State into the Union, with such a Consti- 
tution as the people of the State may see 
fit to make ? 

A. — I do not stand pledged against the 
admission of a new State into the Union, 
with such a Constitution as the people of 
the State may see fit to make. 

Q. 4. — I want to know whether he stands 
to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery 
in the District of Columbia ? 

A. — I do not stand to-day pledged to the 
abolition of slavery in the District of Co- 
lumbia. 

Q. 5. — I desire him to answer whether 
he stands pledged to the prohibition of the 
slave trade between the different States ? 

A. — I do not stand pledged to ])rohibi- 
tion of the slave trade between the different 
States. 



76 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Q. 6. — I desire to know whether he 
stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all 
the Territories of the United States, North 
as well as South of the Missouri Compro- 
mise line ? 

A. — I am impliedly, if not expressly, 
pledged to a belief in the right and duty 
of Congress to prohibit slavery in all of the 
United States' Territories. 

Q. 7. — I desire him to answer, whether 
he is opposed to the acquisition of any new 
territory, unless slavery is first prohibited 
therein ? 

A. — I am not generally opposed to honest 
acquisition of territory ; and in any given 
case, I would or would not oppose such ac- 
quisition, according as I might think such 
acquisition would or would not aggravate 
the slavery question among ourselves. 

"Now, my friends, it will be perceived 
upon an examination of these questions 
and answers, that so far, I have only an- 
swered that I was not pledged to this, that, 
or the other. 

The judge has not framed his interroga- 
tories to ask me anything more than this 
and I have answered in strict accordance 
with the interrogatories, and have answered 
truly, that I am not pledged at all upon 
any of the points to which I have an- 
swered. But I am not disposed to hang 
upon the exact form of his interrogatories. 
I am rather disposed to take up, at least 
some of these questions, and state what I 
really think upon them. 

" The fourth one is in regard to the abo- 
lition of slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia. In relation to that, I have my mind 
very distinctly made up. I should be very 
glad to see slavery abolished in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. I believe that Congress 
possesses the constitutional power to abolish 
it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should 
not, with my present views, be in favor of 
endeavoring to abolish slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, unless it should be upon 
these conditions : First, That the aboli- 
tion should be gradual ; Second, That it 
should be on a vote of a majority of quali- 
fied voters in the District; and Third, 
That compensation should be made to un- 
willing owners. With these three condi- 
tions, I confess I would be exceedingly 
glad to see Congress abolish slavery in 
the District of Columbia, and in the lan- 
guage of Henry Clay, 'sweep from our 
Capital that foul blot upon our nation.' " _ 

I now proceed to propound to the judge 
the interrogatories, so far as I have framed 
them. I will bring forward a new in- 
stalment when I get them ready. I will 
bring now only four. The first one is : — 

1. If the people of Kansas shall, by 
means entirely unobjectionable in all other 
respects, adopt a State Constitution and 
•isk admission into the Union under it 
beffire they have the requisite number of 



inhabitants, according to the English bill 
— some ninety-three thousand — will he 
vote to admit them? 

2. Can the people of the United States 
Territory, in any lawful way, against the 
wish of any citizen of the United States, 
exclude slavery from its limits prior to the 
formation of a State Constitution ? 

3. If the Supreme Court of the United 
States shall decide that States cannot ex- 
clude slavery from their limits, are you in ) 
favor of acquiescing in, adopting and fol- 
lowing such decision as a rule of political 
action ? 

4. Are you in favor of acquiring addi- 
tional territory in disregard of how much 
acquisition may affect the nation on the 
slavery question? 

To these questions Mr. Douglas said: 
" In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion 
that, as she has population enough to con- 
stitute a slave State, she has people enough 
for a free State. I hold it to be a. sacred 
rule of universal application, to require a 
Territory to contain the requisite popula- 
tion for a member of Congress, before it is 
admitted as a State into the Union. 

2. " It matters not what way the Supreme 
Court may hereafter decide, as to the ab- 
stract question whether slavery may or 
may not go into a Territory under the 
Constitution, the people have the lawful 
means to introduce it, or exclude it as they, 
please, for the reason that slavery cannot 
exist a day, or an hour, anywhere, unless 
it is supported by local police regulations. 
These police regulations can only be estab- 
lished by the local legislature, and if the 
people are opposed to slavery, they will 
elect representatives to that body, who will, 
by unfriendly legislation, effectually pre- 
vent the introduction of it into their midst. 
If, on the contrary, they are for it, their 
legislation will favor its extension. Hence, 
no matter what the decision of the Su- 
preme Court may be on that abstract 
question, still the right of the people to 
make a slave Territory or a free Terri- 
tory is perfect and complete under the 
Nebraska bill. 

" 3. The third question which Mr. Lin- 
coln presented is, if the Supreme Court of 
the United States shall decide that a State 
of this Union cannot exclude slavery from 
its own limits, will I submit to it? I am 
amazed that Mr. Lincoln should ask such 
a question. 

He casts an imputation upon the Su- 
preme Court of the United States by sup- 
posing that they would violate the consti- 
tution of the United States. I tell him 
that such a thing is not possible. It would 
be an act of moral treason that no man on 
the bench could ever descend to. Mr. 
Lincoln, himself, would never, in his par- 
tisan feelings, so far forget what was right 
as to be guilty of such an act. 



THE KANSAS STRUGGLE. 



77 



4, With our natural increase, growing 
with a rapidity unknown in any other part 
of the globe, with the tide of emigration 
that is fleeing from despotism in the old 
world, to seek refuge in our own, there is 
a constant torrent pouring into this coun- 
try that requires more land, more terri- 
ory upon which to settle, and just as fast 
xs our interests and our destiny require 
i\ additional territory in the North, in the 
?outh, or on the Island of the Ocean, I 
am for it, and when we require it, will 
leave the people, according to the Nebraska 
bill, free to do as they please on the sub- 
ject of slavery, and every other ques- 
tion." 

The bitterness of the feelings aroused by 
the canvass and boldness of Douglas, can 
both be well shown by a brief abstract 
from his speech at Freeport. He had per- 
sisted in calling the Republicans " Black 
Republicans," although the crowd, the 

treat majority of which was there against 
im, insisted that he should say " iV/iite 
Republican." In response to these oft re- 
peated demands, he said :— 

"Now, there are a great many Black 
Republicans of you who do not know this 
thing was done. (''White, white, and 
great clamor)." I wish to remind you that 
while Mr. Lincoln was speaking, there 
was not a Democrat vulgar and black- 
guard enough to interrupt him. But I 
know that the shoe is pinching you. I am 
clinching Lincoln now, and you are scared 
to death for the result. I have seen this 
thing before. I have seen men make ap- 
pointments for discussions and the mo- 
ment their man has been heard, try to in- 
terrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the 
other side. I have seen your mobs before 
and defy your wrath. (Tremendous ap- 
plause.) 

" My fi'iends, do not cheer, for I need 
my whole time. 

" I have been put to severe tests. I have 
stood by my principles in fair weather and 
in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. 
I have defended the great principle of 
self-government here among you when 
Northern sentiment ran in a torrent against 
ine, and I have defended that same great 
principle when Southern sentiment came 
down like an avalanche upon me. I was 
I not afraid of any test they put to me. I 
• knew I was right — I knew my principles 
were sound— fknew that the people would 
; see in the end that I had done ri^ht, and 
, I knew that the God of Heaven would 
smile upon me if I was faithful in the per- 
formance of my duty." 

As an illustration of the earnestness of 

Lincoln's position we need only quote two 

paragraphs from his speech at Alton :— 

. ' Is slavery wrong? That is the real 

, ^8ue. That is the issue that will continue 

jin this country when these poor tongues of 



Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. 
It is the eternal struggle between these two 
principles — right and wrong — throughout 
the world. They are two principles that 
have stood face to face from the beginning 
of time ; and will ever continue to struggle. 
The one is the common right of humanity, 
and the other the divine right of Kings. 
It is the same principle in whatever shape 
it develops itself. It is the same spirit that 
says, ' you work and toil, and earn bread, 
and I'll eat it.' No matter in what shape 
it comes, whether from the mouth of a 
King who seeks to bestride the people of 
his own nation and life by the fruit of their 
labor, or from one race of men as an 
apology for enslaving another race, it is 
the same tyrannical principle.'' 

And again : — 

" On this subject of treating it as a 
wrong, and limiting its spread, let me say a 
word. Hits anything ever threatened the 
existence of this Union save and except 
this very institution of slavery ? What is 
it that we hold most dear among us ? Our 
own liberty and prosperity. What has 
ever threatened our liberty and prosperity 
save and except this institution of slavery ? 
If this is true, how do you propose to im- 
prove the condition of things? by enlarging 
slavery ? — by spreading it out and making 
it bigger? You may have a wen or cancer 
upon your person and not be able to cut it 
out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it 
is no way to cure it, to engraft it and 
spread it over your whole body. That is 
no proper way of treating what you regard 
a wrong. You see this peaceful way of 
dealing with it as a wrong— restricting the 
spread of it, and not allowing it to go into 
new countries where it has not already 
existed. That is the peaceful way, the 
old-fashioned way, the way in which 
the fathers themselves set us the ex- 
ample." 

The administration of Pierce had left 
that of Buchanan a dangerous legacy. He 
found the pro-slavery party in Congress 
temporarily triumphant, it is true, and 
supported by the action of Congress in re- 
jecting the Topeka constitution and rec- 
ognizing the territorial government, but 
he found that that decision was not accep- 
table either to the majority of the people 
in the country or to a rapidly rising anti- 
slaA'ery sentiment in the North. Yet he 
saw but one course to pursue, and that was 
to sustain the territorial government, which 
had issued the call for the Lecompton con- 
vention. He was supported in this view 
by the action of the Supreme Court, which 
had decided that slavery existed in Kansas 
under the constitution of the United States, 
and that the people therein could only re- 
lieve themselves of it by the election of 
delegates who would prohibit it in the 
constitution to be framed by the Lecomp- 



78 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



ton convention. The Free State men re- 
fused to recognize the call, made little, if 
any, preparation for the election, yet on 
the last day a number of them voted for 
State officials and a member of Congress 
under the Lecompton constitution. This 
had the effect of suspending hostilities be- 
tween the parties, yet peace was actually 
maintained only by the intervention of 
U. S. troops, under the command of Col. 
Sumner, who afterwards won distinction 
in the war of the rebellion. The Free 
State people stood firmly by their Topeka 
constitution, and refused to vote on ques- 
tions affecting delegates to the Lecompton 
convention. They had no confidence in 
Governor Walker, the appointee of Presi- 
dent Buchanan, and his proclamations 
passed unheeded. They recognized their 
own Governor Robinson, who in a message 
dated December 7th, 1857, explained and 
defended their position in these words : 

" The convention which framed the con- 
stitution at Topeka originated with the 
people of Kansas territorj-. They have 
adopted and ratified the same twice by a 
direct vote, and also indirectly through two 
elections of State officers and members of 
the State Legislatuie. Yet it has pleased 
the administration to regard the whole 
proceeding as revolutionary." 

The Lecompton convention, proclaimed 
by Governor Walker to be lawfully con- 
stituted, met for the second time, Sept. 4th, 
1857, and proceeded to frame a constitu- 
tion, and adjourned finally Nov. 7th. A 
large majority of the delegates, as in the 
first, were of course pro-slavery, because 
of the refusal of the anti-slavery men to 
participate in the election. It refused to 
submit the whole constitution to the people, 
it is said, in opposition to the desire of 
President Buchanan, and part of his 
Cabinet. It submitted only the question 
of whether or not slavery should exist in 
the new State, and this they were required 
to do under the Kansas-Nebraska act, if 
indeed they were not required to submit it 
all. Yet such was the hostility of the 
pro-slavery men to submission, that it was 
only by three majority the proposition to 
submit the main question was adopted — a 
confession in advance that the result was 
not likely to favor their side of the con- 
troversy. But six weeks' time was also 
allowed for preparation, the election being 
ordered for Dec. 21st, 1857. Still another 
advantage was taken in the printing of the 
ballots, as, ordered by the convention. The 
method prescribed was to endorse the bal- 
lots, "Constitution with Slavery," and 
" Constitution with no Slavery, thus coni- 
pelling the voter, however adverse his 
views, as to other parts of the Constitution, 
to vote for it as a whole. As a consequence, 
(at least this was given as one of the rea- 
gons,) the Free State men as a rule refused 



to participate in the election, and the result 
as returned was 6,143 votes in favor of 
slavery, and 589 against it. The constitu- 
tion was announced as adopted, an election 
was ordered on the first Monday of Janu- 
ary, 1858, for State officers, members of the 
Legislature, and a member of Congress. 
The opponents of the Lecompton constitu- 
tion did not now refrain from voting, partly 
because of their desire to secure the repre- 
sentative in Congress, but mainly to secure 
an opportunity, as advised by their State 
officers, to vote down the Lecompton con- 
stitution. Both parties warmly contested 
the result, but the Free State men won, and 
with their general victory secured a large 
majority in the Legislature. 

The ballots of the Free State men were 
now headed with the words " Against the 
Lecompton Constitution," and they re- 
turned 10,226 votes against it, to 134 for 
it with slaverj', and 24 for it against slavery. 
This return was certified by J. W. Denver, 
" Secretary and Acting Governor," and ita 
validity was endorsed by Douglas in his 
report from the Senate Territorial Com- 
mittee. It was in better accord with hia 
idea of popular sovereignty, as it showed 
almost twice as large a vote as that cast 
under the Lecompton plan, the fairness of 
the return not being disputed, while that 
of the month previous was disputed. 

But their previous refusal to vote on the 
Lecompton constitution gave their oppo- 
nents an advantage in position strangely at 
variance with the wishes of a majority of 
the people. The President of that conven- 
tion, J. Calhoun, forwarded the document 
to the President with an official request 
that it be submitted to Congress. This 
was done in a message dated 2d February, 
1858, and the President recommended the 
admission of Kansas under it. 

This mes.sage occasioned a violent debate 
in Congress, which continued for three 
months. It was replete with sectional 
abuse and bitterness, and nearly all the 
members of both Houses participated. It 
finally closed with the passage of the 
" Act for the admission of the State of 
Kansas into the Union," passed May 4th, 
1858. This Act had been reported by a 
committee of conference of both Houses, 
and was passed in the Senate bv 31 to 22, 
and in the House by 112 to 103. There 
was a strict party vote in the Senate with 
the exception of Mr. Douglas, C. E. Stuart 
of Michigan, and D. C. Broderick of Cal- 
ifornia, who voted with the Republican 
minority. In the House several anti- 
Lecompton democrats voted with the Re- 
publican minority. These were Messrs. 
Adrian of New Jersey ; Chapman of Penn- 
sylvania ; Clark of New York ; Cockerill 
of Ohio ; Davis of Indiana ; Harris of Il- 
linois ; Haskin of New York ; Hickman 
of Pennsylvania; McKibben of California; 



THE KANSAS STRUGGLE. 



79 



Marshall ol' Illinois; Morgan of New 
York ; Morris, Shaw, and Smith of Illinois. 
The Americans who voted with the Repub- 
licans were Crittenden of Kentucky ; Davis 
of Maryland ; Marshall of Kentucky ; 
Ricaud of Maryland ; Underwood of Ken- 
tucky. A number of those previously 
classed as Anti-Lecompton Democrats 
voted against their colleagues of the same 
faction, and consequently against the bill. 
These were Messrs. Cockerill, Gwesheck, 
Hall, Lawrence, Pendleton and Cox of 
Ohio ; English and Foley of Indiana ; and 
Jones of Pennsylvania. The Americans 
who voted against the bill were Kennedy 
of Maryland ; Anderson of Missouri ; Eus- 
tis of Louisiana ; Gilmer of North Caro- 
lina; Hill of Georgia; Maynard, Ready 
and Zollicoffer of Tennessee; and Trippe 
of Georgia. 



Liecompton Constitution. 

The following are the political features 
of the Lecompton constitution : 

Article VII. — Slaray. 

Sec. 1 . The right of property is before 
and higher than any constitutional sanc- 
tion, and the right of the owner of a slave 
to such slave and its increase is the same, 
and as inviolable as the right of the owner 
of any propei'ty whatever. 

Sec. 2. The legislature shall have no 
power to pass laws for the emancipation 
of slaves without the consent of the 
owners, or without paying the owners 
previous to their emancipation a full 
equivalent in money for the slaves so 
emancipated. They shall have no j^ower 
to prevent emigrants to the .state from 
bringing with tliem such persons as are 
deemed slaves by the laws of any one of 
the United States or territories, so long as 
any person of the same age or description 
shall be continued in slavery by the laws 
of this state: Provided, That such person 
or slave be the bona fide property of such 
emigrants : And provided, also, That laws 
may be passed to prohibit the introduc- 
tion into this state of slaves who have 
committed high crimes in other states or 
territories. They shall have power to pass 
laws to permit the owners of slaves to 
emancipate them, saving the rights of 
creditors, and preventing them from be- 
coming a public charge. They shall have 
power to oblige the owners of slaves to 
treat them with humanity, to provide for 
them necessary food and clothing, to ab- 
stain from all injuries to them extending 
to life or limb, and, in case of their neglect 
or refusal to comply with the direction of 
such laws, to have such slave or slaves 
sold for the benefit of the owner or 
owners. 



S"EC. 3. In the prosecution of slaves for 
crimes of higher grade than petit larceny, 
the legislature shall have no power to de- 
prive them of an impartial trial by a petit 

jury- 

Sec. 4. Any person who shall mali- 
ciously dismember, or deprive a slave of 
life, shall suffer such punishment as would 
be inflicted in case the like offence had 
been committed on a free white person, 
and on the like proof, except in case of 
insurrection of such slave. 

Free Negroes. 

Bill of Rights, Sec. 23. Free negroes 
shall not be allowed to live in this state 
under any circumstances. 

Article VIII. — Elections and Eights of 
Suffrage. 

Sec. 1. Every male citizen of the 
United States, above the age of twenty- 
one years, having resided in this state one 
year, and in the county, city, or town in 
which he may offer to vote, three months 
next preceding any election, shall have 
the qualifications of an elector, and be en- 
titled to vote at all elections. And every 
male citizen of the United States, above 
the age aforesaid, who may be a resident 
of the state at the time this constitution 
shall be adopted, shall have the right of 
voting as aforesaid ; but no such citizen or 
inhabitant shall be entitled to vote ex- 
cept in the county in which he shall 
actually reside at the time of the elec- 
tion. 



The Topeka Constitution. 

The following are the political features 
of the Topeka constitution : 

Slavery. i 

Bill of Bights, Sec. 6. There shall h^ 
no slavery in this state, nor involuntary 
servitude, unless for the punishment of 
crime. 

Amendments to the Constitution. 

Sec. 1. All propositions for amend- 
ments to the constitution shall be made 
by the General Assembly. 

Sec. 2, A concurrence of two-thirds of 
the members elected to each house shall be 
necessary, after which such proposed 
amendments shall be again referred to the 
legislature elected next succeeding said 
publication. If passed by the second 
legislature by a majority of two-thirds of 
the members elected to each house, such 
amendments shall be republished as afore- 
said, for at least six months prior to the 
next general election, at which election 
such proposed amendments shall be sub- 
mitted to the people for their approval or 



<0 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



rejection ; and if a majority of the electors 
voting at such election shall adopt such 
amendments, the same shall become a part 
of the constitution. 

Sec. 3. When more than one amend- 
ment is submitted at the same time, they 
shall be so submitted as to enable the 
electors to vote upon each amendment 
separately. No convention for the forma- 
tion of a new constitution shall be called, 
and no amendment to the constitution 
shall be, by the general assembly, made 
before the year 1865, nor more than once 
in five years thereafter. 

Submisfiion of Constitution to the People. 
Schedule, Sec. 2. That this constitution 
shall be submitted to the people of Kansas 
for ratification on the 15th day of Decem- 
ber next. That each qualified elector 
shall express his assent or dissent to the 
constitution by voting a written or printed 
ticket, labelled "Constitution," or "No 
Constitution ;" which election shall be 
held by the same judges, and conducted 
under the same regulations and restric- 
tions as is hereinafter provided for the 
election of members of the general 
assembly. 



The Douglas Amendment. 

The following is the Douglas amend- 
ment, which really formed the basis of the 
bill for admission : 

" It being the true intent and meaning 
of this act not to legislate slavery into any 
state or territory, nor to exclude it there- 
from, but to leave the ]jeople thereof per- 
fectly free to form and regulate their 
domestic institutions in their own way, 
subject onlv to the Constitution of the 
United -States." 

The bill which passed on the 4th of May 
wi^s known as the I^nglish bill, and it met 
the approval of Buchanan. To the measure 
was attached " a fundamental condition 
precedent," which arose from the fact that 
the ordinance of the convention accom- 
panying the constitution claimed for the 
new State a cession of the public lands six 
times greater than had been granted to 
other States, amounting in all to 23,500,- 
000 acres. In lieu of this Congress pro- 
posed to submit to a vote of the people a 
proposition specifying the number of acres 
and the purposes for which the money 
arising from their sale were to be used, and 
the acceptance of this was to be followed 
by a proclamation that " thereafter, and 
without further proceedings from Congress 
the admission of the State of^ Kansas, into 
the Union, upon an equal footing with the 
original States in all respects whatever, 
shall be complete and absolute." The con- 
dition was never fulfilled, for the people at 
the election on the 2d of August, 1858, 



rejected it by a majority of 9,513, and Kan- 
sas was not admitted under the Lecomi^ton 
constitution. 

Finally, and after continued agitation, 
more peaceful, however, than that which 
characterized the earlier stages of the strug- 
gle, the territorial legislature of Kansas 
called an election for delegates to meet and 
form a constitution. They assembled in 
convention at Wyandot, in July, 1859, and 
reported a constitution prohibiting slavery. 
This was adopted by a majority exceeding 
4000, and under it Kansas was admitted to 
the Union on the 29th of January, 1861. 

The comparative quiet between the re- 
jection of the English proposition and the 
adoption of the Wyandot constitution, was 
at one time violently disturbed by a raid 
made by John Brown at Harper's Ferry, 
with a view to excite the slaves to insur- 
rection. This failed, but not before Gov. 
Wise, of Virginia, had mustered his militia, 
and called for the aid of United States 
troops. The more radical anti-slavery men 
of the North were at first shocked by the 
audacity of an oflense which many looked 
upon as an act of treason, but the anxiety 
of Virginia to hang Brown and all his 
followers who had been captured alive, 
changed a feeling of conservatism in the 
North to one of sympathy for Brown and 
deeper hatred of slavery. It is but fair to 
say that it engendered hostility to the 
Union in the South. The right and wrong 
of slavery was thereafter more generally 
discussed than ever. The talent of the 
South favored it; while, with at least a 
large measure of truth it can be said that 
the talent of the North opposed it. So 
bitter grew the feeling that soon the 
churches of the sections began to divide, 
no other political question having ever be- 
fore disturbed the Union. 

We have not pretended to give a com- 
plete history of the Kansas trouble either 
in that State or in Congress, nor yet a fall 
history of the many issues raised on ques- 
tions which were but subsidiary to the 
main one of slavery. Our object is to show 
the relation of the political parties through- 
out that struggle, for we are dealing with 
the history of parties from a national view, 
and not with battles and the minor ques- 
tions or details of parliamentary struggles. 
The contest had cemented the Democrats 
of the South as it had the Republicans of 
the North ; it divided both the Democrats 
of the North and the Americans in all 
sections. John Bell, of Tennessee, and 
Sam Houston of Texas, recognized leaders 
of the Americans, had shown their sym- 
pathy with the new stand taken by Doug- 
las, as early as 1854. Bell, however, was 
less decided than Houston, and took his 
position with many qualifications. Hous- 
ton opposed even the repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise, and made the lastspeech 



THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 



81 



against it in the Senate. He closed with 
these words : 

" In the discharge of my duty I have 
acted fearlessly. The events of the future 
are left in the' hands of a wise Providence, 
and, in my opinion, on the decision which 
we make upon this question must depend 
union or disunion." 

These sentiments were shared by many 
Americans, and the great majority of them 
drifted into the Republican party. The 
Abolitionists from the beginning of the 
struggle, allied themselves with the Repub- 
licans, a few of their leaders proclaiming, 
however, that this party was not sufficiently 
advanced in its views. 



Tlie Charlestou Convention. 

Such was the condition of the parties 
when the Democratic national convention 
met at Charleston, S. C, on the 23d of 
April, 1860, it being then the custom of 
the Democratic party, as it is of all major- 
ity parties, to call its convention first. It 
was composed of delegates from all the 
thirty-three States of the Union, the whole 
number of votes being 303. After the ex- 
ample of former Democratic conventions 
it adopted the two-third rule, and 202 votes 
were required to make nominations for 
President and Vice-President. Caleb Cush- 
ing, of Mass., presided. From the first a 
radical difference of opinion was exhibited 
among the members on the question of 
slavery in the Territories. Almost the 
entire Southern and a minority of the 
Northern portion believed in the Dred 
Scott decision, and held that slave property 
was as valid under the constitution as any 
other class of property. The Douglas 
delegates stood firmly by the theory of 
popular sovereignty, and avowed their in- 
difference to the fact whether it would lead 
to the protection of slave property in the 
territories or not. On the second day a 
committee on resolutions consisting of one 
member from each State, selected by the 
State delegates, was named, and then a 
resolution was resolved unanimously "that 
this convention will not proceed to ballot 
I for a candidate for the Presidency until the 
[platform shall have been adopted." On 
f the fifth day the committee on resolutions 
I presented majority and minority reports. 
I' After a long discussion on the respective 
I merits of the two reports, they were both, 
[on motion of Mr.' Bigler, of Pennsylvania, 
ire-committed to the Committee on Reso- 
lutions, with a view, if possible, to promote 
harmony ; but this proved to be impracti- 
(Cable. On the sixth day of the Conven- 
tion (Saturdav, April 28th,) at an evening 
l»ession, Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, and 

Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, from the majority 
6 



and minority of the committee, again made 
opposite and conflicting reports on the 
question of slavery in the Territories. On 
this question the committee had divided 
from the beginning, the one portion em- 
bracing ' the fifteen members from the 
slaveholding States, with those from Cali- 
fornia and Oregon, and the other consist- 
ing of the members from all the free States 
east of the Rocky Mountains. On all other 
questions both reports substantially agreed. 
The following is the report of the major- 
ity made on this subject by Mr. Avery, of 
North Carolina, the chairman of the com- 
mittee: ^'Resolved, That the platform 
adopted by the Democratic party at Cin- 
cinnati be affirmed with the following ex- 
planatory resolutions : 1st. That the Gov- 
ernment of a Territory, organized by an 
act of Congress, is provisional and tempo- 
rarv, and during its existence all citizens 
of the United States have an equal right 
to settle with their property in the Terri- 
tory, without their rights, either of person 
or property, being destroyed or impaired 
by Congressional or Territorial legislation. 
2d. That it is the duty of the Federal Gov- 
ernment, in all its departments, to protect, 
when necessary, the rights of persons and 
property in the Territories, and wherever 
else its constitutional authority extends. 
3d. That when the settlers in a Territory 
having an adequate population form a 
State Constitution, the right of sovereignty 
commences, and being consummated by 
admission into the Union, they stand on 
an equal footing with the people of other 
States, and the State thus organized ought 
to be admitted into the Federal Union 
whether its constitution prohibits or recog- 
nizes the institution of slavery." 

The following is the report of the minor- 
ity, made by Mr. Samuels, of Iowa. After 
re-affirming the Cincinnati platform by 
the first resolution, it proceeds: "Inas- 
much as differences of opinion exist in the 
Democratic party, as to the nature and ex- 
tent of the powers of a Territorial Legisla- 
ture, and as to the powers and duties of 
Congress, under the Constitution of the 
United States, over the institution of 
slavery within the Territories, Resolved, 
That the Democratic party will abide by 
the decisions of the Supreme Court of the 
United States upon questions of constitu- 
tional law." 

After some preliminary remarks, Mr. 
Samuels moved the adoption of the minor- 
ity report as a substitute for that of the 
majority. This gave rise to an earnest 
and excited debate. The difference be- 
tween the parties was radical and irrecon- 
cilable. The South insisted that the Cin- 
cinnati platform, whose true construction 
in regard to slavery in the Territories had 
always been denied by a portion of the 
Democratic party, should be explained and 



82 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



settled by an express recognition of the 
principles decided by the Supreme Court. 
The North, on the other hand, refused to 
recognize this decision, and still main- 
tained the power to be inherent in the 
people of a Territory to deal with the 
question of slavery according to their own 
discretion. The vote was then taken, and 
the minority report was substituted for 
that of the majority by a vote of one hun- 
dred and sixty-five to one hundred and 
thirty-eight. The delegates from the six 
New England States, as well as from New 
York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, 
Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, fourteen 
free States, cast their entire vote in favor 
of the minority report. New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania alone among the free States 
east of the Rocky Mountains, refused to 
vote as States, but their delegates voted as 
individuals. 

The means employed to attain this end 
were skillfully devised by the minority of 
the Pennsylvania delegation in favor of 
nominating Mr. Douglas. The entire del- 
egation had, strangely enough, placed this 
power in their hands, by selecting two of 
their number, Messrs. Cessna and Wright, 
to represent the whole on the two most im- 
portant committees of the Convention — 
that of organization and that of resolu- 
tions. These gentlemen, by adroitness and 
parliamentary tact, succeeded in abrogat- 
ing the former practice of casting the vote 
of the State as a unit. In this manner, 
whilst New York indorsed with her entire 
thirty-five votes the peculiar views of Mr. 
Douglas, notwithstanding there was in her 
delegation a majority of only five votes in 
their favor on the question of Territorial 
sovereignty, the effective strength of Penn- 
sylvania recognizing the judgment of the 
Supreme Court, was reduced to three votes, 
this being the majority of fifteen on the 
one side over twelve on the other. 

The question next in order before the 
Convention was upon the adoption of the 
second resolution of the minority of the 
committee, which had been substituted for 
the report of the majority. On this ques- 
tion Georgia, Louisiana, Alabama, Arkan- 
sas, Texas, Florida, and Mississippi re- 
fused to vote. Indeed, it soon appeared 
that on the question of the final adoption 
of this second resolution, which in fact 
amounted to nothing, it had scarcely any 
friends of either party in the Convention. 
The Douglas party, without explanation 
or addition, voted against it. On the other 
hand, the old Democracy could not vote 
for it without admitting that the Supreme 
Court had not already placed the right 
over slave property in the Territories on 
the same footing with all other property, 
and therefore they also voted against it. 
In consequence the resolution was nega- 
.tived by a vote of only twenty-one in its 



favor to two hundred and thirty-eight. 
Had the seven Southern States just men- 
tioned voted, the negatives would have 
amounted to two hundred and eighty-two, 
or more than thirteen to one. Thus both 
the majority and the minority resolutions 
on the Territorial question were rejected, 
and nothing remained before the Conven- 
tion except the Cincinnati platform. 

At this stage of the proceedings (April 
30th), the States of Louisiana, Alabama, 
South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Tex- 
as, and Arkansas, having assigned their 
reasons for the act, withdrew in succession 
from the Convention. After these seven 
States had retired, the delegation Irom 
Virginia made an effort to restore har- 
mony. Mr. Russell, their chairman, ad- 
dressed the Convention and portrayed the 
alarming nature of the crisis. He ex- 
pressed his fears that we were on the eve 
of a revolution, and if this Convention 
should prove a failure it would be the last 
National Convention of any party which 
would ever assemble in the United States. 
" Virginia," said he, " stands in the midst 
of her sister States, in garments red with 
the blood of her children slain in the first 
outbreak of the 'irrepressible conflict.' 
But, sir, not when her children fell at mid- 
night beneath the weapon of the assassin, 
was her heart penetrated with so profound 
a grief as that which will wring it when 
she is obliged to choose between a sepa- 
rate destiny with the South, and her com- 
mon destiny with the entire Republic." 

Mr. Russell was not then prepared to 
answer, in behalf of his delegation, whether 
the events of the day (the defeat of the 
majority report, and the withdrawal of the 
seven States) were sufficient to justif\' her 
in taking the irrevocable step in question. 
In order, therefore, that they might have 
time to deliberate, and if they thought 
proper make an effort to restore harmony 
in the Convention, he expressed a desire 
that it might adjourn and afford them an 
opportunity for consultation. Tha Con- 
vention accordingly adjourned until the 
next day, Tuesday, May 1st ; and imme- 
diately after its reassembling the delega- 
tion from Georgia, making the eighth 
State, also withdrew. 

In the mean time the Virginia delega- 
tion had consulted among themselves, and 
had conferred with the delegation of the 
other Southern States which still remained 
in the Convention, as to the best mode ol 
restoring harmony. In consequence Mr. 
Howard, of Tennessee, stated to the Con- 
vention that " he had a proposition to pre- 
sent in behalf of the delegation from Ten- 
nessee, whenever, under parliamentar^• 
rules, it would be proper to present it." 
In this Tennessee was joined by Kentucky 
and Virginia. He should propose the fol- 
lowinsr resolution whenever it would be m 



THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 



83 



order : ' Resolved, That the citizens of the 
United States have an equal right to set- 
tle with their property in the Territories 
of the United States ; and that, under the 
decision of the Supreme Court of the 
United States, which we recognize as the 
correct exposition of the Constitution of 
the United States, neither the rights of 
person nor property can be destroyed or 
inpaired by Congressional or Territorial 
legislation.' '' 

On a subsequent day (May 3d), Mr. Rus- 
sell informed the Convention that this re- 
solution had, " he believed, received the 
approbation of all the delegations from 
the Southern States which remained in 
the Convention, and also received the ap- 
probation of the delegation from New 
York. He was informed there was strength 
enough to pass it when in order." 

Mr. Howard, however, in vain attempted 
to obtain a vote on his resolution. When 
he moved to take it up on the evening of 
the day it had been offered, he was met by 
cries of "Not in order," "Not in order." 
The manifest purpose was to postpone its 
consideration until the hour should arrive 
which had been fixed by a previous order 
of the Convention, in opposition to its first 
order on the same subject, for the balloting 
to commence for a Presidential candidate, 
when it would be too late. This the friends 
of Mr. Douglas accomplished, and no vote 
was ever taken upon it either at Charleston 
or Baltimore. 

Before the balloting commenced Mr. 
Howard succeeded, in the fiice of strong 
opposition, with the aid of the thirty-five 
votes from New York, in obtaining a vote 
of the Convention in re-affirmance of the 
two-thirds rule. On his motion thev re- 
solved, by 141, to 112 votes, " that the Pre- 
sident of the Convention be and he is here- 
by directed not to declare any person 
nominated for the oflSce of President or 
Vice-President, unless he shall have re- 
ceived a number of votes equal to two- 
thirds of the votes of all the electoral col- 
leges." It was well known at the time 
that this resolution rendered the regular 
nomination of Mr. Douglas impossible. 

The balloting then commenced (Tuesday 
evening, May 1st), on the eighth day of the 
session. Necessary to a nomination, under 
the two-thirds rule, 202 votes. .On the 
first ballot Mr. -Douglas received 145| 
votes ; Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, 42 ; Mr. 
Cxuthne, of Kentucky, 35}; Mr. Johnson, 
ot lennessee, 12 ; Mr. Dickinson, of New 
^ork, 7; Mr. Lane, of Oregon, 6; Mr. 
loucey, of Connecticut, 21- ; Mr. Davis, of 
Mississippi, U, and Mr. Pearce, of Mary- 
land, 1 vote. 

The voting continued until May 3d 
during which there were fiftv-four addi- 
tional ballotings. Mr. Douglas never rose 
to more than 152 J, and ended in 151^ 



votes, 202 votes being necessary to a nomi- 
nation. 

Until 1824 nominations had been made 
by Congressional caucus. In these none 
participated except Senators and Demo- 
cratic States, and Representatives from 
Democratic Congressional districts. The 
simple majority rule governed in these 
caucuses, because it was morally certain 
that, composed as they were, no candidate 
could be selected against the will of the 
Democratic States on whom his election 
depended. But when a change was made 
to National Conventions, it was at once 
perceived that if a mere majority could 
nominate, then the delegates from Anti- 
Democratic States might be mainly instru- 
mental in nominating a candidate for 
whom they could not give a single electo- 
ral vote. Whilst it would have been harsh 
and inexpedient to exclude these States 
from the Convention altogether, it would 
have been unjust to confer on them a con- 
trolling power over the nomination. To 
compromise this diflaculty, the two-thirds 
rule was adopted. Under its operation it 
would be almost impossible that a candi- 
date could be selected, without the votes 
of a simple majority of delegates from the 
Democratic States. This was the argu- 
ment of its friends. 

It had now become manifest that it was 
impossible to make a nomination at 
Charleston. The friends of Mr. Douglas 
adhered to him and would vote for him 
and him alone, whilst his opponents, ap- 
prehending the effect of his principles 
should he be elected President, were equally 
determined to vote against his nomination. 

In the hope that some compromise 
might yet be effected, the Convention, on 
the motion of Mr. Russell, of Virginia, 
resolved to adjourn to meet at Baltimore on 
Monday, the 18th June ; and it was " re- 
spectfully recommended to the Democratic 
party of the several States, to make pro- 
vision for supplying all vacancies in their 
respective delegations to this Convention 
when it shall re-assemble." 

The Convention re-assembled at Balti- 
more on the 18th June, 1860, according tc 
its adjournment, and Mr. Cushing, the 
President, took the chair. 

Immediately after the reorganization of 
the Convention, Mr. Howard, of Tennes- 
see, offered a resolution, " that the Presi- 
dent of this Convention direct the ser- 
geant-at-arms to issue tickets of admission 
to the delegates of the Convention, as orig- 
inally constituted and organized at Charles- 
ton." Thus the vitally important question 
was distinctly, presented. It soon, how- 
ever, became manifest that no such reso- 
lution could prevail. In the absence of 
the delegates who had withdrawn at 
Charleston, the friends of Mr. Douglas 
constituted a controlling majority. Atth& 



84 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



threshold they resisted the admission of 
the original delegates, and contended that 
by -n-ithdrawiug they had irrevocably re- 
signed their seats. In support of this po- 
sition, they relied upon the language of 
the resolution adjourning the Convention 
to Baltimore, which, as we have seen, 
"recommended to the Democratic party 
of the several States to make provision for 
supplying all vacancies in their respective 
delegations to this Convention, when it 
shall reassemble." On the other hand, 
the advocates of their readmission con- 
tended that a simple withdrawal of the 
delegates was not a final renunciation of 
their seats, but they were still entitled to 
reoccu]iy them, whenever, in their judg- 
ment, this course would be best calculated 
to restore the harmony and promote the 
success of the Democratic party ; that the 
Convention had no right to interjiose be- 
tween them and the Democracy of their 
respective States ; that being directly re- 
sponsible to this Democracy, it alone could 
accept their resignation ; that no such re- 
signation had ever been made, and their 
authority therefore continued in fiill force, 
and this, too, with the approbation of their 
constituents. 

In the mean time, after the adjournment 
from Charleston to Baltimore, the friends 
of Mr. Douglas, in several of these States, 
had proceeded to elect delegates to take 
the place of those who had withdrawn 
from the Convention. Indeed, it was 
manifest at the time, and has since been 
clearly proved by the event, that these 
delegates represented but a small minority 
of the party in their respective States. 
These new delegates, nevertheless,appeared 
and demanded seats. * 

After a long and ardent debate, the 
Convention adopted a resolution, offered 
by Mr. Church, of New York, and modi- 
fied on motion of Mr. Gilmore, of Penn- 
sylvania, as a substitute for that of Mr. 
Howard, to refer " the credentials of all 
persons claiming seats in this Convention, 
made vacant by the secession of delegates 
at Charleston, to the Committee on Cre- 
dentials." They thus prejudged the ques- 
tion, by deciding that the seats of these 
delegates had been made and were still 
vacant. The Committee on Credentials 
had been originally composed of one dele- 
gate from each of the thirty-three States, 
but the number was now reduced to twen- 
ty-five, in consequence of the exclusion of 
eight of its members from the States of 
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, South Car- 
olina, Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, and 
Florida. The committee, therefore, now 
stood 16 to 9 in favor of the nomination of 
Mr. Douglas, instead of 17 to 16 against it, 
according to its original organization. 

* From Mr. Buchanan's Administration on the eve of 
tka Rebellion, published by D. Appleton & Co., 1866. 



The committee, through their chairman, 
Mr. Krum, of Missouri, made their report 
on the 21st June, and Governor Stevens, of 
Oregon, at the same time presented a 
minority report, signed by himself and 
eight other members. 

It is unnecessary to give in detail these 
conflicting reports. It is sutficient to state 
that whilst the report of the majority 
maintained that the delegates, by with- 
drawing at Charleston, had resigned their 
seats, and these were still vacant ; that of 
the minority, on the contrary, asserted the 
right of these delegates to resume their 
seats in the Convention, by virtue of their 
original appointment. 

On the next day (June 22), the impor- 
tant decision was made between the con- 
flicting reports. Mr. Stevens moved to 
substitute the minority report for that of 
the majority, and his motion was rejected 
by a vote oi' IOO5 to 150. Of course no 
vote was given from any of the excluded 
States, except one half vote from each of 
the parties in Arkansas. 

The resolutions of the majority were then 
adopted in succession. Among other mo- 
tions of similar character, a motion had 
been made by a delegate in the majority 
to reconsider the vote by which the Con- 
vention had adopted the minority report, 
as a substitute for that of the majority, 
and to lay his own motion on the table. 
This is a common mode resorted to, ac- 
cording to parliamentary tactics, of de- 
feating every hope of a reconsideration of 
the pending question, and rendering the 
first decision final. 

Mr. Cessna with this view called for a 
vote on laying the motion to reconsider on 
the table. Should this be negatived, then 
the question of reconsideration would be 
open. The President stated the question 
to be first " on laying on the table the mo- 
tion to reconsider the vote by which the 
Convention refused to amend the majority 
report of the Committee on Credentials by 
substituting the report of the minority." 
On this question New York, for the first 
time since the meeting at Baltimore, voted 
with the minority and changed it into a 
majority. "When New York was called," 
says the report of the proceedings, " and re- 
sponded thirty-five votes" (in the nega- 
tive) "the response was greeted with loud 
cheers and applause." The result of the 
vote was 113.} to 138} — "so the Convention 
reftised to lay on the table the motion to 
reconsider the minority report." The Con- 
vention then adjourned until evening, on 
motion of Mr. Cochrane, of New York, 
amidst great excitement and confusion. 

This vote of New York, appearing to in- 
dicate a purpose to harmonize the party by 
admitting the original delegates from the 
eight absent States, was not altogether un- 
expected. Although voting as a unit, it 



THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 



85 



was known that her delegation were greatly 
divided among themselves. The exact 
strength of the minority was afterwards 
stated by Mr. Bartlett, one of its members, 
in the Breckinridge Convention. He said: 
" Upon all questions and especially upon 
the adoption of the majority report on cre- 
dentials, in which we had a long contest, 
the line was strictly drawn, and there were 
thirty on one side and forty on the other." 

The position of New York casting an un- 
divided vote of thirty-five, with Dean Rich- 
mond at their head, had been a controlling 
power from the commencement. 

Strong expectations were, therefore, now 
entertained that after the New York dele- 
gation had recorded their vote against a 
motion which would have killed the mi- 
nority report beyond hope of revival, they 
would now follow this up by taking the 
next step in advance and voting for its re- 
consideration and adoption. On the even- 
ing of the very same day, however, they 
reversed their course and voted against its 
reconsideration. They were then cheered 
by the opposite party from that which had 
cheered them in the morning. Thus the 
action of the Convention in favor of the 
majority report became final and conclu- 
sive. 

Mr. Cessna, of Pennsylvania, at once 
moved " that the Convention do now pro- 
ceed to nominate candidates for President 
and Vice-President of the United States." 

Mr. Russell rose and stated, " It has be- 
come my duty now, by direction of a large 
majority of the delegation from Virginia, 
respectfully to inform you and this body, 
that it is not consistent with their convic- 
tions of duty to participate longer in its 
deliberations." 

Mr. Lander next stated " that it became 
his duty, as one of the delegates from North 
Carolina, to say that a very large majority 
of the delegation from that State were 
compelled to retire permanently from this 
Convention, on account, as he conceived, 
of the unjust course that had been pursued 
toward some of their fellow-citizens of the 
South. The South had heretofore relied 
upon the Northern Democracy to give them 
the rights which were justly due them ; but 
the vote to-day had satisfied the majority 
of the North Carolina delegation that these 
rights were now refused them, and, this 
being the case, they could no longer re- 
main in the Convention." 

Then followed in succession the with- 
drawal of the delegations from Tennessee, 
Kentucky, Maryland, California, Oregon, 
and Arkansas. ' The Convention now ad- 
lourned at half-past-ten o'clock until the 
next morning at ten. 

Soon after the assembling of the Con- 
vention, the President, Mr. Gushing, whilst 
tendering his thanks to its members for 
their candid and honorable support in the 



performance of his duties, stated that not- 
withstanding the retirement of the delega- 
tions of several of the States at Charleston, 
in his solicitude to maintain the harmony 
and union of the Democratic party, he 
had continued in his post of labor. " To 
that end and in that sense," said he, " I 
had the honor to meet you, gentlemen, here 
at Baltimore. But circumstances have 
since transpired which compel me to pause 
The delegations of a majority of the States 
have, either in whole or in part, in one 
form or another, ceased to participate in 
the deliberations of the Convention. * * 
* In the present circumstances, I deem 
it a duty of self-respect, and I deem it 
still more a duty to this Convention, as at 
present organized, * * * to resign my 
seat as President of this Convention, in 
order to take my place on the floor as a 
member of the delegation from Massachu- 
setts. * * * I deem this above all a 
duty which I owe to the members of this 
Convention, as to whom no longer would 
my action represent the will of a majority 
of the Convention." 

Governor Tod, of Ohio, one of the Vice- 
Presidents, then took the vacant chair, and 
was greeted with hearty and long-continued 
cheers and applause from members of the 
Convention. 

Mr. Butler, of Massachusetts, now an- 
nounced that a portion of the Massachu- 
setts delegation desired to retire, but was 
interrupted by cries of "No," "No," 
" Call the roll." Mr. Cessna called for the 
original question, to wit, that thig Conven- 
tion now proceed to a nomination for Pres- 
ident and Vice-President. 

The President here ordered the Secre- 
tary to call the States. Maine, New Hamp- 
shire, and Vermont were called, and they 
gave an unbroken vote for Stephen A. 
Douglas. When Massachusetts was called, 
Mr. Butler rose and said he had a respect- 
ful paper in his hand which he would 
desire the President to have read. A scene 
of great confusion thereupon ensued, cries 
of " I object" being heard upon all sides. 
Mr. Butler, not to be baffled, contended 
for his right at this stage to make remarks 
pertinent to the matter, and cited in his 
support the practice of the Conventions at 
Baltimore in 1848 and 1852, and at Cin- 
cinnati in 1856. He finally prevailed, and 
was permitted to procee '. He then said 
he " would now withdra • from the Con- 
vention, upon the ground that there had 
been a withdrawal, in who ^ or in part, of 
a majority of the States; and further, 
which was a matter more pe 'sonal to him- 
self, he could not sit in a con-ontion where 
the African slave trade, which was piracy 
according to the laws of his country, was 
openly advocated." 

Mr. Butler then retired, followed by 
General Cushing and four others of the 



86 



AMERICAN POLITICS 



Massachusetts delegation. All of these 
had voted with the South aad against 
Douglas. 

The balloting now proceeded. Mr. 
Douglas received 173^ votes; Mr. Guthrie 
9 ; Mr. Breckinridge 63 ; Mr. Bocock and 
Mr. Seymour each 1 ; and Mr. Dickerson 
and Mr. Wise each half a vote. On the 
next and last ballot Mr. Douglas received 
181 J votes, eight of those in the minority 
having changed their votes in his favor. 

To account for this number, it is proper 
to state that a few delegates from five of 
the eight States which had withdrawn still 
remained in the Convention. On the last 
ballot Mr. Douglas received all of their 
votes, to wit : 3 of the 15 votes of Virginia, 
1 of the 10 votes of North Carolina, li of 
the 3 votes of Arkansas, 3 of the 12 votes 
of Tennessee, 3 of the 12 votes of Ken- 
tucky, and 2-1 of the 8 votes of Maryland, 
making in the aggregate 14 votes. To 
this number may be added the 9 votes of 
the new delegates from Alabama and the 
6 from Louisiana, which had been admitted 
to the exclusion of the original dele- 
gates. 

Mr. Douglas was accordingly declared 
to be the regular nominee of the Democra- 
tic party of the Union, upon the motion of 
Mr. Church, of New York, when, accord- 
ing to the report of the proceedings, " The 
whole body rose to its feet, hats were 
waved in the air, and many tossed aloft ; 
shouts, screams, and yells, and every 
boisterous mode of expressing approbation 
and unanimity, were resorted to." 

Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was 
then unanimously nominated as the 
candidate for Vice-President ; and the 
Convention adjourned sine die on the 23d 
June, the sixth and last day of its ses- 
sion. On the same day, but after the ad- 
journment, IVIr. Fitzpatrick declined the 
nomination, and it was immediately con- 
ferred on Mr. Herschel V. Johnson, of 
Georgia, by the Executive Committee. 
Thus ended the Douglas Convention. 

But another Convention assembled at 
Baltimore on the same 23d June, styling 
itself the " National Democratic Conven- 
tion." It was composed chiefly of the 
delegates who had just withdrawn from 
the Douglas Convention, and the original 
delegates from Alabama and Louisiana. 
One of their first acts was to abrogate the 
two-third rule, as had been done by the 
Douglas Convention. Both acted under 
the same necessity, because the preserva- 
tion of this rule would have prevented a 
nomination by either. 

Mr. Cushing was elected and took the 
chair as President. In his opening ad- 
dress he said : " Gentlemen of the Con- 
vention, we assemble here, delegates to the 
National Democratic Convention, duly 
accredited thereto from more than twenty 



States of the Union, for the purpose of 
nominating candidates of the Democratic 
party for the offices of President and Vice- 
President of the United States, for the 
purpose of announcing the principles of 
the party, and for the purpose of continu- 
ing and re-establishing that party upon 
the firm foundations of the Constitution, 
the Union, and the coequal rights of the 
several States," 

Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, who had 
reported the majority resolutions at 
Charleston, now reported the same from 
the committee of this body, and they 
"were adopted unanimously, amid great 
applause." 

The Convention then proceeded to select 
their candidates. Mr. Loring, on behalf 
of the delegates from Massachusetts, who 
with Mr. Butler had retired from the 
Douglas Convention, nominated John C. 
Breckinridge, of Kentucky, which Mr. 
Dent, representing the Pennsylvania dele- 
gation present, " most heartily seconded." 
Mr. Ward, from the Alabama delegation, 
nominated E. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia; 
Mr. Ewing, from that of Tennessee, nomi- 
nated Mr. Dickinson, of New York ; and 
Mr. Stevens, from Oregon, nominated 
General Joseph Lane. Eventually all 
these names were withdrawn except that 
of Mr. Breckinridge, and he received the 
nomination by a unanimous vote. The 
whole number of votes cast in his favor 
from twenty States was 1032. 

General Lane was unanimously nomi- 
nated as the candidate for Vice-President. 
Thus terminated the Breckinridge Conven- 
tion. 



Tlie Chicago Republican Coinventlon. 

The Republicans had named May 16th, 
1860, as the date and Chicago as the place 
for holding their second National Conven- 
tion. They had been greatly encouraged 
by the vote for Fremont and Dayton, and, 
what had now become apparent as an ir- 
reconcilable division of the Democracy, 
encouraged them in the belief that they 
could elect their candidates. Those of the 
great West were especially enthusiastic, 
and had contributed freely to the erection 
of an immense " Wigwam," capable of 
holding ten thousand people, at Chicago. 
All the Northern States were fully repre- 
sented, and there were besides partial de- 
legations from Delaware, Maryland, Ken- 
tucky, Missouri and Virginia, with occa- 
sional delegates from other Slave States, 
there being none, however, from the Gulf 
States. David Wilmot, of Penna., author 
of the Wilmot proviso, was made tempo- 
rary chairman, and George Ashman, ot 
Mass., permanent President. No differ- 
ences were excited by the report of the com- 
mittee on platform, and the proceedings 



THE AMERICAN CONVENTION. 



87 



throughout were characterized by great 
harmony, though there was a somewhat 
sharp contest for the Presidential nomina- 
tion. The prominent candidates were Wm. 
H. Seward, of New York ; Abraham Lin- 
coln, of Illinois ; Salmon P. Chase, of 
Ohio ; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 
and Edward Bates, of Missouri, There 
were three ballots, Mr. Lincoln receiving 
in the last 354 out of 446 votes. Mr. Sew- 
ard led the vote at the beginning, but he 
was strongly opposed by gentlemen in his 
own State as prominent as Horace Greeley 
and Thurlow Weed, and his nomination 
was thought to be inexpedient. Lincoln's 
successful debate with Douglas was still 
fresh in the minds of the delegates, and 
every addition to his vote so heightened 
the enthusiasm that the convention was 
finally carried "off its feet," the delegations 
rapidly changing on the last ballot. Lin- 
coln had been a known candidate but a 
month or two before, while Seward's name 
had been everywhere canvassed, and where 
opposed in the Eastern and Middle States, 
it was mainly because of the belief that his 
views on slavery were too radical. He was 
more strongly favored by the Abolition 
branch of the party than any other candi- 
didate. When the news of his success was 
first conveyed to Mr. Lincoln he was sit- 
ting in the office of the State Journal, at 
Springfield, which was connected by a 
telegraph wire with the Wigwam. On the 
close of the third ballot a despatch was 
handed Mr. Lincoln. He read it in silence, 
and then announcing the result said: 
" There is a little woman down at our 
house would like to hear this — I'll go down 
and tell her," and he started amid the 
ahouts of personal admirers. Hannibal 
Hamlin, of Maine, was nominated for Vice- 
President with much unanimity, and the 
Chicago Convention closed its work in a 
single day. 



The American Couveiitlou. 

A " Constitutional Union," really an 
American Convention, had met at Balti- 
more on the 9th of May. Twenty States 
were represented, and John Bell, of Ten- 
HMsee, and Edward Everett, of Massachu- 
."5e";ts, were named for the Presidency and 
Vice-Presidency. Their friends, though 
known to be less in number than either those 
of Douglas, Lincoln or Breckinridge, yet 
made a vigorous canvass in the hope that 
the election would be thrown into the 
House, and that there a compromise in the 
vote by States would naturally turn toward 
their candidates. The result of the great 
contest is elsewhere given in our Tabulated 
History of Politics. 

THE PRINCIPLES INVOLVED, 

Lincoln received large majorities in 
nearly all of the free States, his popular 



vote being 1,866,452; electoral vote, 180. 
Douglas was next in the popular estimate, 
receiving 1,375,157 votes, with but 12 elec- 
tors. Breckinridge had 847,953 votes, with 
76 electors ; Bell, with 570,631 vot^s, had 
39 electors. 

The principles involved in the contro- 
versy are given at length in the Book of 
Platforms, and were briefly these: The 
Republican party asserted that slavery 
should not be extended to the territories ; 
that it could exist only by virtue of local 
and positive law ; that freedom was na- 
tional ; that slavery was morally wrong, 
and the nation should at least anticipate 
its gradual extinction. The Douglas wing 
of the Democratic party adhered to the 
doctrine of popular sovereignty, and 
claimed that in its exercise in the terri- 
tories they were indifferent whether slavery 
was voted up or down. The Breckinridge 
wing of the Democratic party asserted both 
the moral and legal right to hold slaves, 
and to carry them to the territories, and 
that no power save the national constitu- 
tion could prohibit or interfere with it out- 
side of State lines. The Americans sup- 
porting Bell, adhered to their peculiar 
doctrines touching emigration and natural- 
ization, but had abandoned, in most of the 
States, the secrecy and oaths of the Know- 
Nothing order. They were evasive and 
non-committal on the slavery question. 



Preparing for Secession. 

Secession, up to this time, had not been 
regarded as treasonable in all sections and 
at all times. As shown in many previous 
pages, it had been threatened by the Hart- 
ford Convention ; certainly by some of the 
people of New England who oijposed the 
war of 1812. Some of the more extreme 
Abolitionists had favored a division of the 
sections. The South, particularly the Gulf 
States, had encouraged a secret organiza- 
tion, known as the " Order of the Lone 
Star," previous to and at the time of the 
annexation of Texas. One of its objects 
was to acquire Cuba, so as to extend slave 
territory. The Gulf States needed more 
slaves, and though the law made partici- 
pancy in the slave trade piracy, many car- 
goes had been landed in parts of the Gulf 
without protest or prosecution, just prior 
to the election of 1.S60. Calhoun had 
threatened, thirty years before, nullifica- 
tion, and before that again, secession in 
the event of the passage of the Public 
Land Bill. Jefferson and Madison had 
indicated that doctrine of State Rights on 
which secession was based in the Kentucky 
and Virginia resolutions of 1798, facts 
which were daily discussed by the people 
of the South during this most exciting of 
all Presidential campaigns. 

The leaders in the South had anticipated 
defeat at the election, and manv of them 



88 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



made early preparations for the withdrawal 
of their States from the Union. Some of 
the more extreme anti-slavery men of the 
North, noting these prei)arations, for a 
time favored a plan of letting the South 
go in peace. South Carolina was the first 
to adopt a secession ordinance, and before 
it did so, Horace Greeley said in the New 
York Tribune: 

" If the Declaration of Independence 
justified the secession from the British 
Empire of thre© millions of colonists in 
1776, we can not see why it would not jus- 
tify the secession of five millions of South- 
rons from the Federal Union in 1861." 

These views, however, soon fell into dis- 
favor throughout the North, and the period 
of indecision on either side ceased when 
Fort Sumter was fired upon. The Gulf 
States openly made their preparations as 
soon as the result of the Presidential elec- 
tion was known, as a rule pursuant to a 
previous understanding. The following, 
condensed from Hon. Edward McPher- 
son's " Political History of the United States 
of America during the Great Rebellion," is 
a correct statement of the movements 
which followed, in the several Southern 
States : 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

November 5th, 1860. Legislature met 
to choose Presidential electors, who voted 
for Breckinridge and Lane for President 
and Vice President. Gov. William H. 
Gist recommended in his message that in 
the event of Abraham Lincoln's election 
to the Presidency, a convention of the 
people of the State be immediately called 
to consider and determine for themselves 
the mode and measure of redress. He ex- 
pressed the opinion that the only alterna- 
tive left is the " secession of South Caro- 
lina from the Federal Union." 

7th. United States ofiicials resigned at 
Charleston. 

10th. U. S. Senators James H. Ham- 
mond and James Chestnut, Jr., resigned 
their seats in the Senate. Convention 
called to meet Dec. 17th. Delegates to be 
elected Dec. 6th. 

13th. Collection of debts due to citi- 
zens of non-slaveholding States stayed. 
Francis W. Pickens elected Governor. 

17th. Ordinance of Secession adopted 
unanimously. 

21st. Commissioners appointed (Barn- 
well, Adams, and Orr) to proceed to 
Washington to treat for the possession of 
U. S. Government property within the lim- 
its of South Carolina. Commissioners ap- 
pointed to the other slaveholding States. 
Southern Congress proposed. 

24th. Representatives in Congress with- 
drew. 

Gov. Pickens issued a proclamation 
" announcing the repeal, Dec. 20th, 1860, 



by the good people of South Carolina," of 
the Ordinance of May 23d, 1788, and " the 
dissolution of the union between the State 
of South Carolina and other States under 
the name of the United States of Ameri- 
ca," and proclaiming to the world " that 
the State of South Carolina is, as she has 
a right to be, a separate, sovereign, free 
and independent State, and, as such, has a 
right to levy war, conclude peace, negotiate 
treaties, leagues, or covenants, and to do 
all acts whatsoever that rightfully apper- 
tain to a free and independent State. 

" Done in the eighty-fifth year of the 
sovereignty and independence of South 
Carolina." 

Jan. 3d, 1861. South Carolina Com- 
missioners left Washington. 

4th. Convention appointed T. J. With- 
ers, L. M. Keitt, W. W. Bovce, Jas. Chest- 
nut, Jr., R. B. Rhett, Jr., R\ W. Barnwell, 
and C. G. Memminger, delegates to South- 
ern Congress. 

6th. Convention adjourned, subject to 
the call of the Governor. 

14th. Legislature declared that any at- 
tempt to reinforce Fort Sumter would be 
considered an open act of hostility and a 
declaration of war. Approved the Gov- 
ernor's action in firing on the Star of the 
West. Accepted the services of the Cataw- 
ba Indians. 

27th. Received Judge Robertson, Com- 
missioner from Virginia, but rejected the 
proposition for a conference and co-oper- 
ative action. 

March 26th. Convention met in Charles- 
ton. 

April 3d. Ratified "Confederate" Con- 
stitution — yeas 114, nays 16. 

8th. Transferred forts, etc., to "Con- 
federate " government. 

GEORGIA. 

November 8th, 1860. Legislature met 
pursuant to previous arrangement. 

18th. Convention called. Legislature 
appropriated $1,000,000 to arm the State. 

Dec. 3d. Resolutions adopted in the Leg- 
islature proposing a conference of the 
Southern States at Atlanta, Feb. 20th. 

January 17th, 1861. Convention met. 
Received Commissioners from South Caro- 
lina and Alabama 

18th. Resolutions declaring it the right 
and duty of Georgia to secede, adopted — 
yeas 165, nays 130. 

19th. Ordinance of Secession passed— 
yeas 208, nays 89. 

21st. Senators and Representatives in 
Congress withdrew. 

24th. Elected Delegates to Southern 
Congress at Montgomery, Alabama. 

28th. Elected Commissioners to other 
Slaveholding States. 

29th. Adopted an address " to the South 
and the world." 



PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 



89 



March 7th. Convention reassembled. 

16th. Ratified the " Confederate " Consti- 
tution — yeas 96, nays 5. 

20th. Ordinance passed authorizing the 
" Confederate" government to occupy, use 
and possess the forts, navy yards, arsenals, 
and custom houses within the limits of said 
State. 

April 26th. Governor Brown issued a 
)iroclamation ordering the repudiation by 
Ihe citizens of Georgia of all debts due 
Northern men. 

MISSISSIPPI. 

November 26th, 1860. Legislature met 
Nov. 26th, and adjourned Nov. 30th. Elec- 
tion for Convention fixed for Dec. 20th. 
Convention to meet Jan 7th. Convention 
bills and secession resolutions passed unani- 
mously. Commissioners appointed to other 
Slaveholding States to secure " their co- 
operation in effecting measures for their 
common defence and safety." 

Jan. 7th, 1861. Convention assembled. 

9th. Ordinance of Secession passed — 
yeas 84, nays 15. 

In the ordinance the people of the State 
of Mississippi express their consent to form 
a federal union with such of the States as 
have seceded or may secede from the Union 
of the United States of America, upon the 
basis of the present Constitution of the 
United States, except such parts thereof as 
embrace other portions than such seceding 
States. 

10th. Commissioners from other States 
received. Resolutions adopted, recogniz- 
ing South Carolina as sovereign and inde- 
pendent. 

Jan. 12th. Representatives in Congress 
withdrew. 

19th. The committee on the Confederacy 
in the Legislature reported resolutions to 
provide for a Southern Confederacy, and 
to establish a provisional government for 
seceding States and States hereafter seced- 
ing. 

21st. Senators in Congress withdrew. 

March 30th. Ratified "Confederate" 
Constitution — yeas 78, nays 7. 

FLORIDA. 

November 26th, 1860. Legislature met. 
Governor M. S. Perry recommended imme- 
diate secession. 

Dec. 1st. Convention bill passed. 

Jan. 3d, 1861. Convention met. 

7th. Commissioners from South Carolina 
and Alabama received and heard. 

10th. Ordinance of Secession passed — 
yeas 62, nays 7. 

18th. Delegates appointed to Southern 
Congress at Montgomery. 

21st. Senators and Representattves in 
Congress withdrew. 

Feb. 14th. Act passed by the Legisla- 
ture declaring that after any actual collision 



between Federal troops and those in the 
employ of Florida, the act of holding office 
under the Federal government shall be 
declared treason, and the person convicted 
shall suffer death. Transferred control of 
government property captured, to the " Con- 
federate " government. 

LOUISIANA. 

December 10th, 1860. Legislature met,. 

11th. Convention called for Jan. 23d. 
Military bill passed. 

12th. Commissioners from Mississippi re- 
ceived and heard. Governor instructed to 
communicate with Governors of other 
southern States. 

Jan 23d, 1861. Convention met and 
organized. Received and heard Commis- 
sioners from South Carolina and Alabama. 

25th. Ordinance of Secession passed — • 
yeas 113, nays 17. Convention refused to 
submit the ordinance to the people by a 
vote of 84 to 45. This was subsequently 
reconsidered, and the ordinance was sub- 
mitted. The vote upon it as declared was 
20,448 in favor, and 17,296 against. 

Feb. 5th. Senators withdrew from Con- 
gress, also the Representatives, except John 
E. Bouligny. State flag adopted. Pilots 
at the Balize prohibited from bringing over 
the bar any United States vessels of war. 

March 7th. Ordinance adopted in secret 
session transferring to "Confederate "States 
government $536,000, being the amount of 
bullion in the U. S. mint and customs 
seized by the State. 

16th. An ordinance voted down, submit- 
ting the " Confederate " Constitution to the 
people — yeas 26, nays 74. 

21st. Ratified the* "Confederate "Consti- 
tution — yeas 101, nays 7. Governor author- 
ized to transfer the arms and property 
captured from the United States to the 
" Confederate " Government. 

27th. Convention adjourned sine die. 

ALABAMA. 

January 7th, 1861. Convention met. 

8th. Received and heard the Commis- 
sioner from South Carolina. 

11th. Ordinance of Secession passed in 
secret session — yeas 61, nays 39. Proposi- 
tion to submit ordinance to the people lost 
— yeas 47, nays 53. 

*14th. Legislature met pursuant to pre-' 
vious action. 

19th. Delegates elected to the Southern 
Congress. 

21st. Representatives and Senators in 
Congress withdrew. 

26th. Commissioners appointed to treat 
with the United States Government relative 
to the United States forts, arsenals, etc., 
within the State. 

The Convention requested the people of 
the States of Delaware, Marj-^land, Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, 



90 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, 
Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky and Mis- 
soutri to meet the people of Alabama by 
their delegates in Convention, February 4th, 
1861, at Montgomery, for the purpose ^of 
consulting as to the most effectual mode of 
securing concerted or harmonious action in 
whatever measures may be deemed most 
desirable for their common peace and 
security. Military bill passed. Commis- 
sioners appointed to other Slaveholding 
States. 

March 4th. Convention re-assembled. 

13th. Ratified "Confederate" Constitu- 
tion, yeas 87, nays 6. Transferred control 
forts, of arsenals, etc., to " Confederate" 
Government. 

ARKANSAS. 

January 16th, 1861. Legislature passed 
Convention bill. Vote of the people on 
the Convention was 27,412 for it, and 15,- 
826 against it. 

February 18th. Delegates elected. 

March 4th. Convention met. 

18th. The Ordinance of Secession de- 
feated — yeas 35, nays 39. The convention 
effected a compromise by agreeing to sub- 
mit the question of co-operation or seces- 
sion to the people on the 1st Monday in 
August. 

May 6th. Passed Secession Ordinance — 
yeas 69, nays 1. Authorized her delegates 
to the Provisional Congress, to transfer the 
arsenal at Little Rock and hospital at Na- 
poleon to the " Confederate " Government. 

TEXAS. 

January 21st, 1861. Legislature met. 

28th. People's State Convention met. 

29th. Legislature passed a resolution de- 
claring that the Federal Government has 
no power to coerce a Sovereign State after 
she has pronounced her separation from 
the Federal Union. 

February 1st. Ordinance of Secession 
passed in Convention — yeas 166, nays 7. 
Military bill passed. 

7th. Ordin^ance passed, forming the foun- 
dation of a Southern Confederacy. Dele- 
gates to the Southern Congress elected. 
Also an act passed submitting the Ordi- 
nance of Secession to a vote of the people. 

23d. Secession Ordinance voted on by 
the people ; adopted by a vote of 34,794 in 
favor, and 11,235 against it. 

March 4th. Convention declared the 
State out of the Union. Gov. Houston 
issued a proclamation to that effect. 

16th. Convention by a vote of 127 to 4 
deposed Gov. Houston, declaring his seat 
vacant. Gov. Houston issued a proclama- 
tion to the people protesting against this 
action of the Convention. 

20th. Legislature confirmed the action 
of the Convention in deposing Gov. Hous- 
ton by a vote of 53 to 11. Transferred 



forts, etc., to " Confederate " Government 
23d. Ratified the "Confederate" Consti- 
tution — yeas 68, nays 2. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

November 20th,, 1860. Legislature met 
Gov. Ellis recommended that the Legisla- 
ture invite a conference of the Southern 
States, or failing in that, send one or more 
delegates to the neighboring States so as to 
secure concert of action. He recommended 
a thorough reorganization of the militia, 
and the enrollment of all persons between 
18 and 45 years, and the organization of a 
corps of ten thousand men ; also, a Con- 
vention, to assemble immediately after the 
proposed consultation with other Southern 
States shall have terminated. 

December 9th, Joint Committee on Fed- 
eral Relations agreed to report a Conven- 
tion Bill. 

17th. Bill appropriating $300,000 to 
arm the State, debated. 

18th. Senate passed above bill — yeas, 
41, nays, 3. 

20th. Commissioners from Alabama and 
Mississippi received and heard — the latter, 
J. Thompson, by letter. 

22d. Senate bill to arm the State failed 
to pass the House. 

22d. Adjourned till January 7th. 

January 8th, 1861. Senate Bill arming 
the State passed the House, yeas, 73, nays, 
26. 

30th. Passed Convention Bill — election 
to take place February 28th. No Secession 
Ordinance to be valid without being rati- 
fied by a majority of the qualified voters of 
the State. 

31st. Elected Thos. L. Clingman United 
States Senator, 

February 13th. Commissioners from 
Georgia publicly received. 

20th. Mr. Hoke elected Adjutant Gen- 
eral of the State. Military Bill passed. 

28th. Election of Delegates to Conven- 
tion took place. 

28th. The vote for a Convention was 
46,671; against 47,333 — majority against a 
Convention 661. 

May 1st. Extra session of the Legisla- 
ture met at the call of Gov. Ellis. The 
same day they passed a Convention Bill, 
ordering the election of delegates on the 
15th. 

2d. Legislature adjourned, 

13th. Election of delegates to the Con- 
vention took place. 

20th. Convention met at Raleigh. 

21st. Ordinance of Secession passed; 
also the " Confederate " Constitution rati- 
fied. 

June 5th. Ordinance passed, ceded the 
arsenal at Fayetteville, and transferred, 
magazines, etc., to the "Confederate" 
Government. 



PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 



91 



TENNESSEE. 

January 6th, 1861. Legislature met. 

12th. Passed Convention Bill. 

30th. Commissioners to Washington 
appointed. 

February 8th. Peoplp voted no Conven- 
tion : 67,360 to 54,156. 

May 1st. Legislature passed a joint re- 
solution authorizing the Governor to ap- 
point Commissioners to enter into a mili- 
tary league with the authorities of the 
*' Confederate '' States. 

7th. Legislature in secret session rati- 
fied the league entered into by A. O. W. 
Totten, Gustavus A. Henry, Washington 
Barrow, Commissioners for Tennessee, and 
Henry W. Hilliard, Commissioner for 
" Confederate " States, stipulating that 
Tennessee until she became a member of 
the Confederacy placed the whole military 
force of the State under the control of the 
President of the " Confederate" States, and 
turned over to the " Confederate " States 
all the public property, naval stores and 
munitions of war. Passed the Senate, 
yeas 14, nays 6, absent and not voting 5 ; 
the House, yeas 42, nays 15, absent and 
not voting, 18. Also a Declaration of In- 
dependence and Ordinance dissolving the 
Federal relations between Tennessee and 
the United States, and an ordinance adopt- 
ing and ratifying the Confederate Consti- 
tution, these tAro latter to be voted on by 
the people on June 8th were passed. 

June 24th. Gov. Isham G. Harris de- 
clared Tennessee out of the Union, the 
vote for Separation being 104,019 against 
47,238. 

VIRGINIA. 

January 7th, 1861. Legislature con- 
vened. 

8th. Anti-coercion resolution passed. 

9th. Resolution passed, asking that the 
status quo be maintained. 

10th. The Governor transmitted a des- 
patch from the Mississippi Convention, an- 
nouncing its unconditional secession from 
the Union, and desiring on the basis of the 
old Constitution to form a new union with 
the seceding States. The House adopted — 
yeas 77, nays 61, — an amendment submit- 
ting to a vote of the people the question of 
referring for their decision any action of 
the Convention dissolving Virginia's con- 
nection with the Union, or changing its 
organic law. The Richmond Enquirer 
denounced " the emasculation of the Con- 
vention Bill as imperilling all that Virgin- 
ians held most sacred and dear." 

16th. Commissioners Hopkins and Gil- 
mer of Alabama received in the Legisla- 
ture. 

17th. Resolutions passed proposing the 
Crittenden resolutions as a basis for adjust- 
ment, and requesting General Government 
to avoid collision with Southern States. 



Gov. Letcher communicated the Resolu- 
tions of th« Legislature of New York, ex- 
pressing the utmost disdain, and saying 
that " the threat conveyed can inspire no 
terror in freemen." The resolutions were 
directed to be returned to the Governor of 
New York. 

18th. $1,000,000 appropriated for the 
defence of the State. 

19th. Passed resolve that if all efforts 
to reconcile the differences of the country 
fail, every consideration of honor and in- 
terest demands that Virginia shall unite 
her destinies with her sister slaveholding 
States. Also that no reconstruction of the 
Union can be permanent or satisfactory, 
which will not secure to each section self- 
protecting power against any invasion of 
the Federal Union upon the reserved rights 
of either. (See Hunter's proposition for 
adjustment.) 

21st. Replied to Commissioners Hop- 
kins and Gilmer, expressing inability to 
make a definite response until after the 
meeting of the State Convention. 

22d. The Governor transmitted the re- 
solutions of the Legislature of Ohio, with 
unfavorable comment. His message was 
tabled by a small majority. 

30th. The House of Delegates to-day 
tabled the resolutions of the Pennsylvania 
Legislature, but referred those of Tennes- 
see to the Committee on Federal Relations. 

February 20th. The resolutions of the 
Legislature of Michigan were returned 
without comment. 

28th. Ex-President Tyler and James A. 
Seddon, Commissioners to the Peace Con- 
gress, presented their report, and denounced 
the recommendation of that body as a de- 
lusion and a sham, and as an insult and an 
offense to the South. 



Proceedlugs of Virginia Couventlou. 

February 4th. Election of delegates to 
the Convention. 

13th. Convention met. 

14th. Credentials of John S. Preston, 
Commissioner from South Carolina, Fulton 
Anderson from Mississippi, and Henry L. 
Benning from Georgia, were received. 

18th. Commissioners from Mississippi 
and Georgia heard ; both pictured the dan- 
ger of Virginia remaining with the North ; 
neither contemplated such an event as re- 
union. 

19th. The Commissioner from South 
Carolina was heard. He said his people 
believed the Union unnatural and mon- 
strous, and declared that there was no 
human force — nosanctity of human touch, 
— that could re-unite the people of the 
North with the people of the South — that 
it could never be done unless the economy 
of God were changed. 



92 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



20th. A committee reported that in all 
but sixteen counties, the majority for sub- 
mitting the action of the Convention to a 
vote of the people was 52,857. Numerous 
resolutions on Federal Relations intro- 
duced, generally expressing attachment to 
the Union, but denouncing coercion. 

26th. Mr. Goggin of Bedford, in his 
speech, denied the right of secession, but 
admitted a revolutionary remedy for wrongs 
committed upon a State or section, and 
said wherever Virginia went he was with 
her. 

March 2d. Mr. Goode of Bedford offered 
a resolution that, as the powers delegated 
to the General Government by Virginia 
had been perverted to her injury, and as 
the Crittenden propositions as a basis of 
adjustment had been rejected by their 
Northern confederates, therefore every 
consideration of duty, interest, honor and 
patriotism requires that Virginia should de- 
clare her connection with the Government 
to be dissolved. 

5th. The thanks of the State were voted 
to Hon. John J. Crittenden, by yeas 107, 
nays 16, for his efforts to bring about an 
honorable adjustment of the national diffi- 
culties. Mr. Harvie of Amelia offered a 
resolution, requesting Legislature to make 
needful appropriations to resist any attempt 
of the Federal authorities to hold, occupy 
or possess the property and places claimed 
by the United States in any of the seceded 
States, or those that may withdraw or col- 
lect duties or imposts in the same. 

9th. Three reports were made from the 
Committee on Federal Relations. The 
majority proposed to submit to the other 
States certain amendments to the Constitu- 
tion, awaiting the response of non-slave- 
holding States before determining whether 
" she will resume the powers granted by 
her under the Constitution of the United 
States, and throw herself upon her reserved 
rights ; meanwhile insisting that no coer- 
cion be attempted, the Federal forts in se- 
ceded States be not reinforced, duties be 
not collected, etc.," and proposing a Con- 
vention at Frankfort, Kentucky, the last 
Monday in May, of the States of Delaware, 
Maryland, North Carolina, Tennessee, 
Kentucky, Missouri and Arkansas. Henry 
A. Wise differed in details, and went fur- 
ther in the same direction. Messrs. Lewis 
E. Harvie, Robert L. Montague and Sam- 
uel C. Williams recommended the immedi- 
ate passage of an Ordinance of Secession. 
Mr. Barbour of Culpeper insisted upon the 
immediate adoption by the non-slavehold- 
ing States of needed guarantees of safety, 
and provided for the appointment of three 
Commissioners to confer with the Confed- 
erate authorities at Montgomery. 

19th. Committee on Federal Relations 
reported proposed amendments to the 
Constitution, which were the substitute of 



Mr. Franklin of Pa., in " Peace Confer- 
ence," changed by using the expression 
" involuntary servitude " in place of " per- 
sons held to service." The right of owners 
of slaves is not to be impaired by congres- 
sional or territorial law, or any pre-exist- 
ing law in territory hereafter acquired. 

Involuntary servitude, except for crime,, 
to be prohibited north of 36°30^ but shall! 
not be prohibited by Congress or any Ter- 
ritorial legislature south of that line. The 
third section has some verbal alterations, 
providing somewhat better security for 
property in transit. The fifth section pro- 
hibits the importation of slaves from places 
beyond the limits of the United States. 
The sixth makes some verbal changes in 
relation to remuneration for fugitives by 
Congress, and erases the clause relative to 
the securing of privileges and immunities. 
The seventh forbids the granting of the 
elective franchise and right to hold office 
to persons of the African race. The eighth 
provides that none of these amendments, 
nor the third paragraph of the second sec- 
tion of the first article of the Constitution, 
nor the third paragraph of the second sec- 
tion of the fourth article thereof, shall be 
amended or abolished without the consent 
of all the States. 

25th. The Committee of the Whole re- 
fused (yeas 4, nays 116) to strike out the 
majority report and insert Mr. Carlile's 
" Peace Conference " substitute. 

26th. The Constitution of the " Confede- 
rate" States, proposed by Mr. Hall as a sub- 
stitute for the report of the committee, re- 
jected — yeas 9, nays 78. 

28th. The first and second resolutions 
reported by the committee adopted. 

April 6th. The ninth resolution of the 
majority report came up. Mr. Bouldin 
offered an amendment striking out the 
whole, and inserting a substitute declaring 
that the independence of the seceded 
States should be acknowledged without 
delay, which was lost — yeas 68, nays 71, 

9th. Mr. Wise's substitute for the tenth 
resolution, to the effect that Virginia re- 
cognizes the independence of the seceding 
States was adoptai — yeas 128, nays 20. 

April 17. Ordinance of Secession passed 
in secret session — yeas 88, nays 55, one 
excused, and eight not vntintr. 

Same day the Commi^isioiiers adopted 
and ratified the Constitution of the Provi- 
sional Government of the " Confederate" 
States of America, this ordinance to cease 
to have legal effect if the people of Vir- 
ginia voting upon the Ordinance of Seces- 
sion should reject it. 

25th. A Convention was made between 
Commissioners of Virginia, chosen by the 
Convention, and A. H. Stephens, Commis- 
sioner for " Confederates," stipulating that 
Virginia until she became a member of the 
Confederacy should place her military 



PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 



93 



force under the direction of the President 
of the "Confederate" States; also turn 
■over to " Confederate " States all her pub- 
lic property, naval stores, and munitions of 
war. Signed by J. Tyler, W. B. Preston, 
S. McD. Moore, James P. Holcombe, Jas. 
, C. Bruce, Lewis E. Harvie — for Virginia ; 
and A. H. Stephens for " Confederate " 
States. 

June 25th. Secession vote announced as 
128,884 for, and 32,134 against. 

July. The Convention passed an ordi- 
nance to the effect that any citizen of Vir- 
ginia holding office under the Government 
of the United States after the 31st of July, 
1861, should be forever banished from the 
■State, and be declared an alien enemy. 
Also that any citizen of Virginia, hereafter 
undertaking to represent the State of Vir- 
ginia in the Congress of the United States, 
should, in addition to the above penalties, 
be considered guilty of treason, and his 
property be liable to confiscation. A pro- 
vision was inserted exempting from the 
penalties of the act all officers of theUnited 
States outside of the United States, or of 
the Confederate States, until after Julv 
1st, 1862. 

KENTUCKY. 

December 12th, 1860. Indiana militia 
offer their services to quell servile insur- 
rection. Gov. Magoffin declines accepting 
them. 

January 17th, 1861. Legislature con- 
vened. 

22d. The House by a vote of 87 to 6 re- 
solved to resist the invasion of the South 
at all hazards. 

27th. Legislature adopted the Virginia 
resolutions requiring the Federal Govern- 
ment to protect Slavery in the Territories 
and to guarantee the right of transit of 
slaves through the Free States. 

February 2d. The Senate passed by a 
vote of 25 to 11, resolutions appealing to 
the Southern States to stop the revolution, 
protesting against Federal coercion and 
providing that the Legislature reassemble 
on the 24th of April to hear the responses 
from sister States, also in favor of making 
an application to call a National Conven- 
tion for proposing amendments to the Con- 
^■ttution of the United States, also by a 
vote of 25 to 14 declared it inexpedient at 
this time to call a State Convention. 

5th. The House by a vote of 54 to 40 
passed the above resolutions. 

March 22d. State Rights Convention as- 
sembled. Adopted resolutions denouncing 
any attempt on the part of the Govern- 
nient to collect revenue as coercion ; and 
I affirming that, in case of any such attempt, 
1 the border States should make common 
I cause with the Southern Confederacy. 
[ They also recommended a border State 
Convention. 



April 24th. Gov. Magoffin called an extra 
session of the Legislature. 

May 20tli. Gov. Magoffin issued a neu- 
trality proclamation. 

September 11th. The House of Repre- 
sentatives by a 'vote of 71 to 26, adopted a 
resolution directing the Governor to issue 
a proclamation ordering the Confederate 
troops to evacuate Kentucky soil. The 
Governor vetoed the resolution, which 
was afterwards passed over his veto, and 
accordingly he issued the required procla- 
mation. 

October 29th. Southern Conference met 
at Russellville. H. C. Burnett elected 
Chairman, R. McKee Secretary, T. S. 
Bryan Assistant Secretary. Remained in 
secret session two days and then adjourned 
sine die. A series of resolutions reported 
by G. W. Johnson were adopted. They 
recite the unconstitutional and oppressive 
acts of the Legislature, proclaim revolu- 
tion, provide for a Sovereignty Convention 
at Russellville, on the 18th of November, 
recommend the organization of county 
guards, to be placed in the service of and 
paid by the Confederate States Govern- 
ment ; pledge resistance to all Federal and 
State taxes, for the prosecution of the war 
on the part of the United States ; and ap- 
point Robert McKee, John C. Breckin- 
ridge, Humphrey Marshall, Geo. W. Ew- 
ing, H. W. Bruce, Geo. B. Hodge, William 
Preston, Geo. W. Johnson, Blanton Dun- 
can, and P. B. Thompson to carry out the 
resolutions. 

November 18th. Convention met and 
remained in session three days. 

20th. It passed a Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and an Ordinance of Secession. 
A Provisional Government consisting of a 
Governor, Legislative Council of ten, a 
Treasurer, and an Auditor were agreed 
upon. Geo. W. Johnson was chosen Gov- 
ernor. Legislative Council were: Willis 
B. Machen, John W. Crockett, James P. 
Bates, Jas. S. Chrisman, Phil. B. Thomp- 
son, J. P. Burnside, H. W. Bruce, J. W. 
Moore, E. M. Bruce, Geo. B. Hodge. 

MARYLAND. 

Nov. 27th, 1860. Gov. Hicks declined 
to call a special session of the Legislature, 
in response to a request for such convening 
from Thomas G. Pratt, Sprigg Harwood, 
J. S. Franklin, N. H. Green, Llewellyn 
Boyle, and J. Pinkney. 

December 19th. Gov. Hicks replied to 
A. H. Handy, Commissioner from Missis- 
sippi, declining to accept the programme 
of Secession, 

20th. Wm. H. Collins, Esq., of Balti- 
more, issued an address to the people, iu 
favor of the Union, and in March a second 

31st. The " Clipper " denied the exist- 
ence of an organization in Maryland to 



94 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



prevent the inauguration of President Lin- 
coln. 

A. H. Handy of Mississippi addressed 
citizens of Baltimore in favor of disunion. 

January 3d, 1861. Henry Winter Davis 
issued an address in favor of the Union. 

3d. Numerous Union meetings in vari- 
ous part of the State. Gov. Hicks issued 
An address to the people against seces- 
sion. 

11th. John C. Legrand in a letter to 
Hon. Reverdy Johnson replied to the 
Union speech of the latter. 

14th. James Carroll, former Democratic 
candidate for Governof, announced his de- 
sire to go with the seceding States. 

16th. Wm. A. Spencer, in a letter to 
Walter S. Cox, Esq., declared against the 
right of Secession but for a Convention. 

16. Marshal Kane, in a letter to Mayor 
Berrett, denied that any organization ex- 
ists to prevent the inauguration of Presi- 
dent Lincoln, and said that the President 
elect would need no armed escort in pass- 
ing through or sojourning within the limits 
of Baltimore and Maryland. 

24th. Coleman Yellott declared for a 
Convention. 

30th. Messrs. John B. Brooke, President 
of the Senate, and E. G. Kilbourn, Speaker 
of the House of Delegates, asked the Gov- 
ernor to convene the Legislature in re- 
sponse to public meetings. Senator Ken- 
nedy published his opinion that Mary- 
land must go with Virginia. 

February 18th. State Conference Con- 
vention held, and insisted upon a meeting 
of the Legislature. At a meeting in How- 
ard Co., which Speaker E. G. Kilbouru 
addressed, a resolution was adopted that 
" immediate steps ought to be taken for 
the establishment of a Southern Confed- 
eracy, by consultation and co-operation 
with such other Southern and Slave States 
as may be ready therefor." 

April 21st. Gov. Hicks wrote to Gen. 
Butler, advising that he do not land his 
troops at Annapolis. Butler replied that 
he intended to land there and march 
thence to Washington. Gov. Hicks pro- 
tested against this and also against his 
having taken forcible possession of the 
Annapolis and Elkridge railroad. 

24th. A special election of ten delegates 
to the Legislature took place at Baltimore. 
The total vote cast in all the wards was 
9,249. The total vote cast at the Presi- 
dential election in November, 1860, was 
30,148. 

26th. Legislature reassembled at Fred- 
erick, Annapolis being occupied by Union 
troops. 

29th. Gov. Hicks sent a message to the 
Legislature communicating to them the 
correspondence between himself and Gen. 
Butler and the Secretary of War relative 
to the landing of troops at Annapolis. 



The House of Delegates voted against 
Secession, 53 to 13. Senate unanimously. 

May 2d. The Committee on Federal Re- 
lations, " in view of the seizure of the 
railroads by the General Government and 
the erection of fortifications," presented 
resolutions appointing Commissioners to 
the President to ascertain whether any be- 
coming arrangements with the General 
Government are practicable, for the main- 
tenance of the peace and honor of the 
State and the security of its inhabitants. 
The report was adopted, and Otho Scott, 
Robt. M. McLane, and Wm. J. Ross were 
appointed such Commissioners. 

Mr. Yellott in the Senate introduced a 
bill to appoint a Board of Public Safety. 
The powers given to the Board included 
the expenditure of the two millions of dol- 
lars proposed by Mr. Brune for the defence 
of the State, and the entire control of the 
military, including the removal and ap- 
pointment of commissioned officers. It 
was ordered to a second reading by a vote 
of 14 to 8. The Board was to consist of 
Ezekicl F. Chambers, Enoch Louis Lowe, 
John V. L. MacMahon, Thomas G. Pratt, 
Walter Mitchell, and Thomas Winans. 
Gov. Hicks was made ex-officio a member 
of the Board. This measure was strongly 
jiressed by the Disunionists for a long 
time, but they were iinally compelled to 
give way, and the bill never passed. 

6th. The Commissioners reported the 
result of their interview with the Presi- 
dent, and expressed the opinion that some 
modification of the course of the General 
Government towards Maryland ought to 
be expected. 

10th. The House of Delegates passed a 
series of resolutions reported by the Com- 
mittee on Federal Relations by a vote of 
43 to 12. The resolutions declare that 
Maryland protests against the war, and 
does earnestly beseech and implore the 
President of the United States to make 
peace with the "Confederate" States; 
also, that " the State of Maryland desires 
the peaceful and immediate recogition of 
the independence of the Confederate 
States." Those who voted in the negative 
are Messrs. Medders, Lawson, Keene, 
Routzahn, Naill, Wilson of Harford, Bay- 
less, McCoy, Fiery, Stake, McCleary, an-; 
Gorsuch. I 

13th. Both Houses adopted a resolutioij 
providing for a committee of eight mem- 
bers, (four from each House) to visit the 
President of the United States and the 
President of the Southern Confederacy. 
The committee to visit President Davis 
were instructed to convey the assurance 
that Maryland sympathizes with the Con- 
federate States, and that the people of 
Maryland are enlisted with their whole 
hearts on the side of reconciliation and 
peace. 



PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 



95 



June 11th. Messrs. McKaig, Yellott and 
Harding, Commissioners to visit President 
Davis, presented their report ; accompany- 
ing which is a letter from Jefferson Davis, 
expressing his . gratification to hear that 
the State of Maryland was in sympathy 
with themselves, was enlisted on the side 
of peace and reconciliation, and avowing 
his perfect willingness for a cessation of 
hostilities, and a readiness to receive any 
proposition for peace from the United 
States Government. 

20th. The House of Delegates, and June 
22d, the Senate adopted resolutions un- 
qualifiedly protesting against the arrest of 
Ross Winans and sundry other citizens of 
Maryland, as an "oppressive and tyran- 
nical assertion and exercise of military 
jurisdiction within the limits of Maryland, 
over the persons and property of her citi- 
zens, by the Government of the United 
States." 

MISSOURI. 

January 15th, 1861. Senate passed Con- 
vention Bill — yeas 31, nays 2. Passed 
House also. 

February 28th. Convention met; motion 

I to go into secret session, defeated. A reso- 

! lution requiring members to take an oath 

to support the Constitution of the United 

States and the State of Missouri, was lost 

— 65 against 30. 

March 4. Resolution passed, 64 yeas, 35 
j i>ays, appointing committee to notify Mr. 
Glenn, Commissioner of Georgia, that the 
Convention was ready to hear any com- 
munication from his State. Mr. Glenn was 
introduced, read Georgia's articles of se- 
cession, and made a speech urging Mis- 
souri to join her. 

5th. Resolutions were read, ordering 
that the protest of St. Louis against co- 
ercion be reduced to writing, and a copy 
sent to the President of the United States ; 
also, resolutions were adopted informing the 
Commissioner from Georgia that Missouri 
dissented from the position taken by that 
State, and refused to share the honors of 
secession with her. 

6th. Resolutions were offered by several 
members and referred, calling a Conven- 
tion of the Southern States which have 
not seceded, to meet at Nashville, April 
15th, providing for such amendments to 
the Constitution of the United States as 
shall secure to all the States equal rights 
in the Union, and declaring strongly 
against secession. 

9th. The Committee on Federal Rela- 
tions reported a series of resolutions, set- 
ting forth that at present there is no ade- 
quate cause to impel Missouri to leave the 
Union, but that on the contrary she Avill 
labor for such an adjustment of existing 
troubles as will secure peace and the rights 
and equality of all the States ; that the 



people of Missouri regard the amendments 
to the Constitution proposed by Mr. Crit- 
tenden, with their extension to territory 
hereafter to be required, a basis of adjust- 
ment which would forever remove all diffi- 
culties ; and that it is expedient for the 
Legislature to call a Convention for pro- 
posing amendments to the Constitution. 

The Senate passed resolutions that their 
Senators be instructed, and their Repre- 
sentatives requested, to oppose the pas- 
sage of all acts granting supplies of men 
and money to coerce the seceding States 
into submission or subjugation ; and that, 
should such acts be passed by Congress, 
their Senators be instructed, and their Re- 
presentatives requested, to retire from the 
halls of Congress. 

16th. An amendment of the fifth resolu- 
tion of the majority report of the Com- 
mittee on Federal Relations, asserting that 
Missouri would never countenance nor aid 
a seceding State in making war upon the 
General Government, nor provide men 
and money for the purpose of aiding the 
General Government to coerce a seceding 
State, was voted down. 

27th. The following resolution was 
passed by a vote in the House of 62 against 
42:— 

Resolved, That it is inexpedient for the 
General Assembly to take any steps for 
calling a National Convention to propose 
amendments to the Constitution, as recom- 
mended by the State Convention.- 

July 22d. The Convention reassembled. 

23d. Resolution passed, by a vote of 65 
to 21, declaring the office of President, 
held by General Sterling Price at the last 
session of the Convention, vacant. A 
committee of seven were appointed to re- 
port what action they deem it advisable to 
take in the dislocated condition of the 
State. 

25th. The committee presented their re- 
port. It alludes at length to the present 
unparalleled condition of things, the reck- 
less course of the recent Government, and 
flight of the Governor and other State 
officers from the capitol. It declares the 
offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, 
and Secretary of State vacant, and pro- 
vides that their vacancies shall be filled by 
the Convention, the officers so appointed 
to hold their positions till August, 1862, 
at which time it provides for a special elec- 
tion by the people. It repeals the ninth 
section of the sixth article of the Consti- 
tution, and provides that the Supreme 
Court of the State shall consist of seven 
members ; and that four members, in ad- 
dition to the three now comprising the 
Court, shall be appointed by the Governor 
chosen by this Convention to hold office 
till 1862, when the people shall decide 
whether the change shall be permanent. 
It abolishes the State Legislature, and or- 



96 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



dains that in case, before the 1st of August, 
1862, tlie Governor chosen by this Con- 
vention shall consider the public exigen- 
cies demand, he shall order a special elec- 
tion for the members of the State Legisla- 
ture. It recommends the passage of an 
ordinance repealing the following bills, 
passed by the Legislature in secret session, 
in May last: The military fund bill, the 
bill to suspend the distribution of the 
school fund, and the bill for cultivating 
friendly relations Avith the Indian tribes. 
It repeals the bill authorizing the appoint- 
ment of one major-general of the Missouri 
militia, and revives the militia law of 1859. 

A resolution was passed that a commit- 
tee of seven be appointed by the President 
to prepare an address to the people of the 
State of Missouri. 

November 26th. Jefferson Davis trans- 
mitted to the " Confederate " Congress a 
message concerning the secession of Mis- 
souri. It Avas accompanied by a letter 
from Governor Jackson, and also by an 
act dissolving the union with the United 
States, and an act ratifying the Constitu- 
tion of the Provisional Government of the 
Confederate States ; also, the Convention 
between the Commissioners of Missouri 
and the Commissioners of the Confederate 
States. Congress unanimously ratified the 
Convention entered into between the Hon. 
R. M. T. Hunter for the rebel Government 
and the Commissioners for Missouri. 



Inter-state Coinmlseioners. 

The seceding States, as part of their plan 
of operation, appointed Commissioners to 
visit other slaveholding States. They 
were as follows, as announced in the news- 
papers : 

South Carolina. 

To Alabama, A. P. Calhoun. 

To Georgia, James L. Orr, Ex-M. C. 

To Florida, L. W. Spratt. 

To Mississippi, M. L. Bonham, Ex-M. C. 

To Louisiana, J. L. Manning. 

To Arkansas, A. C. Spain. 

To Texas, J. B. Kershaw. 

To Virginia, John S. Preston. 

Alabama. 

To North Carolina, Isham W. Garrett. 
To Mississippi, E. W. Pettus. 
To South Carolina, J. A. Elmore. 
To Maryland, A. F. Hopkins. 
To Virginia, Frank Gilmer. 
To Tennessee, L. Pope Walker. 
To Kentucky, Stephen F. Hale. 
To Arkansas, John Anthony Winston. 

Georgia. 

To Missouri, Luther J. Glenn. 
To Virginia,. Henry L. Benning. 



Mississippi. 

To South Carolina, C. E. Hooker. 

To Alabama, Jos. W. Matthews, Ex-Gor. 

To Georgia, William L. Harris. 
I To Louisiana, Wirt Adams. 
! To Texas, H. H. Miller. 

To Arkansas, George R. Fall. 

To Florida, E. M. Yerger. 

To Tennessee, T. J. Wharton, Att'y-Gen. 
; To Kentucky, W. S. Featherstone, Ex-M. C. 
; To North Carolina, Jacob Thompson, Ex- 
1 M. C. 

To Virginia, Fulton Anderson. 

To Maryland, A. H. Handy, Judge. 

To Delaware, Henry Dickinson. 

To Missouri, Eussell. 



Soiitliern Congress. 

This body, composed of Deputies elected 
by the Conventions of the Seceding States, 
met at Montgomery, Alabama, February 
4th, 1861, to organize a Southern Confed- 
eracy. Each State had a representation 
equal to the number of members of the 
Thirty-sixth Congress. The members 
were : 

South Carolina. 

Robert W. Barnwell, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
R. Barnwell Rhett, " " " 
James Chestnut, jr., " " " 
Lawrence M. Keitt, Ex-M. C. 
William W. Boyce, " " 
Wn. Porcher Miles, " " 
C. G. Memminger. 
Thomas J Withers. 

Alabama. 
W. P. Chilton. 
Stephen F. Hale. 
David P. Lewis. 
Thomas Fearn, 
Richard W. Walker. 
Robert H. Smith. 
Colin J. McRae. 
John Gill Shorter. 
J. L. M. Curry, Ex-M. C. 

Florida. 

J. Patten Anderson, Ex-Delegate from 

Washington Territory. 
Jackson Morton, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
James Powers, 

Mississippi. 
W. S. Wilson. 
Wiley P. Harris, Ex-M. C. 
James T. Harrison. 
Walter Brooke, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
William S. Barry, Ex-M. C. 
A. M. Clayton. 

Georgia. 
Robert Toombs, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
Howell Cobb, Ex-M. C. 

Martin J. Crawford, " 
Augustus R Wright, " " 



PREPARING FOR SECESSION, 



97 



Augustus H. Keenan. 

Benjamin H. Hill. 

Francis S. Bartow. 

E. A. Nisbet. 

Thomas R. R. Cobb. 

Alexander H. Stephens, Ex-M. C. 

Louisiana. 

Duncan F. Kenner. 

Charles M. Conrad, Ex-U. S. Senator. 

Henry Marshall. 

John Perkins, jr. 

G. E. Sparrow. 

E. De Clouet. 

Texas. 

(Admitted March 2d, 1861.) 

Louis T. Wigfall, Ex-U. S. Senator. 

John Hemphill, " 

John H. Reagan, Ex-M. C. 

T. N. Waul. 

John Gregg. 

W. S. Oldham. 

W. B. Ochiltree. 



Proceedings of the Southern Congress. 

February 4th, 1861. Howell Cobb of 
Georgia elected President, Johnson J. 
Hooper of Alabama, Secretary. Mr. Cobb 
announced that secession " is now a fixed 
and irrevocable fact, and the separation is 
perfect, complete and perpetual." 

6th. David L. Swain, M. W. Ransom, 
and John L. Bridgers, were admitted as 
Commissioners from North Carolina, un- 
der resolutions of the General Assembly of 
that State, passed January 29th, 1861, " to 
effect an honorable and amicable, adjust- 
ment of all the difficulties that disturb 
the country, upon the basis of the Critten- 
den resolutions, as modified by the Legis- 
lature of Virginia," and to consult with 
the delegates to the Southern Congress 
for their " common peace, honor and 
safety." 

7th. Congress notified that the State of 
Alabama had placed $500,000 at its dispo- 
sal, as a loan to the provisional government 
of the Confederacy of Seceding States. 

8th. The Constitution of the Provisional 
Government adopted. * 

''The Provisional Constitution adopted by the Seceded 
States differs froni the Constitution of the'l'nited States 
iinseveriU important particulars. The alterations and 
fadditiong are as follows : 

ALTERATIONS. 

1st. The Provisional Constitution differs from the olher 
^ this : Tiiat the Ifi^islative powers of the Provisional 
i'°^'*"}m*'nt are vested in the Congress now assemtiled. 
ind this body exercises all the functions that are exer- 
nsed by eitlier or both branches of the United States 
government. 

•ii. The Provisional President holds his office for one 
'ear, unless sooner superseded by the establishment of a 
)ermanent Government. 

•^»' .K^*^'' *^''''**^ " erected into a distinct judicial dis- 
™' '°?jui'eeliaving all the powers heretofore vested 
jD the district and circuit courts ; and the several district 
uages together compose the supreme bench— a majority 

I mem constituting a quorum. ' 

7 



9th. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, 
elected Provisional President of the Con- 
federate States of America, and Alexander 
H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. 
The question of attacking Fort Sumter has 
been referred to the Congress. 

11th. Mr. Stephens announced his ac- 
ceptance. Committee appointed to prepare 
a permanent Constitution. 

12th. The Congress assumed " charge 
of all questions and difficulties now exist- 
ing between the sovereign States of this 
Confederacy and the Government of the 
United States, relating to the occupation of 
forts, arsenals, navy yards, custom-houses, 
and all other public establishments." The 
resolution was directed to be communicated 
to the Governors of the respective States of 
the Confederacy. 

15th. Official copy of the Texas Ordi- 
nance of Secession presented. 

16th. President Davis arrived and re- 
ceived with salute, etc. 

18th. President Davis inaugurated. 

19th. Tariff law passed. 

21st. Robert Toombs appointed Secre- 
tary of the State ; C. G. Memminger, s^ - -- 
tary of the Treasury ; L. Pope Walker, of 

4th. Whenever the word " Union " occurs in the 
United States Constitution the word " Confederacy " is 

substituted. 

THE FOLLOWINO ARE THE ADDITIONS. 

1st. The President may veto any separate appropriation 
witliout vetoing the whole bill in which it is con- 
tained. 

2d. The African slave-trade is prohibited. 

lid. Congress is empowered to prohibit the introduction 
of slaves from any State not a member of this Confed- 
eracy. 

4th. All appropriations must be upon the demand of 
the President or heatls of departments. 

0MIS.SI0NS. 

1st, There is no prohiliition on members of Congress 
holding other offices of honor and emolument under ,the 
Provisional Government. 

2d. There is no provision for a neutral spot for the 
location of a scat of government, or for sites for forts, ar- 
senals, and dock-yards ; consequently there is no reference 
made to tlie territorial powers of the Provisional Govern- 
ment. 

3d. The section in the old Constitution in reference to 
capitation and other direct tax is omitted ; also, the sec- 
tion providing that no tax or duty shall bo laid on any 
exports. 

4th. The prohibition on States keeping troops or ships 
of war in time of peace is omitted 

5th. The Constitution being provisional merely, no 
provision is made for its ratification. 

AMENDMENTS. 

1st. The fugitive slave clause of the old Constitution is 
so amended ;i8 to contain the word "slave," and to pro- 
vide for full compensation in cases of abduction of forci- 
ble rescue on the part of the State in which such abduc- 
tion or re.«cue may take place. 

2il. Congress, by a vote of two-thirds, may at any time 
alter or amend the Constitution. 

TEMPORARY PROVISIONS. 

1st. The Provisional Government is required to take 
immediate steps for the settlement of all matters between 
tlie States forming it and their other late confederates of 
the United Sjates in relation to the public property and 
the public debt. 

'Jd. Montgomery is made the temporary seat of govern- 
ment. 

3d. This ('onstitution is to continue one year, unless 
altered by a two thirds vote or superseded by a perma- 
nent Government. 



98 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Alabama, Secretary of War ; Stephen R. 
Mallory, Secretary of the Navy ; Judah P. 
Benjamin, Attorney-General, and John H. 
Reagan, Postmaster-General ; Philip Clay- 
ton, of Georgia appointed Assistant Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, and Wm. M. Browne, 
late of the Washington Constitution, 
Assistant Secretary of State. 

March 2d. The Texas Deputies re- 
ceived. 



The Confederate States. 

The Confederate States was the name of 
the government formed in 1861 by the 
seven States which first seceded. Bellige- 
rent rights were accorded to it by the lead- 
ing naval powers, but it was never recog- 
nized as a government, notwithstanding 
the persevering efforts of its agents near 
the principal courts. This result was mainly 
due to the diplomacy of the federal Sec- 
retary of State, Wm H. Seward, to the 
proclamations of emancipation in 1862-3, 
which secured the sympathy of the best 
elements of Great Britain and France for 
the federal government, and the obstinate 
persistence of the federal government in 
avoiding, as far as possible, any recognition 
of the existence, even de facto, of a con- 
federate government. The federal generals 
in the field, in their communications with 
confederate oflicers, did not hesitate, upon 
occasion, even to give " president " Davis 
his oflicial title, but no such embarrassing 
precedent was ever admitted by the civil 
government of the United States. It at 
first endeavored, until checked by active 
preparations for retaliation, to treat the 
crews of confederate privateers as pirates ; 
it avoided any official communication with 
the confederate government, even when 
compelled to exchange prisoners, confining 
its negotiations to the confederate commis- 
sioners of exchange ; and, by its persistent 
policy in this direction, it succeeded, with- 
out any formal declaration, in impressing 
upon foreign governments the belief that 
any recognition of the confederate States 
as a separate people would be actively re- 
sented by the government of the United 
States as an act of excessive unfriendliness. 
The federal courts have steadily held the 
same ground, that " the confederate states 
was an unlawful assemblage, without cor- 
porate power ; " and that, though the 
separate States were still in existence and 
were indestructible, their state govern- 
ments, while they chose to act as part of 
the confederate States, did not exist, even 
de facto. Early in January, 1861, while 
only South Carolina had actually seceded, 
though other Southern States had called 
conventions to consider the question, the 
Senators of the seven States farthest South 
practically assumed control of the whole 
movement, and their energy and unswer- 



ving singleness of purpose, aided by the 
telegraph, secured a rapidity of execution 
to which no other very extensive conspi- 
racy of history can afford a parallel. The 
ordinance of secession was a negative in- 
strument, purporting to withdraw the state 
from the Union and to deny the authority 
of the federal government over the people 
of the State ; the cardinal object of the 
senatorial group was to hurry the forma- 
mation of a new national government, as 
an organized political reality which would 
rally the outright secessionists, claim the 
allegiance of the doubtftil mass, and coerce 
those who still remained recalcitrant. At 
the head of the senatorial grouj), and of 
its executive committee, was Jefferson 
Davis, Senator from Mississippi, and natu- 
rally the first official step toward the for- 
mation of a new government came from 
the Mississippi Legislature, where a com- 
mittee reported, January 19th, 1861, reso- 
lutions in favor of a congress of delegates 
from the seceding States to provide for a 
southern confederacy, and to establish a 
provisional government, therefore. : The 
other seceding States at once accepted the 
proposal, through their State conventions, 
which also appointed the delegates on the 
ground that the people had intrusted the 
State conventions with unlimited pow- 
ers. The new government therefore beijan 
its existence without any popular ratio of 
representation, and with only such popular 
ratification as popular acquiescence gave. 
The provisional congress met Feb. 4th, at 
Montgomery, Ala., with delegates from 
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisi- 
ana, Florida and Mississippi. The Texas 
delegates were not appointed until Feb. 
14th. Feb, 8th, a provisional constitution 
was adopted, being the constitution of the 
United States, with some changes. Feb. 
9th, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was 
unanimously chosen provisional president, 
and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, 
provisional vice-president, each State hav- 
ing one vote, as in all other proceedings of 
the body. By acts of Feb. 9th and 12th, 
the laws and revenue officers of the United 
States were continued in the confederate i 
States until changed. Feb. 18th, the 
president and vice-president were inaugu-j 
rated. Feb. 20th-26th, executive depart- 
ments and a confederate regular army were 
organized, and provision was made for 
borrowing money. March 11th, the per 
manent constitution was adopted by 
Congress. 

Tiie Internal legislation of the provi -i 
sional congress was, at first, mainW the] 
adaptation of the civil service in the South 
ern States to the uses of the new govern 
ment. Wherever possible, judges, post 
masters, and civil as well as military anc 
naval officers, who had resigned from_ th( 
service of the United States, were givei 



BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 



99 



an equal or higher rank in the confederate 
service. Postmasters were directed to make 
their final accounting to the United States, 
May 31st, thereafter accounting to the Con- 
federate States. April 29th, the provi- 
sional congress, which had adjourned March 
16th, re-assembled at Montgomery, having 
been convoked by President Davis in con- 
sequence of President Lincoln's prepa- 
rations to enforce federal authority in the 
South. Davis' message announced that 
all the seceding States had ratified the 
permanent constitution ; that Virginia, 
which had not yet seceded and entered in- 
to alliance with the confederacy, and that 
other States, were expected to follow the 
same plan. He concluded by declaring 
that " all we ask is to be let alone." May 
6th, an act was passed recognizing the ex- 
istence of war with the United States. 
Congress adjourned May 22d, re-convened 
at Eichmond, Va., July 20th, and ad- 
journed August 22d, until November 18th. 
Its legislation had been mainly military 
and financial. Virginia, North Carolina, 
Tennessee and Arkansas, had passed ordi- 
nances of secession, and been admitted to 
the confederacy. (See the States named, 
and secession.) Although Missouri and 
Kentucky had not seceded, delegates from 
these States were admitted in December 
1861. Nov. 6, 1861, at an election under 
the permanent constitution, Davis and 
Stephens were again chosen to their re- 
spective offices by a unanimous electoral 
vote. Feb. 18th, 1862, the provisional con- 
gress (of one house) gave way to the per- 
manent congress, and Davis and Stephens 
were inaugurated February 22nd. The 
cabinet, with the successive Secretaries of 
each department, was as follows, including 
both the provisional and permanent cabi- 
nets: 

State Department. — Robert Toombs, 
Georgia, February 21st, 1861 ; R. M. T. 
Hunter, Virginia, July 30th, 1861 ; Judah 
P. Benjamin, Louisiana, February 7th, 
1862. 

Treasury Department. — Charles G. Mem- 
minger, South Carolina, February 21.st, 
1861, and March 22d, 1862; James L. 
Trenholm, South Carolina, June 13th, 
1864. 

j War Department. — L. Pope Walker, 
:Mississippi, February 21st, 1861 ; Judah P. 
^Benjamin, Louisiana, November 10th. 
5I86I ; James A. Seddon, Virginia, March 
22d, 1862; John C. Breckinridge, Ken- 
itucky, February 15th, 1865. 

Navy Depart)7ient.^ite])hea R. Mallorv, 
Florida, March 4th, 1861, and March 22d. 

Attorney General.—Judah. P. Benjamin, 
Louisiana, February 21st, 1861 ; Thomas 
H. Watts, Alabama, Septem])er 10th, 1861, 
March 22nd, 1862; George Davis, 



md 



[North Carolina, 'November 10th,'^1863. 

I Postmaster- General.— Henry J. Elliot, 



Mississippi, February 2l8t, 1865 ; John H. 
Reagan, Texas, March 6th, 1861, and 
March 22d, 1862. 

The provisional Congress held four ses- 
sions, as follows: 1. February 4-March 
16th, 1861 ; 2. April 29-May 22d, 1861 ; 3. 
July 20-August 22d, 1861 ; and 4. Novem- 
ber 18th, 1861-February 17th, 1862. 

Under the permanent Constitution there 
were two Congresses. The first Congress 
held four sessions, as follows : 1. Febru- 
ary 18- April 21st, 1862; 2. August 12- 
October 13th, 1862 ; 3. Januarv 12-May 
8th 1863 ; and 4. December 7, i863-Feb- 
ruary 18th, 1864. The second Congress 
held two sessions, as follows : 1. May 2- 
June 15th, 1864 ; and 2. From November 
7th, 1864, until the hasty and final ad- 
journment, March 18th, 1865. 

In the first Congress members chosen by 
rump State conventions, or by regiments in 
the confederate service, sat for districts in 
Missouri and Kentucky, though these 
States had never seceded. There were 
thus thirteen States in all represented at 
the close of the first Congress ; but, as the 
area of the Confederacy narrowed before 
the advance of the Federal armies, the va- 
cancies in the second Congress became 
significantly more numerous. At its best 
estate the Confederate Senate numbered 
26, and the house 106, as follows : Ala- 
bama, 9 ; Arkansas, 4 ; Florida, 2 ; Geor- 
gia, 10 ; Kentucky, 12 ; Louisiana, 6 ; Mis- 
sissippi, 1 ; Missouri, 7 ; North Carolina, 
10; South Carolina, 6; Tennessee, 11; 
Texas, 6 ; Virginia, 16. In both Con- 
gresses Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia, was 
Speaker of the House.* 

For four months between the Presiden- 
tial election and the inauguration of Mr. 
Lincoln those favoring secession in the 
South had practical control of their sec- 
tion, for while President Buchanan hesi- 
tated as to his constitutional powers, the 
more active partisans in his Cabinet were 
aiding their Southern friends in every 
practical way. In answer to the visit- 
ing Commissioners from South Carolina, 
Messrs. R. W. Barnwell, J. H. Adams and 
Jas. L. Orr, who formally submitted that 
State's ordinance of secession, and de- 
manded possession of the forts in Charles- 
ton harbor, Buchanan said : — 

" In ansyver to this communication, I 
have to say that my position as President 
of the United States was clearly defined in 
the message to Congress on the 3d inst. 
In that I stated that ' apart from the exe- 
cution of the laws, so far as this may be 
practicable, the Executive has no authority 
to decide what shall be the relations be- 
tween the Federal Government and South 
Carolina. He has been invested with no 
such discretion. He possesses no power to 

* Frcim Lalor's Eiu-i/chpirdia of Political Science, pub- 
lished by Rand & McNally, Chicago, 111. 



100 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



change the relations heretofore existing 
between them, much less to acknowledge 
the independence of that State. This 
would be to invest a mere executive officer 
with the power of recognizing the dissolu- 
tion of the Confederacy among our thirty- 
three sovereign States. It bears no re- 
semblance to the recognition of a foreign 
de facto Government, involving no such 
responsibility. Any attempt to do this 
would, on his part, be a naked act of 
usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to 
submit to Congress the whole question in 
all its bearings.' 

" Such is my opinion still. I could, 
therefore, meet you only as private gentle- 
men of the highest character, and was en- 
tirely willing to communicate to Congress 
any proposition you might have to make 
to that body upon the subject. Of this you 
were well aware. It was my earnest desire 
that such a disposition might be made of 
the whole subject by Congress, Avho alone 
possess the power, as to prevent the inau- 
guration of a civil war between the parties 
in regard to the possession of the Federal 
forts in the harbor of Charleston." 

Further correspondence followed between 
the President and other seceding State Com- 
missioners, and the attitude of the former 
led to the following changes in his Cabi- 
net: December 12th, 1860, Lewis Cass 
resigned as Secretary of State, because the 
President declined to reinforce the forts in 
Charleston harbor. December 17th, Jere- 
miah S. Black was appointed his suc- 
cessor. 

December 10th, Howell Cobb, resigned 
as Secretary of the Treasury — " his duty to 
Georgia requiring it." December 12th, 
Philip F. Thomas was appointed his suc- 
cessor, and resigned, January 11th, 1861, 
because differing from the President and a 
majority of the Cabinet, " in the measures 
which have been adopted in reference to 
the recent condition of things in South 
Carolina," especially " touching the au- 
thority, under existing laws, to enforce the 
collection of the customs at the port of 
Charleston." January 11th, 1861, John A. 
Dix appointed his successor. 

29th " 
tiry of War, because, after the transfer of 
]\Iajor Anderson's command from Fort 
Moultrie to Fort Sumter, the President de- 
clined "to withdraw the garrison from the 
harbor of Charleston altogether." 

December 31st, Joseph Holt, Postmas- 
ter-General, was entrusted with the tem- 
porary charge of the War Department, and 
January 18th, 1861, was appointed Secre- 
tary of War. 

■January 8th, 1861, Jacob Thompson 
resigned as Secretary of the Interior, be- 
cause " additional troops, he had heard, 
have been ordered to Charleston " in the 
Star of the West. 



John B. Floyd resigned as Secre- 



December 17th, 1860, Jeremiah S. 
Black resigned as Attorney-General, and 
Edwin M. Stanton, December 20th, waa 
appointed his successor. 

January 18th, 1861, Joseph Holt re- 
signed as Postmaster-General, and Ho- 
ratio King, February 12th, 1861, was ap- 
pointed his successor. 

President Buchanan, in his annual mes- 
sage of December 3d, 1860, appealed to 
Congress to institute an amendment to the 
constitution recognizing the rights of the 
Southern States in regard to slavery in the 
territories, and as this document embraced 
the views which subsequently led to such 
a general discussion of the right of seces- 
sion and the right to coerce a State, we 
make a liberal quotation from it : — 

" I have jHirposely confined my remarks 
to revolutionary resistance, because it has 
been claimed within the last few years that 
any State, whenever this shall be its 
sovereign will and pleasure, may secede 
from the Union in accordance with the 
Constitution, and without any violation of 
the constitutional rights of the other mem- 
bers of the Confederacy. That as each be- 
came parties to the Union by the vote of 
its own people assembled in convention, 
so any one of them may retire from the 
Union in a similar manner by the vote of 
such a convention. 

" In order to justify secession as a con- 
stitutional remedy, it must be on the prin- 
ciple that the Federal Government is a 
mere voluntary association of States, to be 
dissolved at pleasure by any one of the 
contracting parties. If this be so, the 
Confederacy is a rope of sand, to be pene- 
trated and dissolved by the first adverse 
wave of public opinion in any of the States. 
In this manner our thirty-three States may 
resolve themselves into as many petty, 
jarring, and hostile republics, each one re- 
tiring from the Union without responsi- 
bility whenever any sudden excitement 
might impel them to such a course. By 
this process a Union might be entirely 
broken into fragments in a few weeks, 
which cost our forefathers many years of 
toil, privation, and blood to establish. 

" Such a principle is wholly inconsistent 
with the history as well as the character of 
the Federal Constitution. Afler it was 
framed with the greatest deliberation and 
care, it was submitted to conventions of 
the people of the several States for ratifi- 
cation. Its provisions were discussed at 
length in these bodies, composed of the 
first men of the country. Its opponents 
contended that it conferred powers upon 
the Federal Government dangerous to the 
rights of the States, whilst its advocates 
maintained that, under a fair construction 
of the instrument, there was no foundation 
for such apprehensions. In that might;y 
struECffle between the first intellects of this 



BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 



101 



or any other country, it never occurred to 
any individual, either among its opponents 
or advocates, to assert or even to intimate 
tiiat their efforts were all vain labor, be- 
cause the moment that any State felt her- 
self aggrieved she might secede from the 
Union. What a crushing argument would 
this have proved against those who dreaded 
that the rights of the States would be en- 
dangered by the Constitution. The truth 
is, that it was not until some years after 
the origin of the Federal Government that 
such a proposition was first advanced. It 
was afterwards met and refuted by the 
conclusive arguments of General Jackson, 
who, in his message of the 16th of January, 
1833, transmitting the nullifying ordinance 
of South Carolina to Congress, employs the 
following language : ' The right of the peo- 
ple of a single State to absolve themselves 
at will and without the consent of the 
other States from their most solemn obli- 
gations, and hazard the liberty and happi- 
ness of the millions composing this Union, 
cannot be acknowledged. Such authority 
is believed to be utterly repugnant both to 
the principles upon which the General 
Government is constituted, and to the ob- 
jects which it was expressly formed to 
attain.' 

" It is not pretended that any clause in 
the Constitution gives countenance to such 
a theory. It is altogether founded upon 
inference, not from any language con- 
tained in the instrument itself, but from 
the sovereign character of the several 
States by which it was ratified. But it is 
beyond the power of a State like an indi- 
vidual, to yield a portion of its sovereign 
rights to secure the remainder? In the 
language of Mr. Madison, who has been 
called the father of the Constitution, ' It 
was formed by the States — that is, by the 
people in each of the States acting in their 
highest sovereign capacity, and formed con- 
sequently by the same authority which 
formed the State constitutions.' ' Nor is 
the Government of the United States, 
created by the Constitution, less a Govern- 
ment, in the strict sense of the term with- 
in the sphere of its powers, than the gov- 
ernments created by the constitutions of 
the States are within their several spheres. 
It is like them organized into legislative, 
1 executive, and judiciary departments. It 
i operates, like them, directly on persons 
J and things ; and, like them, it has at com- 
mand a physical force for executing the 
powers committed to it.' 

"It was intended to be perpetual, and 
not to be annulled at the pleasure of any 
[ one of the contracting parties. The old 
Articles of Confederation were entitled 
Articles of Confederation and Perpetual 
Union between the States;' and by the 
thirteenth article it is expressly declared 
Ithat 'the articles of this confederation 



shall be inviolably observed by every 
State, and the Union shall be perpetual.' 
The preamble to the constitution of the 
United States, having express reference to 
the Articles of Confederation, recites that 
it was established 'in order to form a more 
perfect union.' And yet it is contended 
that this ' more perfect union ' does not in- 
clude the esssential attribute of perpe- 
tuity. 

" But that the Union was designed to 
be perpetual, appears conclusively from 
the nature and extent of the powers con- 
ferred by the Constitution of the Federal 
Government. These powers embrace the 
very highest attributes of national sov- 
ereignty. They place both the sword and 
purse under its control. Congress has 
power to make war and to make peace; to 
raise and support armies and navies, and 
to conclude treaties with foreign govern- 
ments. It is invested with the power to 
coin money, and to regulate the value 
thei'eof, and to regulate commerce with 
foreign nations and among the several 
States. It is not necessary to enumerate 
the other high powers which have been 
conferred upon the Federal Government. 
In order to carry the enumerated powers 
into effect. Congress possesses the exclusive 
right to lay and collect duties on imports, 
and, in common with the States, to lay 
and collect all other taxes. 

" But the Constitution has not only con- 
ferred these high powers upon Congress, 
but it has adopted effectual means to re- 
strain the States from interfering with their 
exercise. For that purpose it has in strong 
prohibitory language expressly declared 
that ' no State shall enter into any treaty, 
alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of 
marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit 
bills of credit; make anything but gold 
and silver coin a tender in payment of 
debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post 
facto law, or law impairing the obligation 
of contracts.' Moreover, ' without the con- 
sent of Congress no State shall lay any im- 
posts or duties on any imports or exports, 
except what may be absolutely necessary 
for executing its inspection laws,' and if 
they exceed this amount, the excess shall 
belong to the United States. And 'no 
State shall, without the consent of Con- 
gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops 
or ships of war in time of peace, enter into 
any agreement or compact with another 
State, or with a foreign power, or engage 
in war, unless actually invaded or in such 
imminent danger as will not admit of 
delay.' 

" in order still further to secure the un- 
interrupted exercise of these high powers 
against State interposition, it is provided 
' that this Constitution and the laws of the 
United States which shall be made in pur- 
suance thereof, and all treaties made or 



102 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



which shall be made under the authority 
of the United States, shall be the supreme 
law of the land ; and the judges in every 
State shall be bound thereby, any thing in 
the Constitution or laws of any State to the 
contrary notwithstanding.' 

" The solemn sanction of religion has 
been superadded to the obligations of 
ofBcial duty, and all Senators and Repre- 
sentatives of the United States, all mem- 
bers of State Legislatures, and all execu- 
tive and judicial oflScers, ' both of the 
United States and of the several States, 
shall be bound by oath or affirmation to 
support this Constitution.' 

In order to carry into effect these 
powers, the Constitution has established a 
perfect Government in all its forms, legis- 
lative, executive, and judicial ; and this 
Government to the extent of its powers 
acts directly upon the individual citizens 
of every State, and executes its own de- 
crees by the agency of its own officers. In 
this respect it differs entirely from the 
Government under the old confederation, 
which was confined to making requisitions 
on the States in their sovereign character. 
This left it in the discretion of each 
whether to obey or refuse, and they often 
declined to comply with such requisitions. 
It thus became necessary, for the purpose 
of removing this barrier, and ' in order to 
form a more perfect union,' to establish a 
Government which could act directly upon 
the people and execute its own laws with- 
out the intermediate agency of the States. 
This has been accomplished by the Con- 
stitution of the United States. In short, 
the Government created by the Constitu- 
tion, and deriving its authority from the 
sovereign people of each of the several 
States, has precisely the same right to 
exercise its power over the people of all 
these States in the enumerated cases, that 
each one of them possesses over subjects 
not delegated to the United States, but 
'reserved to the States respectively or to 
the people.' 

" To the extent of the delegated powers 
the Constitution of the United States is as 
much a part of the constitution of each 
State, and is as binding upon its people, 
as though it had been textually inserted 
therein. 

"This Government, therefore, is a great 
and powerful Government, invested with 
all the attributes of sovereignty over the 
special subjects to which its authority ex- 
tends. Its framers never intended to im- 
plant in its bosom the seeds of its own 
destruction nor were they at its creation 
guilty of the absurdity of providing for its 
own dissolution. It was not intended by 
its framers to be the baseless fabric of a 
vision, which, at the touch of the en- 
chanter, would vanish into thin air, but a 
substantial and mighty fabric, capable of 



resisting the slow decay of time, and of 
defying the storms of ages. Indeed, well 
may the jealous patriots of that day have 
indulged fears that a Government of such 
high power might violate the reserved rights 
of the States, and wisely did they adopt 
the rule of a strict construction of these 
powers to prevent the danger. But they did 
not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine 
that the Constitution would ever be so in- 
terpreted as to enable any State by her 
own act, and without the consent of her 
sister States, to discharge her people 
from all or any of their federal obliga- 
tions. 

"It may be asked, then, are the people 
of the States without redress against the 
tyranny and oppression of the Federal 
Government? By no means. The right 
of resistance on the part of the governed 
against the oppression of their govern- 
ments cannot be denied. It exists inde- 
pendently of all constitutions, and has been 
exercised at all periods of the world's his- 
tory. Under it, old governments have been 
destroyed and new ones have taken their 
place. It is embodied in strong and ex- 
press language in our own Declaration of 
Independence. But the distinction must 
ever be observed that this, is revolution 
against an established Government, and 
not a voluntary secession from it by virtue 
of an inherent constitutional right. In 
short, let us look the danger fairly in the 
face; secession is neither more nor less 
than revolution. It may or it may not be 
a justifiable revolution ; but still it is rev- 
olution." 

The President having thus attempted to 
demonstrate that the Constitution affords 
no warrant for secession, but that this was 
inconsistent both with its letter and spirit, 
then defines his own position. He says: 

" What, in the mean time, is the respon- 
sibility and true position of the Executive? 
He is bound by solemn oath, before God 
and the country, 'to take care that the 
laws be faithfully executed,' and from this 
obligation he cannot be absolved by any 
human power. But what if the perfor- 
mance of this duty, in whole or in part, 
has been rendered impracticable by events 
over which he could have exercised no 
control ? Such, at the present moment, is 
the case throughout the State of South 
Carolina, so far as the laws of the United 
States to secure the administration of jus- 
tice by means of the Federal judiciary are 
concerned. All the Federal officers within 
its limits, through whose agency alone 
these laws can be carried into execution, 
have already resigned. We no longer 
have a district judge, a district attorney, 
or a marshal in South Carolina. In fact, 
the whole machinery of the Federal gov- 
ernment necessary for the distribution of 
remedial justice among the people has been 



BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 



103 



demolished, and it would be difficult, if 
not impossible, to replace it. 

" The only acta of Congress on the stat- 
ute book bearing upon this subject are 
those of the 28th Februrry, 1795, and 3rd 
March, 1807. These authorize the Presi- 
dent, after he shall have ascertained that 
the marshal, with his posse comitatus, is 
unable to execute civil or criminal process 
in any particular case, to call forth the 
militia and employ the army and navy to 
aid him in performing this service, having 
first by proclamation commanded the in- 
surgents ' to disperse and retire peaceably 
to their respective abodes within a limited 
time.' This duty cannot by possibility be 
performed in a State where no judicial au- 
thority exists to issue process, and where 
there is no marshal to execute it, and 
where, even if there were such an officer, 
the entire population would constitute one 
solid combination to resist him. 

" The bare enumeration of these provi- 
sions proves how inadequate they are with- 
out furtlier legislation to overcome a united 
opposition in a single State, not to speak 
of other States who may place themselves 
in a similar attitude. Congress alone has 
power to decide whether the present laws 
can or cannot be amended so as to carry 
out more effectually the objects of the 
Constitution. 

" The same insuperable obstacles do not 
lie in the way of executing the laws for the 
collection of customs. The revenue still 
continues to be collected, as heretofore, at 
the custom-house in Charleston, and should 
the collector unfortunately resign, a suc- 
cessor may be appointed to perform this 
duty. 

"Then, in regard to the property of the 
United States in South Carolina. This has 
been purchased for a fair equivalent, * by 
the consent of the Legislature of the 
State,' ' for the erection of forts, magazines, 
arsenals,' &c., and over these the authority 
' to exercise exclusive legislation ' has been 
expressly granted by the Constitution to 
Congress. It is not believed that any at- 
tempt will be made to expel the United 
States from this property by force ; but if 
in this I should prove to be mistaken, the 
officer in command of the forts has re- 
ceived orders to act strictly on the defen- 
sive. In such a contingency the respon- 
sibility for consequences would rightfully 
rest upon the heads of the assailants. 

" Apart from the execution of the laws, 
so far as this may be practicable, the Ex- 
ecutive has no authority to decide what 
shall, be the relations between the Federal 
Government and South Carolina. He has 
been invested with no such discretion. He 
possesses no power to change the relations 
heretofore existing between them, much 
less to acknowledge the independence of 
that State. This would be to invest a mere 



executive officer with the power of recog- 
nizing the dissolution of tne Confederacy 
among our thirty-three sovereign States. 
It bears no relation to the recognition of a 
foreign de facto Government, involving no 
such responsibility. Any attempt to do 
this would, on his part, be a naked act of 
usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to 
submit to Congress the whole question in 
all its bearings." 

Then follows the opinion expressed in 
the message, that the Constitution has con- 
ferred no power on the Federal Govern- 
ment to coerce a State, to remain in the 
Union. The following is the language : 
" The question fairly stated is, ' Has the 
Constitution delegated to Congress the 
power to coerce a State into submission 
which is attempting to withdraw, or has 
actually withdrawn from the Confedera- 
cy? ' If answered in the affirmative, it 
must be on the principle that the power 
has been conferred upon Congress to make 
war against a State. 

" After much serious reflection, I have 
arrived at the conclusion that no such 
power has been delegated to Congress or 
to any other department of the Federal 
Government. It is manifest, upon an in- 
spection of the Constitution, that this is 
not among the specific and enumerated 
powers granted to Congress ; and it is 
equally apparent that its exercise is not 
' necessary and proper for carrying into 
execution' any one of these powers. So far 
from this power having been delegated to 
Congress, it was expressly refused by the 
Convention which framed the Constitu- 
tion. 

" It appears from the proceedings of that 
body that on the Slst May, 1787, the 
clause ' authorizing an exertion of the force 
of the whole against a delinquent State ' 
came up for consideration. Mr. Madison 
opposed it in a brief but powerful speech, 
from which I shall extract but a single 
sentence. He observed : ' The use of force 
against a State would look more like a 
declaration of war than an infliction of 
punishmeilt, and would probably be con- 
sidered by the party attacked as a dissolu- 
tion of all previous compacts by which it 
might be bound.' Upon his motion the 
clause was unanimously postponed, and 
was never, I believe, again presented. Soon 
afterwards, on the 8th June, 1787, when 
incidentally adverting to the subject, he 
said : ' Any government for the United 
States, formed on the supposed practica- 
bility of using force against the unconsti- 
tutional proceedings of the States, would 
prove as visionary and fallacious as the 
government of Congress,' evidently mean- 
ing the then existing Congress of the old 
confederation." 

At the time of the delivery of this mes- 
sage the excitement was very high. The 



104 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



extreme Southerners differed from it, in so 
far as it disputed both the right of revolu- 
tion and secession under the circumstances, 
but quickly made a party battle-cry of the 
denial of the right of the National Gov- 
ernment to coerce a State — a view which 
for a time won the President additional 
friends, but which in the end solidified all 
friends of the Union against his adminis- 
tration. To show the doubt M^hich this 
ingenious theory caused, we quote from the 
speech of Senator Andrew Johnson, of 
Tennessee (subsequently Vice-President 
and acting President), delivered Dec. 18th, 
1860, (Congressional Globe, page 119) : — 

" I do not believe the Federal Govern- 
ment has the power to coerce a State, for 
by the eleventh amendment of the Con- 
stitution of the United States it is expressly 
provided that you cannot even put one of 
the States of this confederacy before one 
of the courts of the country as a jiarty. 
As a State, the Federal Government has 
no power to coerce it ; but it is a member 
of the compact to which it agreed in com- 
mon with the other States, and this Gov- 
ernment has the right to pass laws, and to 
enforce those laws upon individuals within 
the limits of each State. While the one 
proposition is clear, the other is equally so. 
This Government can, by the Constitution 
of the country, and by the laws enacted in 
conformity with the Constitution, operate 
upon individuals, and has the right and 
power, not to coerce a State, but to enforce 
and execute the law upon individuals 
within the limits of a State." 

Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, 
publicly objected to the message because of 
its earnest argument against secession, and 
the determination expressed to collect the 
revenue in the ports of South Carolina, by 
means of a naval force, and to defend the 
public proj)erty. From this moment they 
alienated themselves from the Pz'esident. 
Soon thereafter, when he refused to with- 
draw Major Anderson from Fort Sumter, 
on the demand of the self-styled South 
Carolina Commissioners, the separation be- 
came complete. For more than two months 
before the close of the session all friendly 
intercourse between them and the Presi- 
dent, whether of a political or social cha- 
racter, had ceased. 



Tlie Critteiicleu Compromise. 

Congress referred the request in the 
message, to adopt amendments to the con- 
stitution recognizing the rights of the 
Slave States to take slavery into the terri- 
tories to a committee of thirteen, consisting 
of five Republicans : Messrs. Seward, Col- 
lamer, Wade, Doolittle, and Grimes ; five 
from slave-holding States : Messrs. Powell, 
Hunter, Crittenden, Toombs, and Davis ; 
and three Northern Democrats ; Messrs. 
Douglas, Bigler, and Bright. The latter 



three were intended to act as mediators 
between the extreme parties on the com- 
mittee. 

The committee first met on the 21st De- 
cember, 1860, and preliminary to any other 
proceeding, they " resolved that no propo- 
sition shall be reported as adopted, unless 
sustained by a majority of each of the 
classes of the committee ; Senators of the 
Republican party to constitute one class, 
and Senators of the other parties to con- 
stitute the other class." This resolution 
was passed, because any report they might 
make to the Senate would be in vain unless 
sanctioned by at least a majority of the five 
Republican Senators. On the next day 
(the 22d), Mr. Crittenden submitted to the 
committee " A Joint Resolution " (the 
same Avhich he had two days before pre- 
sented to the Senate), "proposing certain 
amendments to the Constitution of the 
United States," now known as the Critten- 
den Comiiromise. This was truly a com- 
promise of conflicting claims, because it 
proposed that the South should surrender 
their adjudged right to take slaves into all 
our Territories, provided the North would 
recognize this right in the Territories south 
of the old Missouri Compromise line. 
The committee rejected this compromise, 
every one of its five Republican members, 
together with Messrs. Davis and Toombs, 
from the cotton States, having voted 
against it. Indeed, not one of all the Re- 
publicans in the Senate, at any period or 
in any form, voted in its favor. 

The committee, having failed to arrive 
at a satisfactory conclusion, reported their 
disagreement to the Senate on the 31st 
December, 1860, in a resolution declaring 
that they had " not been able to agree 
upon any general plan of adjustment." 

Mr. Crittenden did not despair of 
ultimate success, notwithstanding his de- 
feat before the Committee of Thirteen. 
After this, indeed, he could no longer ex- 
pect to carry his compromise as an amend- 
ment to the Constitution by the necessary 
two-thirds vote of Congress. It was, 
therefore, postponed by the Senate on his 
own motion. As a substitute for it he 
submitted to the Senate, on the 3d 
January, 1861, a joint resolution, which 
might be passed by a majority of both 
Houses. This was to refer his rejected 
amendment, by an ordinary act of Con- 
gress, to a direct vote of the people of the 
several States. 

He offered his resolution in the following 
language : " Whereas the Union is_ in 
danger, and, owing to the unhajijjy divi- 
sion existing in Congress, it would be dif- 
ficult, if not impossible, for that body to 
concur in both its branches by the re- 
quisite majority, so as to enable it either 
to adopt such measures of legislation, or 
to recommend to the States such amend- 



THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE. 



105 



merits to the Constitution, as are deemed 
necessary and proper to avert that danger ; 
and whereas in so great an emergency the 
opinion and judgment of the people ought 
to be heard, and would be the best and 
surest guide to their Representatives ; 
Therefore, Resolved, That provision ought 
to be made by law without delay for tak- 
ing the sense of the people and submitting 
to their vote the following resolution [the 
same as in his former amendment], as the 
basis for the final and permanent settle- 
ment of those disputes that now disturb 
the peace of the country and threaten the 
existence of the Union." 

Memorials in its favor poured into Con- 
gress from portions of the North, even 
from New England. One of these pre- 
sented to the Senate was from " the Mayor 
and members of the Board of Aldermen 
and the Common Council of the city of 
Boston, and over 22,000 citizens of the 
State of Massachusetts, praying the adop- 
tion of the compromise measures proposed 
by Mr. Crittenden." It may be proper 
here to observe that the resolution of Mr. 
Crittenden did not provide in detail for 
holding elections by which " the sense of 
the people " could be ascertained. To sup- 
ply this omission, Senator Bigler, of 
Pennsylvania, on the 14th January, 1861, 
brought in " A bill to provide for taking 
the sense of the j^eople of the United 
States on certain proposed amendments to 
the Constitution of the United States;" 
but never was he able to induce the Senate 
even to consider this bill. 

President Buchanan exerted all his in- 
fluence in favor of these measures. In his 
special message to Congress of the 8th of 
January, 1861, after depicting the conse- 
quences which had already resulted to the 
country from the bare apprehension of 
civil war and the dissolution of the Union, 
he says : 

" Let the question be transferred from 
political assemblies to the ballot-box, and 
the people themselves would speedily re- 
dress the serious grievances which the 
South have suiFered. But, in Heaven's 
name, let the trial be made before we 
plunge into armed conflict upon the mere 
- assumption that there is no other alterna- 
tive. Time is a great conservative power. 
Let us pause at this momentous point, and 
afford the people, both North and South, 
an opportunity for reflection. Would that 
South Carolina had been convinced of this 
truth before her precipitate action! I, 
therefore, appeal through you to the peo- 
ple of the country, to declare in their 
I might that the Union must and shall be 
1 preserved by all constitutional means. I 
i most earnestly recommend that you devote 
[yourselves exclusively to the question how 
■this can be accomplished in peace. All 
other questions, when compared with this, 



sink into insignificance. The present is no 
time for palliatives ; action, prompt action 
is required. A delay in Congress to pre- 
scribe or to recommend a distinct and 
practical proposition for conciliation, may 
drive us to a point from which it will be 
almost impossible to recede. 

" A common ground on which concilia- 
tion and harmony can be produced is 
surely not unattainable. The proposition 
to compromise by letting the North have 
exclusive control of the territory above a 
certain line, and to give Southern institu- 
tions protection below that line, ought to 
receive universal api^robation. In itself, 
indeed, it may not be entirely satisfactory, 
but when the alternative is between a 
reasonable concession on both sides and a 
dissolution of the Union, it is an imputa- 
tion on the patriotism of Congress to assert 
that its members will hesitate for a mo- 
ment." 

This recommendation was totally disre- 
garded. On the 14th January, 1861, Mr. 
Crittenden made an unsuccessful attempt 
to have it considered, but it was postponed 
until the day following. On this day it 
was again postponed by the vote of every 
Republican Senator present, in order to 
make way for the Pacific Railroad bill. On 
the third attempt (January 16,) he suc- 
ceeded, but by a majority of a single vote,, 
in bringing his resolution before the body. 
Every Republican Senator present voted 
against its consideration. Mr. Clark, a 
Republican Senator from New Hampshire, 
moved to strike out the entire preamble 
and resolution of Mr. Crittenden, and in 
lieu thereof insert as a substitute a pream- 
ble and resolution in accordance with the 
Chicago platform. This motion prevailed 
by a vote of 25 to 23, every Republican 
Senator present having voted in its favor. 
Thus Mr. Crittenden's proposition to refer 
the question to the people was buried 
under the Clark amendment. This con- 
tinued to be its position for more than six 
weeks, until the day before the final ad- 
journment of Congress, 2d March, when 
the proposition itself was defeated by a 
vote of 19 in the afiirmative against 20 in 
the negative. 

The Clark Amendment ])revailed only 
in consequence of the refusal of six Seces- 
sion Senators to vote against it. These 
were Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell, of 
Louisiana ; Mr. Iverson, of Georgia ; 
]\Iessrs. Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas ; 
and Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas. Had these 
gentlemen voted with the border slave- 
holding States and the other Democratic 
Senators, the Clark Amendment would 
have been defeated, and the Senate would 
then have been brought to a direct vote 
on the Crittenden resolution. 

It is proper foj- reference that the names 
of those Senators who constituted the ma- 



106 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



jority on this question, should be placed 
upon record. Every vote given from the 
six New England States was in opposition 
to Mr. Crittenden's resolution. These con- 
sisted of Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire ; 
Messrs. Sumner and Wilson, of Massachu- 
setts; Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island; 
Messrs. Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut ; 
Mr. Foot, of Vermont ; and Mr. Fessen- 
den, of Maine. The remaining twelve 
Totes, in order to make up the 20, were 
given by Messrs. Bingham and Wade, of 
Ohio; Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois ; Messrs. 
Bingham and Chandler, of Michigan ; 
Messrs. Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa ; 
Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of Wiscon- 
sin ; Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota ; Mr. 
King, of New York ; and Mr. Ten Eyck, 
of New Jersey. The Republicans not 
voting were Hale of New Hampshire ; 
Simmons of Rhode Island ; Collamer of 
Vermont ; Seward of . New York, and 
Cameron of Pennsylvania. They refrained 
from various motives, but in the majority 
of instances because they disbelieved in 
any effort to compromise, for nearly all 
"were recognized leaders of the more radi- 
cal sentiment, and in favor of coercion of 
the South by energetic use of the war 
powers of the government. This was spe- 
cially true of Hale, Seward, and General 
■Cameron, shortly after Secretary of War, 
and the first Cabinet officer who favored 
the raising of an immense army and the 
■early liberation and arming of the slaves. 

On December 4th, 1860, on motion of 
Mr. Boteler of Virginia, so much of Presi- 
dent Buchanan's message as related to the 
perilous condition of the country, was re- 
ferred to a special committee of one from 
•each State, as follows : 

Corwin of Ohio ; Millson of Virginia ; 
Adams of Massachusetts ; Winslow of 
l^orth Carolina ; Humphrey of New York ; 
Boyce of South Carolina ; Campbell of 
Pennsylvania ; Love of Georgia ; Ferry of 
•Connecticut ; Davis of Maryland ; Robin- 
son of Rhode Island ; Whiteley of Dela- 
ware ; Tappan of New Hampshire ; Strat- 
ton of New Jersey ; Bristow of Kentucky ; 
Morrill of Vermont ; Nelson of Tennessee ; 
Dunn of Indiana; Taylor of Louisiana; 
Davis of Mississippi; Kellogg of Illinois; 
Houston of Alabama ; Morse of Maine ; 
Phelps of Missouri ; Rust of Arkansas ; 
Howard of Michigan ; Hawkins of Florida ; 
Hamilton of Texas ; Washburn of Wiscon- 
sin ; Curtis of Iowa ; Burch of California ; 
Windom of Minnesota ; Stout of Oregon. 

Messrs. Hawkins and Boyce asked to be 
excused from service on the Committee, 
but the House refused. 

From this Committee Mr. Corwin report- 
ed, January 14th, 1861, a series of proposi- 
tions with a written statement in advocacy 
thereof Several minorrity reports were 
presented, but the following Joint Reso- 



lution is the only one which secured the 
assent of both Houses. 

CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. 

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, two-thirds 
of both Houses concurring, That the fol- 
lowing article be proposed to the Legisla- 
tures of the several States as an amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United 
States, which, when ratified by three- 
fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, 
to all intents and purposes, as a part of the 
said Constitution, namely: 

Art. XII. No amendment shall be 
made to the Constitution which will auth- 
orize or give to Congress the power to 
abolish or interfere within any State, with 
the domestic institutions thereof, including 
that of persons held to labor or service by 
the laws of said State. 

The Legislatures of Ohio and Maryland 
agreed to the amendment promptly, but 
events followed so rapidly, that the atten< 
tion of other States was drawn from it, and 
nothing came of this, the only Congres- 
sional movement endorsed which looked to 
reconciliation. Other propositions came 
from the Border and individual states, but 
all alike failed. 



Tbe Peace Convention. 

The General Assembly of Virginia, or 
the 19th of January, adopted resolutions 
inviting Representatives of the several 
States to assemble in a Peace Convention 
at Washington, which met on the 4th of 
February. It was composed of 133 Com- 
missioners, many from the border States, 
and the object of these was to prevail upon 
their associates from the North to unite 
with them in such recommendations to 
Congress as would prevent their own States 
from seceding and enable them to bring 
back six of the cotton States which had 
already seceded. 

One month only of the session of Con- 
gress remained. Within this brief period 
it was necessary that the Convention 
should recommend amendments to the 
Constitution in sufficient time to enable 
both Houses to act upon them before their 
final adjournment. It was also essential 
to success that these amendments should 
be sustained by a decided majority of the 
commissioners both from the Northern 
and the border States. 

On Wednesday, the 6th February, a re- 
solution was adopted,* on motion of Mr. 
Guthrie, of Kentucky, to refer the resolu^ 
tions of the General Assembly of Virginia, 
and all other kindred subjects, to a com- 
mittee to consist of one commissioner 

* Official Journal of the Convention, pp. 9 and 10. 



THE PEACE CONVENTION. 



107 



from each State, to be selected by the 
respective State delegations ; and to pre- 
vent delay they were instructed to report 
on or before the Friday following (the 8th), 
" what they may deem right, necessary, 
and proper to restore harmony and pre- 
serve the Union." 

This committee, instead of reporting on 
the day appointed, did not report until 
Friday, the 15th February. 

The amendments reported by a majority 
of the committee, through Mr. Guthrie, 
their chairman, were substantially the 
same with the Crittenden Compromise ; 
but on motion of Mr. Johnson, of Mary- 
land, the general terms of the first and by far 
the most important section were restricted 
to the present Territories of the United 
States. On motion of Mr. Franklin, of 
Pennsylvania, this section was further 
amended, but not materially changed, by 
the adoption of the substitute offered by 
him. Nearly in this form it was afterwards 
adopted by the Convention. The follow- 
ing is a copy : " In all the present territory 
of the United States north of the parallel 
of thirty -six degrees and thirty minutes of 
north latitude, involuntary servitude, ex- 
cept in punishment of crime, is prohibited. 
In all the present territory south of that 
line, the status of persons held to involun- 
tary service or labor, as it now exists, shall 
not be changed ; nor shall any law be 
passed by Congress or the Territorial Le- 
gislature to hinder or prevent the taking 
of such persons from any of the States of 
this Union to said territory, nor to impair 
the rights arising from said relation ; but 
the same shall be subject to judicial cogni- 
zance in the Federal courts, according to 
the course of the common law. When any 
Territory north or south of said line, with- 
in such boundary as Congress may pre- 
scribe, shall contain a population equal to 
that required for a member of Congress, it 
shall, if its form of government be repub- 
lican, be admitted into the Union on an 
equal footing with the original States, with 
or without involuntary servitude, as the 
Constitution of such State may provide." 

Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, and Mr. 
Seddon, of Virginia, made minority re- 
ports, which they proposed to substitute 
for that of the majority. Mr. Baldwin's 
report was a recommendation "to the 
I several States to unite with Kentucky in 
' her application to Congress to call a Con- 
vention for proposing amendments to the 
^ Constitution of the United States, to be 
I submitted to the Legislatures of the several 
States, or to Conventions therein, for rati- 
fication, as the one or the other mode of 
ratification may be proposed by Congress, 
in accordance with the provisions in the 
fifth article of the Constitution." 

The proposition of Mr. Baldwin, re- 
ceived the votes of eight of the twenty-one 



States. These consisted of the whole of 
the New England States, except Rhode 
Island, and of Illinois, Iowa, and New 
York, all being free States. 

The first amendment reported by Mr. 
Seddon differed from that of the majority 
inasmuch as it embraced not only the 
present but all ftiture Territories. This 
was rejected. His second amendment, 
which, however, was never voted upon by 
the Convention, went so far as distinctly 
to recognize the right of secession. 

More than ten days were consumed in 
discussion and in voting upon various pro- 
positions offered by individual commis- 
sioners. The final vote was not reached 
until Tuesday, the 26th February, when 
it was taken on the first vitally important 
section, as amended. 

This section, on which all the rest de- 
pended, was negatived by a vote of eight 
States to eleven. Those which voted in 
its favor were Delaware, Kentucky, Mary- 
land, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, 
Rhode Island, and Tennessee. And those 
in the negative were Connecticut, Illinois, 
Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Missouri, 
New York, North Carolina, New Hamp- 
shire, Vermont, and Virginia. It is but 
justice to say that Messrs. Ruflin and More- 
head, of North Carolina, and Messrs. Rives 
and Summers, of Virginia, two of the five 
commissioners from each of these States, 
declared their dissent from the vote of 
their respective States. So, also, did 
Messrs. Bronson, Corning, Dodge, Wool, 
and Granger, five of the eleven New York 
commissioners, dissent from the vote of 
their State. On the other hand, Messrs. 
Meredith and Wilmot, two of the seven 
commissioners from Pennsylvania, dis- 
sented from the majority in voting in favor 
of the section. Thus would the Conven- 
tion have terminated but for the inter- 
position of Illinois. Immediately after 
the section had been negatived, the com- 
missioners firom that State made a motion 
to reconsider the vote, and this prevailed. 
The Convention afterwards adjourned un- 
til the next morning. When they reassem- 
bled (February 27,) the first section was 
adopted, but only by a majority of nine to 
eight States, nine being less than a ma- 
jority of the States represented. This 
change was effected by a change of the vote 
of Illinois from the negative to the affirm- 
ative, by Missouri withholding her vote, 
and by a tie in the New York commis- 
sioners, on account of the absence of one 
of their number, rendering it impossible 
for the State to vote. Still Virginia and 
North Carolina, and Connecticut, Maine, 
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Ver- 
mont, persisted in voting in the negative. 
From the nature of this vote, it was mani- 
festly impossible that two-thirds of both 
Houses of Congress should act favorably 



108 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



on the amendment, even if the delay had 
not already rendered such action imprac- 
ticable before the close of the session. 

The remaining sections of the amend- 
ment were carried by small majorities. 
The Convention, on the same day, through 
Mr. Tyler, their President, communicated 
to the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives the amendment they had adopted, 
embracing all the sections, with a request 
that it might be submitted by Congress, 
under the Constitution, to the several State 
Legislatures. In the Senate this was im- 
mediately referred to a select committee, 
on motion of Mr. Crittenden. The com- 
mittee, on the next day (28th Feb.), re- 
ported a joint resolution proposing it as an 
amendment to the Constitution, but he was 
never able to bring the Senate to a direct 
vote upon it. Failing in this, he made a 
motion to substitute the amendment of the 
Peace Convention for his own. 

Mr. Crittenden's reasons failed to con- 
vince the Senate, and his motion was re- 
jected by a large majority (28 to 7). Then 
next in succession came the memorable 
vote on Mr. Crittenden's own resolution, 
and it was in its turn defeated, as we have 
already stated, by a majority of 20 against 
19. 

In the House of Representatives, the 
amendment proposed by the Convention 
was treated with still less consideration 
than it had been by the Senate. The 
Speaker was refused leave even to present 
it. Every effort made for this purpose 
was successfully resisted by leading Repub- 
lican members. The consequence is that 
a copy of it does not even appear in the 
Journal. 

The refusal to pass the Crittenden or any 
other Compromise heightened the excite- 
ment in the South, where many showed 
great reluctance to dividing the Union. 
Georgia, though one of the cotton States, 
under the influence of conservative men 
like Alex. H. Stephens, showed greater 
concern for the Union than any other, and 
it took all the influence of spirits like that 
of Robert Toombs to bring her to favor 
secession. She was the most powerful of 
the cotton States and the richest, as she is 
to-day. On the 22d of December, 1860, 
Robert Toombs sent the following exciting 
telegraphic manifesto from Washington : 

i ellow- Citizens of Georgia : I came here 
to secure your constitutional rights, or to 
demonstrate to you that you can get no 
guarantees for these rights from your North- 
ern Confederates. 

The whole subject was referred to a com- 
mittee of thirteen in the Senate yesterday. 
I was appointed on the committee and ac- 
cepted the trust. I submitted propositions, 
which, so far from receiving decided sup- 

Eort from a single member of the Repub- 
can party on the committee, were all 



treated with either derision or contempt. 
The vote was then taken in committee on 
the amendments to the Constitution, pro- 
posed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden of Ken- 
tucky, and each and all of them were voted 
against, unanimously, by the Black Re- 
publican members of the committee. 

In addition to these facts, a majority of 
the Black Republican members of the 
committee declared distinctly that they 
had no guarantees to offer, which was si- 
lently acquiesced in by the other members. 

The Black Republican members of this 
Committee of Thirteen are representative 
men of their party and section, and to the 
extent of my information, truly rejtresent 
the Committee of Thirty-three in the House^ 
which on Tuesday adjourned for a week 
without coming to any vote, after solemnly 
pledging themselves to vote on all proposi- 
tions then before them on that date. 

That committee is controlled by Black 
Republicans, your enemies, who only seek to 
amuse you with delusive hope until your 
election, in order that you may defeat the 
friends of secession. If you are deceived 
by them, it shall not be my fault. I have 
put the test fairly and frankly. It is de- 
cisive against you ; and now* I tell you up- 
on the faith of a true man that all further 
looking to the North for security for your 
constitutional rights in the Union ought to 
be instantly abandoned. It is fraught with 
nothing but ruin to yourselves and your 
posterity. 

Secession by the fourth of March next 
should be thundered from the ballot-box 
by the unanimous voice of Georgia on the 
second day of January next. Such a voice 
will be your best guarantee for liberty, 

SECUKITY, TRANQUILLITY and GLORY. 

Robert Toombs. 

important telegraphic correspond- 
ENCE. 

Atlanta, Georgia, December 26th, 1860. 
Hon. S. A. Donglas or Hon. J. J. Critten- 
den : 

Mr. Toombs's despatch of the 22d inst. 
unsettled conservatives here. Is there any 
hope for Southern rights in the Union ? We 
are for the Union of our fathers, if South- 
ern rights can be preserved in it. If not, 
we are for secession. Can we yet hope 
the Union will be preserved on this prin- 
ciple? You are looked to in this emer- 
gency. Give us your views by despatch 

and oblige 

William Ezzard. 
Robert W. Sims. 
James P. Hambleton. 
Thomas S. Powell. 

S. G. HO-SVELL, 

J. A. Hayden. 

G. W. Adair. 

R. C. Honlester. 



SECESSION. 



109 



Washington, December 29th, 1860. 
In reply to your inquiry, we have hopes 
that the rights of the South, and of every 
State and section, may be protected within 
the Union. Don't give up the ship. Don't 
despair of the Republic. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
S. A. Douglas. 

Congress, amid excitement which the 
above dispatches indicate, and which was 
general, remained for several weeks com- 
paratively inactive. Buchanan sent mes- 
sages, but his suggestions were distrusted 
by the Republicans, who stood firm in the 
conviction that when Lincoln took his seat, 
and the new Congress came in, they could 
pass measures calculated to restore the 
property of and jjrotect the integrity of the 
Union. None of them believed in the 
right of secession ; all had lost faith in 
compromises, and all of this party repudi- 
ated the theory that Congress had no right 
to coerce a State. The revival of these 
questions, revived also the logical thoughts 
of Webster in his great reply to Hayne, 
and the way in which he then expanded 
the constitution was now accepted as the 
proper doctrine of Republicanism on that 
question. No partisan sophistry could 
shake the convictions made by Webster, 
and so apt were his arguments in their 
application to every new development that 
they supplied every logical want in the 
Northern mind. Republican orators and 
newspapers quoted and endorsed, until 
nearly every reading mind was imbued 
with the same sentiments, until in fact the 
Northern Democrats, and at all times the 
Douglas Democrats, were ready to stand 
by the flag of the Union. George W. 
Curtis, in Harper^ s Weekly (a journal which 
at the time graphically illustrated the best 
Union thoughts and sentiments), in an 
issue as late as January 12th, 1872, well 
described the power of Webster's grand 
ability * over a crisis which he did not live 
to see, Mr. Curtis says : — 

" The war for the Union was a vindica- 
tion of that theory of its nature which 
Webster had maintained in a memorably 
impregnable and conclusive manner. His 
second speech on Foot's resolution — the 
reply to Hayne — was the most famous 
and effective speech ever delivered in this 
country. It stated clearly and fixed firmly 
in the American mind the theory of the 
government, which was not, indeed, origi- 
nal with Webster, but which is nowhere 
else presented with such complete and in- 
exorable reason as in this speech. If the 
poet be the man who is so consummate a 
master of expression that he only says per- 

The text of Webster's speech in reply to Hayne, now 
mH K ^ '^^ greatest constitutional exposition ever 
marte by any American orator, will be found in our book 
•eroted to Great Speeches on Great Issues. 



fectly what everybody thinks, upon this 
great occasion the orator was the poet. He 
spoke the profound but often obscured and 
dimly conceived conviction of a nation. 
He made the whole argument of the civil 
war a generation before the war occurred, 
and it has remained unanswered and un- 
answerable. Mr. Everett, in his discourse 
at the dedication of the statute of Webster, 
in the State-House grounds in Boston in 
18591, described the orator at the delivery 
of this great speech. The evening before 
he seemed to be so careless that Mr. Ever- 
ett feared that he might not be fully aware 
of the gravity of the occasion. But when 
the hour came, the man was there. ' As I 
saw him in the evening, if I may borrow 
an illustration from his favorite amuse- 
ment,' said Mr. Everett, 'he was as un- 
concerned and as free of spirit as some here 
have often seen him while floating in his 
fishing-boat along a hazy shore, gently 
rocking on the tranquil tide, dropping his 
line here and there with the varying for- 
tune of the sport. The next morning he 
was like some mighty admiral, dark and 
terrible, casting the long shadow of his 
frowning tiers far over the sea, that seemed 
to sink beneath him; his broad pennant 
streaming at the main, the Stars and Stripes 
at the fore, the mizzen, and the peak, and 
bearing down like a tempest upon his an- 
tagonist, with all his canvas strained to the 
wind, and all his thunders roaring from 
his broadsides.' This passage Avell sug- 
gests that indescribable impression of great 
oratory which Rufus Choate, in his eulogy 
of Webster at Dartmouth College, conveys 
by a felicitous citation of what Quintilian 
says of Hortensius, that there was some 
spell in the spoken word Avhich the reader 
misses." 

As we have remarked, the Republicans 
were awaiting the coming of a near and 
greater power to themselves, and at the 
same time jealously watching the move- 
ments of the friends of the South in Con- 
gress and in the President's Cabinet. It 
needed all their watchfulness to prevent 
advantages which the .-secessionists thought 
they had a right to take. Thus Jeflferson 
Davis, on January 9th, 1860, introduced 
to the senate a bill " to authorize the sale 
of public arms to the several States and 
Territories," and as secession became more 
probable he sought to press its passage, but 
failed. Floyd, the Secretary of War, was 
far more successful, and his conduct was 
made the subject of the following historic 
and most remarkable report : — 



Transfer of U. S. Arms South In 1859-60. 

Report (Abstract of) made by Mr. B. 
Stanton, from the Committee on Military 



110 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Affairs, in House of Representatives, Feb. 
18th, 1861. 

The Committee on Military Affairs, to 
whom -was referred the resolution of the 
House of Representatives of 31st of De- 
cember last, instructing said committee to 
inquire and report to the House, how, to 
whom, and at what price, the public arms 
distributed since the first day of January, 
A. D. 1860, have been disposed of; and 
also into the condition of the forts, arsenals, 
dock-yards, etc., etc., submit the following 
report : 

That it appears from the papers herewith 
submitted, that Mr. Floyd, the late Secre- 
tary of War, by the authority or under 
color of the law o'f March 3d, 1825, author- 
izing the Secretary of War to sell any arms, 
ammunition, or other military stores which 
should be found unsuitable for the public 
service, sold to sundry persons and States 
31,610 flint-lock muskets, altered to per- 
cussion, at $2.50 each, between the 1st 
day of January, A. D. 1860, and the 1st day 
of January, A.D., 1861. It will be seen from 
the testimony of Colonel Craig and Captain 
Maynadier, that they differ as to whether 
the arms so sold had been found, " upon 
proper inspection, to be unsuitable for the 
public service." 

Whilst the Committtee do not deem it 
important to decide this question, they say, 
that in their judgment it would require a 
very liberal construction of the law to 
bring these sales within its provisions. 

It also appears that on the 21st day of 
November last, Mr. Belknap made applica- 
tion to the Secretary of War for the pur- 
chase of from one to two hundred and fifty 
thousand United States muskets, flint-locks 
and altered to percussion, at $2.15 each ; 
but the Secretary alleges that the acceptance 
was made under a misapprehension of the 
price bid, he supposing it was $2.50 each, 
instead of $2.15. 

Mr. Belknap denies all knowledge of any 
mistake or misapprehension, and insists 
upon the performance of his contract. 

The present Secretary refuses to recog- 
nize the contract, and the muskets have 
not been delivered to Mr. Belknap. 

Mr. Belknap testifies that the muskets 
were intended for the Sardinian govern- 
ment. 

It will appear bv the papers herewith 
submitted, that on the 29th of December, 
1859, the Secretary of War ordered the 
transfer of 65,000 percussion muskets, 40- 
000 muskets altered to percussion, and 10- 
000 percussion rifles, from the Springfield 
Armorv and the Watertown and Water- 
vliet Arsenals, to the Arsenals at Fayette- 
ville, N. C, Charleston, S. C, Augusta, Ga., 
Mount Vernon, Ala., and Baton Rouge, 
La., and that these arms were distributed 
during the spring of 1860 as follows : 



Percussion Altered 

muskets, muskets. Biflec 

To Charleston Arsenal, 9,2S0 5,720 J.OOOi 

To North Carolina Arsenal, 15,480 9,520 2,00a 

To Augusta Arsenal, 12,380 7,r,20 2,000 

To Mount Vernon Arsenal, 9,280 5,7:;0 2,000 

To Baton Kouge Arsenal, 18,580 11,420 2,000- 



65,000 40,000 10,000 

All of these arms, except those sent to 
the North Carolina Arsenal,* have been 
seized by the authorities of the several 
States of South Carolina, Alabama, Loui- 
siana and Georgia, and are no longer in 
possession of the United States. 

It will appear by the testimony herewith 
presented, that on the 20th of October last 
the Secretary of War ordered forty colum- 
biads and four thirty-two pounders to be- 
sent from the Arsenal at Pittsburg to the 
fort on Ship Island, on the coast of Missis- 
sippi, then in an unfinished condition,^and 
seventy columbiads and seven thirty-two 
pounders to be sent from the same Arsenal 
to the fort at Galveston, in Texas, the 
building of which had scarcely been com- 
menced. 

This order was given to the Secretary of 
War, without any report from the Engineel 
department showing that said works were 
ready for their armament, or that the guns, 
were needed at either of said points. 

It will be seen by the testimony of Cap- 
tain Wright, of the Engineer department, 
that the fort at Galveston cannot be ready 
for its entire armament in less than about 
five years, nor for any part of it in less than 
two ; and that the fort at Ship Island will 
require an appropriation of $85,000 and 
one year's time before it can be ready for 
any part of its armament. This last named 
fort has been taken possession of by the 
State authorities of Mississippi. 

The order of the late Secretary of War 
(Floyd) was countermanded by the present 
Secretary (Holt) before it had been fully 
executed by the shipment of said guns from 

Pittsburg. t 

It will be seen by a communication from 
the Ordnance office of the 21st of January 
last, that bv the last returns there were re- 
maining in" the United States arsenals and 
armories the following small arms, viz : 
Percussion muskets and muskets 
altered to percussion of calibre 

69 499,554 

Percussion rifles, calibre 54 42,011 

Total 541,565 

* These were afterwards seized. 

t Th.- attempted removal of these heavy guns from Al- 
legheny Arsenal, late in December, 18G0, cr^-ate.l mteM6 
excitement. A monster mass meeting assembled at tne 
cail of the Mayor of the city, and citizens of all P-'rti«» 
aided in the effort to prevent the slnpnient. 1 hrougQ 
the interposition of Hon. J. K. Moorhead, Hon. K MC v 
Knight, Judge Shaler. Judge Wilkms Judge Miannon 
and others inquiry was instituted, and a revocation oi 
the order obtained. The Secessionists in Congress bittenj 
complained of the " mob law" which thus '"towered w.tft 
the routine of governmental affairs.-McPherson s Historj. 



SECESSION. 



Ill 



Of these 60,878 were deposited in the 
arsenals of South Carolina, Alabama, and 
Louisiana, and are in the possession of the 
authorities of those States, reducing the 
number in possession of the United States 
to 480,687. 

Since the date of said communication, 
the following additional forts and military- 
posts have been taken possession of by 
parties acting under the authority of the 
States in which they are respectively situ- 
ated, viz : 

Fort Moultrie, South Carolina. 

Fort Morgan, Alabama. 

Baton Rouge Barracks, Louisiana. 

Fort Jackson, Louisiana, 

Fort St. Philip, 

Fort Pike, Louisiana. 

Oglethorpe Barracks, Georgia. 

And the department has been unofficially 
advised that the arsenal at Chattahoochee, 
Forts McRea and Barrancas, and Barracks, 
have been seized by the authorities of 
Florida. 

To what further extent the small arms 
in possession of the United States may 
have been reduced by these figures, your 
committee have not been advised. 

The whole number of the sea-board forts 
in the United States is fifty-seven ; their 
appropriate garrison in war would require 
26,420 men ; their actual garrison at this 
time is 1,334 men, 1,308 of whom are in 
the forts at Governor's Island, New York ; 
Fort McHenry, Maryland; Fort Monroe, 
Virginia, and at Alcatraz Island, California, 
in the harbor of San Francisco. 

From the facts elicited, it is certain that 
the regular military force of the United 
States, is wholly inadequate to the pro- 
tection of the forts, arsenals, dockyards, 
and other property of the United States 
in the present disturbed condition of 
the country. The regular army numbers 
only 18,000 men when recruited to its 
maximum strength, and the whole of this 
force is required for the protection of the 
border settlements against Indian depreda- 
tions. Unless it is the intention of Con- 
gress that the forts, arsenals, dock-yards 
and other public property, shall be exposed 
to capture and spoliation, the President 
must be armed with additional force for 
their protection. 

In the opinion of the Committee the law 
of February 28th, 1795, confers upon the 
President ample power to call out the mili- 
tia,to execute the laws and protect the public 
property. But as the late Attorney-General 
has given a different opinion, the Commit- 
tee to remove all doubt upon the subject, 
report the accompanying bill, etc. 



OTHER ITEMS. 

Statenumt of Arms dktribuUd by Sale since the firU of 
January, 1860, to whom told and the place whence told. 

1860. Arsenals. 

To tahom sold. No. Date of Sale. Where sold. 

J. W. Z»charie & Co 4,000 Feb 3 St. Louis. 

James T. Ames 1,(J00 Mar. U New York. 

Captain G. Barry »0 June 11 St. Louis. 

W. C. N. Swift 400 Aug. 31 Springfield. 

do 80 Nov. 13 do. 

State of Alabama 1,000 Sep. 27 Baton Rouge. 

do 2,600 Nov. 14 do. 

State of Virginia 5,000 Nov. 6 Washington, 

Phillips county, Ark 50 Nov. 16 St. Louis. 

G. B. Lamar 10,0(H) Nov. 24 Watervliet. 

The arms were all flint-lock muskets 
altered to percussion, and were all sold at 
$2.50 each, except those purchased by Cap- 
tain G. Barry and by the Phillips county 
volunteers, for which $2 each were paid. 

The Mobile Advertiser says : " During 
the past year 135,430 muskets have been 
quietly transferred from the Northern Ar- 
senal at Springfield alone, to those in the 
Southern States. We are much obliged to 
Secretary Floyd for the foresight he has 
thus displayed in disarming the North and 
equipping the South for this emergency. 
There is no telling the quantity of arms 
and munitions which were sent South from 
other Northern arsenals. There is no doubt 
but that every man in the South who can 
carry a gun can now be supplied from pri- 
vate or public sources. The Springfield 
contribution alone would arm all the mili- 
tiamen of Alabama and Mississippi." 

General Scott, in his letter of December 
2d, 1862, on the early history of the Rebel- 
lion, states, that " Rhode Island, Delaware 
and Texas had not drawn, at the end of 
1860, their annual quotas of arms for that 
year, and Massachusetts, Tennessee, and 
Kentucky only in part; Virginia, South 
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, 
Louisiana, Mississippi and Kansas were, by 
order of the Secretary of War, supplied 
with their quotas for 1861 in advance, and 
Pennsylvania and Maryland in part" 

This advance of arms to eight Southern 
States is in addition to the transfer, about 
the same time, of 115,000 muskets to South- 
ern arsenals, as per Mr. Stanton's report. 

Governor Letcher of Virginia, in his 
Message of December, 1861, says, that for 
some time prior to secession, he had been 
engaged in purchasing arms, ammunition, 
etc. ; among which were 13 Parrott rifled 
cannon, and 5,000 muskets. He desired to 
buy from the United States Government 
10,000 more, when buying the 5,000, but 
he says " the authorities declined to sell 
them to us, although five times the number 
were then in the arsenal at Washington. " 

Had Jefferson Davis' bill relative to the 
purchase of arms become a law, the result 
might have been different. 

This and similar action on the part of 
the South, especially the attempted seizure 
and occupation of forts, convinced many 



112 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



of the Republicans that no compromise 
could endure, however earnest its advo- 
cates from the Border States, and this 
earnestness was unquestioned. Besides 
their attachment to the Union, they knew 
that in the threatened war they would be 
the greatest sufferers, with their people di- 
vided neighbor against neighbor, their 
lands laid waste, and their houses destroy- 
ed. They had every motive for earnest- 
ness in the effort to conciliate the disagree- 
ing sections. 

The oddest partisan feature in the en- 
tire preliminary and political struggle was 
the attempt, in the parlance of the day, of 
" New York to secede from New York" — 
an oddity verified by Mayor Wood's recom- 
mendation in favor of the secession of NeAV 
York city, made January 6th, 1861. The 
document deserves a place in this history, 
as it shows the views of a portion of the 
citizens then, and an exposition of their 
interests as presented by a citizen before 
and since named by repeated elections to 
Congress. 



Mayor Wood's Secession Message. 

To the Honorable the Common Council : 

Gentlemen: — We are entering upon 
the public duties of the year under circum- 
stances as unprecedented as they are 
gloomy and painful to contemplate. The 
great trading and producing interests of 
not only the city of New York, but of the 
entire country, are prostrated by a mone- 
tary crisis ; and although similar calami- 
ties have before befallen us, it is the first 
time that they have emanated from causes 
having no other origin than that which 
may be traced to political disturbances. 
Truly, may it now be said, " We are in the 
midst of a revolution bloodless as yet." 
Whether the dreadful alternative implied 
as probable in the conclusion of this pro- 
phetic quotation may be averted, " no hu- 
man ken can divine." It is quite certain 
that the severity of the storm is unexam- 
pled in our history, and if the disintegra- 
tion of the Federal Government, witli the 
consequent destruction of all the material 
interests of the people shall not follow, it 
will be owing more to the interposition of 
Divine Providence, than to the inherent 
preventive power of our institutions, or 
the intervention of any other human 
agency. 

It would seem that a dissolution of the 
Federal Union is inevitable. Having been 
formed originally on a basis of general and 
mutual protection, but separate local inde- 
pendence — each State reserving the entire 
and absolute control of its own domestic 
affairs, it is evidently impossible to keep 
them together longer than they deem 
themselves fairly treated by each other, or 



longer than the interests, honor and fra- 
ternity of the people of the several States 
are satisfied. Being a Government created 
by opinion, its continuance is dependent 
upon the continuance of the sentiment 
which formed it. It cannot be preserved 
by coercion or held together by force. A 
resort to this last dreadful alternative 
would of itself destroy not only the Gov- 
ernment, but the lives and property of the 
people. 

If these forebodings shall be realized, 
and a separation of the States shall occur, 
momentous considerations will be pre- 
sented to the corporate authorities of this 
city. We must provide for the new re- 
lations which will necessarily grow out of 
the new condition of public affairs. 

It will not only be necessary for us to 
settle the relations which we shall hold to 
other cities and States, but to establish, if 
we can, new ones with a portion of our 
own State. Being the child of the Union, 
having drawn our sustenance ^rom its 
bosom, and arisen to our present power 
and strength through the vigor of our 
mother — when deprived of her maternal 
advantages, we must rely upon our own 
resources and assume a position predicated 
upon the new phase which public affairs 
will present, and upon the inherent 
strength which our geographical, commer- 
cial, political, and financial pre-eminence 
imparts to us. 

With our aggrieved brethren of the 
Slave States, we have friendly relations 
and a common sympathy. We have not 
participated in the warfare upon their con- 
stitutional rights or their domestic insti- 
tutions. While other portions of our State 
have unfortunately been imbued with the 
fanatical spirit which actuates a portion 
of the people of New England, the city of 
New York has unfalteringly preserved the 
integrity of its principles in adherence to 
the compromises of the Constitution and 
the equal rights of the people of all the 
States. We have respected the local in- 
terests of every section, at no time oppress- 
ing, but all the while aiding in the devel- 
opment of the resources of the whole 
country. Our ships have penetrated to 
every clime, and so have New York capi- 
tal, energy and enterprise found their way 
to every State, and, indeed, to almost every 
county and town of the American Union. 
If we have derived sustenance from the 
Union, so have we in return disseminated 
blessings for the common benefit of all. 
Therefore, New York has a right to ex- 
pect, and should endeavor to preserve a 
continuance of uninterrupted intercourse 
with every section. 

It is, however, folly to disguise the fact 
that, judging from the past. New York may 
have more cause of apprehension from the 
aggressive legislation of our own State 



CONGRESS ON THE EVE OF THE REBELLION. 



113 



than from external dangers. We have 
already largely suffered from this cause. 
For the past five years, our interests and 
corporate rights have been repeatedly 
trampled upon. Being an integral portion 
of the State, it has been assumed, and in 
effect tacitly admitted on our part by non- 
resistance, that all political and govern- 
mental power over us rested in the State 
Legislature. Even the common right of 
t vxing ourselves for our own government, 
has been yielded, and we are not permit- 
ted to do so without this authority. * * * 

Thus it will be seen that the political 
connection between the people of the city 
and the State has been used by the latter 
to our injury. The Legislature, in which 
the present partizan majority has the 
l)0\ver, has become the instrument by 
which we are plundered to enrich their 
speculators, lobby agents, and Abolition 
politicians. Laws are passed through their 
malign influence by which, under foi'ms of 
legal enactment, our burdens have been 
increased, our substance eaten out, and 
our municipal liberties destroyed. Self- 
government, though guaranteed by the 
State Constitution, and left to every other 
county and city, has been taken from us 
by this foreign power, whose dependents 
have been sent among us to destroy our 
liberties by subverting our political sys- 
tem. 

How we shall rid ourselves of this odi- 
ous and oppressive connection, it is not 
for me to determine. It is certain that a 
dissolution cannot be peacefully accom- 
plished, except by the consent of the 
Legislature itself. Whether this can be 
obtained or not, is, in my judgment, doubt- 
ful. Deriving so much advantage from 
its power over the city, it is not probable 
that a partizan majority will consent to a 
separation — and the resort to force by vio- 
lence and revolution must not be thought 
of for an instant. We have been distin- 
guished as an orderly and law-abiding 
people. Let us do nothing to forfeit this 
character, or to add to the present dis- 
tracted condition of public affairs. 

Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of 
the justice and policy of a separation. It 
may be said that secession or revolution in 
any of the United States would be subver- 
sive of all Federal authority, and, so far 
as the Central Government is concerned, 
the resolving of the community into its 
original elements— that, if part of the 
States form new combinations and Gov- 
ernments, other States may do the same. 
California and her sisters" of the Pacific 
will no doubt set up an independent Re- 
public and husband their own rich min- 
eral resources. The Western States, equally 
rich in cereals and other agricultural pro- 
ducts, will probably do the same. Then 
It may be said, why should not New York 
8 



city, instead of supporting by her contri- 
butions in revenue two-thirds of the ex- 
penses of the United States, become also 
equally independent ? As a free city, with 
but nominal duty on imports, her local 
Government could be supported without 
taxation upon her people. Thus we could 
live free from taxes, and have cheap goods 
nearly duty free. In this she would have 
the whole and united support of the 
Southern States, as well as all the other 
States to whose interests and rights under 
the Constitution she has always been true. 

It is well for individuals or communi- 
ties to look every danger square in the 
face, and to meet it calmly and bravely. 
As dreadful as the severing of the bonds 
that have hitherto united the States has 
been in contemplation, it is now appar- 
ently a stern and inevitable fact. We 
have now to meet it with all the conse- 
quences, whatever they may be. If the 
Confederacy is broken up the Government 
is dissolved, and it behooves every distinct 
community, as well as every individual, to 
take care of themselves. 

When Disunion has become a fixed and 
certain fact, why may not New York dis- 
rupt the bands which bind her to a venal 
and corrupt master — to a people and a 
party that have plundered her revenues, 
attempted to ruin her commerce, taken 
away the power of self-government, and 
destroyed the Confederacy of which she 
was the proud Empire City ? Amid the 
gloom which the present and prospective 
condition of things must cast over the 
country. New York, as a Free City, may 
shed the only light and hope of a future 
reconstruction of our once blessed Con- 
federacy. 

But I am not prepared to recommend 
the violence implied in these views. In 
stating this argument in favor of freedom, 
" peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must," 
let me not be misunderstood. The redress 
can be found only in appeals to the mag- 
nanimity of the people of the whole State. 
The events of the past two months have 
no doubt effected a change in the popular 
sentiment of the State and National poli- 
tics. This change may bring us the de- 
sired relief, and we may be able to obtain 
a repeal of the law to which I have re- 
ferred, and a consequent restoration of our 
corporate rights. 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 

January 6th, 1861. 



Congress on. the E-re of the Rebellion. 

It should be borne in mind that all of 
the propositions, whether for compromise, 
authority to suppress insurrection, or new 
laws to collect duties, had to be considered 
by the Second Session of the 36th Con- 
gress, which was then, with the exception 



114 



AMERICAN PuLITICS. 



of the Republicans, a few Americans, and 
tlie anti-Lecompton men, supporting the 
administration of Buchanan. No Congress 
ever had so many and such grave proposi- 
tions presented to it, and none ever showed 
more exciting jjolitical divisions. It was 
composed of the following persons, some 
of whom survive, and most of whom are 
historic characters : 

SENATE. 

John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, 
Vice-President; 

Maine — H. Hamlin,* W. P. Fessenden. 

Neiv Hampshire — John P. Hale, Daniel 
Clark. 

Vermont — Solomon Foot, J. Collamer. 

Massachusetts — Henry Wilson, Charles 
Sumuer. 

Rhode Island — James F. Simmons, H. 
B. Anthony. 

Connecticut — L. S. Foster, Jas. Dixon. 

New York — William H. Seward, Preston 
King. 

New Jersey— 3. C. Ten Eyck, J. E. Thom- 
son. 

Pennsylvania — S. Cameron, Wm. Bigler. 

Delaware — J. A. Bayard, W. Saulsbury. 

Maryland — J. A. Pearce, A. Kennedy. 

Virginia — R. M. T. Hunter, James M. 
Mason. 

South Carolina — Jas. Chesnut,t James 
H. Hammond.f 

North Carolina — Thomas Bragg, T. L. 
Clingman. 

Alabama — B. Fitzpatrick, C. C. Clay, Jr. 

Mississippi — A. G. Brown, Jeff. Davis. 

Louisiana — J. P. Benjamin, John Sli- 
dell. 

Tennessee — A. 0. P. Nicholson, A. John- 
son. 

Arkansas — R. W. Johnson, W. K. Se- 
bastian. 

Kentucky — L. W, Powell, J. J. Critten- 
den. 

Missouri — Jas. S. Green, Trusten Polk. 

Ohio—B. F. AVade, Geo. E. Pugh. 

Indiana— J. D. Bright, G. N. Fitch. 

Pulinois — S. A. Douglas, L. Trumbull. 

Michigan — Z. Chandler, K. S. Bingham. 

Florida— D. L. Yulee, S. R. Mallory. 

Georgia — Alfred Iverson, Robt. Toombs. 

rexas— John Hemphill, L. T. Wigfall. 

Wisconsin — Charles Durkee, J. R. Doo- 
little. 

lotca — J. M. Grimes, Jas. Harlan. 

California — M. S. Latham. William M. 
Gwin. 

Minnesota — H. M. Rice, M. S. Wilkin- 
son. 

Oregon — Joseph Lane, Edward D. Ba- 
ker. 



»R<^8ignpd .T.inuary 17th, 1861, and succeeded by Hon. 
Lot M. Morrill. 

■\ Did not attend. 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

William Pennington, of New Jersey, 
Sjjeaker. 

Maine — D. E. Somes, John J. Perry, E. 
B. French, F. H. Morse, Israel Washburn, 
Jr.,* S. C. Foster. 

New Hampshire — Gilman Marston, M. 
W. Tappan, T. M. Edwards. 

Vermont— E. P. Walton, J. S. Morrill, 
H. E. Royce. 

Massachusetts — Thomas D. Eliot, James 
Bufifinton, Charles Francis Adams, Alexan- 
der H. Rice, Anson Burlingame, John B. 
Alley, Daniel W. Gooch, Charles R. Train, 
Eli Thayer, Charles Delano, Plenry L. 
Dawes. 

Rhode Island — C. Robinson, W, D. 
Brayton. 

Connecticut — Dwight Loomis, John 
Woodruff, Alfred A. Burnham, Orris^S. 
Ferry. 

Delaware — W. G. Whiteley. 

New York — Luther C. Carter, James 
Humphreys, Daniel E. Sickles, W. B. Ma- 
clay, Thomas J. Barr, John Cochrane, 
Gorge Briggs, Horace F. Clark, John B. 
Haskin, Chas. H. Van Wyck, William S. 
Kenyon, Charles L. Beale, Abm. B. Olin, 
John H.;Reynolds, Jas. B. McKean, G. W. 
Palmer, Francis E. Spinner, Clark B. 
Cochrane, James H. Graham, Richard 
Franchot, Roscoe Conkling, R. H. Duell, 
M. Ludley Lee, Charles B. Hoard, Chas. 

B. Sedgwick, M. Butterfield, Emory B. 
Pottle, Alfred Wells, William Irvine, Al- 
fred Ely, Augustus Frank, Edwin R. Rey- 
nolds, Elbridge G. Spaulding Reuben E. 
Fenton. 

New Jersey — John T. Nixon, John L. N. 
Stratton, Garnett B. Adrain, Jetur E. 
Riggs, Wm. Pennington (Speaker). 

Pennsylvania— T\\om2iii B. Florence, E. 
Joy Morris, John P. Verree, William Mill- 
ward, John Wood, John Hickman, Henry 

C. Longnecker, Jacob K. McKenty, Thad- 
deus Stevens, John W. Kellinger, James 
H. Campbell, George W. Scranton, Wil- 
liam H. Dimmick, Galusha A. Grow, 
James T. Hale, Benjamin F. Junkin, 
Edward McPherson, Samuel S. Blair, 
John Covode, William Montgomery, 
James K. Moorhead, Robert McKniglit, 
William Stewart, Chapin Hall, Elijah 
Babbitt. 

Maryland — Jas. A. Stewart, J. M. Harris, 
H. W. Davis, J. M. Kunkel, G. W. 
Hughes. 

Virginia — John S. Millson, Muscoe R. 
H. Garnett, Daniel C. De Jarnette, Roger 
A. Pryor, Thomas S. Bocock, William 
Smith, Alex. R. Boteler, John T. Harris, I 
Albert G. Jenkins, Shelton F. Leake, 
Henry A. Edmundson, Elbert S. Martin, 
Shcrrard Clemens. 

* Resigned and succeeded January 2d, 1^61, by H««. 
Stephen Coburn. 



SECESSION. 



115 



South Carolina — John McQueen, Wm. 
Porcher Miles, Lawrence M. Keitt, Mill- 
edge L. Bouham, John D. Ashmore, Wni. 
W. Boyce. 

North Carolina— W. N. H. Smith, Thos. 
Ruffin, W. Winslow, L. O'B. Branch, 
John A. Gilmer, Jas. M. Leach, Burton 
Craige, Z. B. Vance. 

Georgia — Peter E. Love, M. J. Crawford, 
This. Hardeman, Jr., L, J. Gartrell, J. W. 
H. Underwood, James Jackson, Joshua 
Hill, John J. Jones. 

Alabama — Jas. L. Pugh, David Clopton, 
Svdenh. Moore, Geo. S. Houston, W. R. 
W. Cobb, J. A. Stallworth, J. L. M. Curry. 

Mississippi — L. Q. C. Lamar, Reuben 
Davis, William Barksdale, 0. R. Single- 
ton, John J. McRae. 

Louisiana — John E. Bouligny, Miles 
Taylor, T.G.Davidson, John M. Landrum. 

Ohio — G. H. Pendleton, John A. Gur- 
ley, C. L. Vallandigham, William Allen, 
James M. Ashley, Wm. Howard, Thomas 
Corwin, Benj. Stanton, John Carey, C. A. 
Trimble, Chas. D. Martin, Saml. S. Cox, 
John Sherman, H. G. Blake, William Hel- 
mick, C. B. Tompkins, T. C. Theaker, S. 
Edgerton, Edward Wade, John Hutchins, 
John A. Bingham. 

Kentucky — Henry C. Burnett, Green 
Adams, S. O. Peyton, F. M. Bristow, W. 
C Anderson, Robert Mallory, Wm. E. 
Simras, L. T. Moore, John Y. Brown, J. 
W. Stevenson. 

Tennessee — T. A. R. Nelson, Horace 
Maynard, R. B. Brabson, William B. 
Stokes, Robert Hatton, James H. Thomas, 
John V. Wright, James M. Quarles, Em- 
erson Etheridge, Wm. T. Avery. 

Indiana — Wm. E. Niblack, Wm. H. 
English, Wm. M'Kee Dunn, Wm. S. Hol- 
man, David Kilgore, Albert G. Porter, 
John G. Davis, James Wilson, Schuyler 
Colfax, Chas. Case, John U. Pettit. 

niinois — E. B. Washburne, J. F. Farns- 
worth, Owen Lovejoy, Wm. Kellogg, I. N. 
Morris, John A. McClernand, James C. 
Robinson, P. B. Fouke, John A. Logan. 

Arkansas — Thomas C/ Hindman, Albert 
Rust, 

Missouri — J. R. Barrett, T. L. Anderson, 
John B. Clark, James Craig, L. H. Wood- 
son, John S. Phelps, John W. Noell. 

Michigan — William A. Howard, Henry 
Waldron, F. W\ Kellogg, De W. C. Leach. 

Florida — George S. Hawkins. 

Texas~3o\va. H. Regan, A. J. Hamilton. 

/oj<>a— S. R. Curtis, Wm. Vandevcr, 

CaZ(/brnja— Charles L. Scott, John C. 
Burch. 

Wisconsin— :id\xn F. Porter, C. C. Wash- 
burne, C. H. Larrabee. 

Minnesota— Cyrm Aldrich, Wm. AVin- 
dom. 

Oregon — Lansing Stout, 
^ansas— Martin F. Conway, (sworn Jan. 
30th, 1861). 



MR. Lincoln's views. 

While the various propositions above 
given were under consideration, Mr. Lin- 
coln was of course an interested observer 
from his home in Illinois, where he 
awaited the legal time for taking his seat 
as President. His views on the efforts at 
compromise were sought by the editor of 
the New York Ti-ibune, and expressed as 
follows : 

" ' I will suffer death before I will con- 
sent or advise my friends to consent to 
any concession or compromise which looks 
like buying the privilege of taking posses- 
sion of the Government to which we have 
a constitutiouEjl right ; because, whatever 
I might think of the merits of the various 
propositions before Congress, I should re- 
gard any concession in the face of menace 
as the destruction of the government it- 
self, and a consent on all hands that our 
system shall be brought down to a level 
with the existing disorganized state of af- 
fairs in Mexico. But this thing will here- 
after be, as it is now, in the hands of the 
people; and if they desire to call a conven- 
tion to remove any grievances complained 
of, or to give new guarantees for the per- 
manence of vested rights, it is not mine to- 
oppose.' " 

.JUDGE black's views. 

Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania,, 
was then Buchanan's Attorney General,, 
and as his position has since been made 
the subject of lengthy controversy, it is 
pertinent to give the following copious ex- 
tract from his " Opinion upon the Powers 
of the President," in response to an official 
inquiry from the Executive : — 

The existing laws put and keep the 
Federal Government strictly on the defen- 
sive. You can use force only to repel an 
assault on the public property, and aid the 
courts in the performance of their duty. 
If the means given you to collect the 
revenue and execute the other laws be in- 
sufficient for that purpose, Congress may 
extend and make them more effectual to 
that end. 

If one of the States should declare her 
independence, your action cannot depend 
upon the rightfulness of the cause upon 
which such declaration is based. Whether 
the retirement of a State from the Union 
be the exercise of a right reserved in the 
Constitution or a revolutionary movement, 
it is certain that you have not in either 
case the authority to recognize her in- 
dependence or to absolve her from her 
Federal obligations. Congress or the- 
other States in convention assembled must 
take such measures as may be necessary 
and proper. In such an event I see nO' 
course for you but to go straight onward 
in the path you have hitherto trodden, 
that is, execute the laws to the extent of 



116 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



the defensive means placed in your hands, 
and act generally upon the assumption 
that the present constitutional relations 
between the States and the Federal Gov- 
ernment continue to exist until a new order 
of things shall be established, either by 
law or force. 

Whether Congress has the constitutional 
right to make war against one or more 
States, and require the Executive of the 
Federal Government to carry it on by 
means of force to be drawn from the other 
States, is a question for Congress itself to 
consider. It must be admitted that no 
such power is expressly given ; nor are 
there any words in the Constitution which 
imply it. Among the ])owers enumerated 
in article I. section 8, is that " to declare 
war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, 
and to make rules concerning captures on 
land and water." This certainly means 
nothing more than the power to commence, 
and carry on hostilities against the foreign 
enemies of the nation. Another clause in 
the same section gives Congress the power 
" to provide for calling forth the militia," 
and to use them within the limits of the 
State. But this power is so restricted by 
the words which immediately follow, that 
it can be exercised only for one of the fol- 
lowing purposes : 1. To execute the laws 
of the Union ; that is, to aid the Federal 
officers in the performance of their regular 
duties. 2. To suppress insurrections against 
the States ; but this is confined by article 
IV. section 4, to cases in which the State 
lierself shall apply for assistance against 
lier own people, 3. To repel the invasion 
of a State by enemies who come from 
abroad to assail her in her own territory. 
All these provisions are made to protect 
the States, not to authorize an attack by 
one part of the country upon another; to 
preserve their peace, and not to plunge 
them into civil war. Our forefathers do 
not seem to have thought that war was 
calculated " to form a more perfect union, 
establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
quillity, provide for the common defence, 
promote the general welfare, and secure 
the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
our i)Osterity." There was undoubtedly a 
strong and universal conviction among the 
men who framed and ratified the Constitu- 
tion, that military force would not only be 
useless, but pernicious as a means of hold- 
ing the States together. 

If it be true that war cannot be declared, 
nor a system of general hostilities carried 
on by the central government against a 
State, then it seems to follow that an 
attempt to do so would be ipno facto an ex- 
pulsion of such State from the Union. 
Being treated as an alien and an enemy, 
she would be compelled to act accordingly. 
And if Congress shall break up the present 
Union by unconstitutionally putting strife 



and enmity, and armed hostility, between 
different sections of the country, instead of 
the " domestic tranquillity " which the 
Constitution was meant to insure, will not 
all the States be absolved from their 
Federal obligations? Is any portion of 
the people bound to contribute their 
money or their blood to carry on a contest 
like that? 

The right of the General Government to 
preserve itself in its whole constitutional 
vigor by repelling a direct and positive 
aggression upon its property or its officers, 
cannot be denied. But this is a totally 
different thing from an oflensive war to 
punish the people for the political mis- 
deeds of their State governments, or to 
prevent a threatened violation of the Con- 
stitution, or to enforce an acknowledgment 
that the Government of the Ujiited States 
is supreme. The States are colleagues of 
one another, and if some of them shall 
conquer the rest and hojd them as sub- 
jugated provinces, it would totally destroy 
the whole theory upon which they are 
now connected. 

If this view of the subject be as correct 
as I think it is, then the Union must 
totally perish at the moment when Con- 
gress shall arm one part of the people 
against another for any purpose beyond 
that of merely protecting the General 
Government in the exercise of its proper 
constitutional "functions. I am, very re- 
spectfully, yours, etc., 

J. S. Black. 
To the President of the United States. 

The above expressions from Lincoln and 
Black well state the position cf the Repub- 
lican and the administration Democrats 
on the eve of the rebellion, and they are 
given for that purpose. The views of the 
original secessionists are given in South 
Carolina's declaration. Those of the con- 
servatives of the South who hesitated and 
leaned toward the Union, were best ex- 
pressed before the Convention of Georgia 
in the 

SPEECH OF ALEX. H. STEPHENS. 

This step (of secession) once taken can 
never be recalled ; and all the baleful and 
withering consequences that must follow, 
will rest on the convention for all coming 
time. When we and our posterity shah 
see our lovely South desolated by the de- 
mon of war, v-hich this act oft/ours u-ill in- 
evitably invite and call forth; when our 
green fields of waving harvest shall be 
trodden down by the murderous soldiery 
and fiery car of war sweeping over our 
land ; our temples of justice laid in ashes; 
all the horrors and desolations of war upon 
us ; who bttt this Convention unll he held re- 
sponsible for it ? and who but him who 
shall have given his vote for this unwise 



SECESSION. 



117 



and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think 
and believe, shall be held to strict account 
for this suicidal act by the present genera- 
tion, and probably cursed and execrated by 
posterity Jbr all coming time, for the wide 
and desolating ruin that will inevitably 
follow this act you now propose to perpe- 
trate? Pause, I entreat you, and consider 
for a moment what reasons you can give 
that will even satisfy yourselves in calmer 
moments — what reason you can give to 
your fellow sufferers in the calamity that 
it will bring upon us. What reasons can you 
give to the nations of the earth to justify it f 
They will be the calm and deliberate 
judges in the case; and what cause or one 
overt act can you name or point, on which 
to rest the plea of justification? Wliat 
right has the North assailed ? What inter- 
est of the South has been invaded ? What 
justice has been denied? and what claim 
founded in justice and right has been 
withheld? Can either of you to-day name 
one governmental act of wrong, deliber- 
ately and purposely done by the govern- 
ment of Washington, of which the South 
has a right to complain ? I challenge the 
answer. While on the other hand, let me 
show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, 
I am not here the advocate of the North ; 
but I am here the friend, the firm friend, 
and lover of the South and her institutions, 
and for this reason I speak thus plainly 
and faithfully for yours, mine, and every 
other man's interest, the words of truth 
and soberness), of which I wish you to 
judge, and I will only state facts which are 
clear and undeniable, and which now 
stand as records authentic in the history of 
our country. When we of the South de- 
manded the slave-trade, or the importation 
of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, 
did they not yield the right for twenty 
years ? When we asked a three-fifths rep- 
resentation in Congress for our slaves, was 
it not granted ? When we asked and de- 
manded the return of any fugitive from 
justice, or the recovery of those persons 
owing labor or allegiance, was it not incor- 
porated in the Constitution, and again rat- 
ified and strengthened by the Fugitive 
Slave Law of 1850? But do you reply 
that in many instances they have violated 
this compact, and have not been faithful 
to their engagements ? As individual and 
local communities, they may have done so ; 
but not by the sanction of Government; 
for that has always been true to Southern 
interests. Again, gentlemen, look at 
another act: when we have asked that 
more territory should be added, that we 
might spread the institution of slavery, 
have they not yielded to our demands in 
giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, 
out ot which four States have been carved, 
and ample territory for four more to be add- 
ed in due time, if you by this unwise and 



impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and 
perhaps, by it lose all, and have your last 
slave wrenched from you by stern military 
rule, as South America and Mexico were ; 
or by the vindictive decree of a universal 
emancipation, which may reasonably be ex- 
pected to follow'? 

But, again, gentlemen, what have we to 
gain by this proposed change of our rela- 
tion to the General Government? We 
have always had the control of it, and can 
yet, if we remain in it, and are as united 
as we have been. We have had a majority 
of the Presidents chosen from the South ; 
as well as the control and management of 
most of those chosen from the North. We 
have had sixty years of Southern Presi- 
dents to their twenty-four, thus controlling 
the Executive department. So of the 
Judges of the Supreme Court, we have had 
eighteen from the South, and but eleven 
from the North ; although nearly four- 
fifths of the judicial business has arisen in 
the Free States, yet a majority of the Court 
has always been from the South. This we 
have required so as to guard against any 
interpretation of the Constitution unfa- 
vorable to us. In like manner we have 
been equally watchful to guard our inter- 
ests in the Legislative branch of Govern- 
ment. In choosing the j^residing Presi- 
dents [pro tern.) of the Senate, we have 
had twenty-four to their eleven. Speakers 
of the House we have had twenty-three, 
and they twelve. While the majority of 
the Eepresentatives, from their greater 
population, have always been from the 
North, yet we have so generally secured 
the Speakei", because he, to a great extent, 
shapes and controls the legislation of the 
country. Nor have we had less control in 
every other department of the General 
Government. Attorney-Generals we have 
had fourteen, while the North have had 
but five. Foreign ministers we have had 
eighty-six, and they but fifty-four. While 
three-fourths of the business which de- 
mands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly 
from the Free States, from their greater 
commercial interest, yet we have had the 
principal embassies so as to secure the 
world-markets for our cotton, tobacco, and 
sugar on the best possible terms. We have 
had a vast majority of the higher offices of 
both army and navy, while a larger pro- 
portion of the soldiers and sailors were 
drawn from the North. Equally so of 
Clerks, Auditors, and Comptrollers filling 
the executive department, the records show 
for the last fifty years that of the thi-ee 
thousand thus employed, we have had 
more than two-thirds of the same, while 
we have but one-third of the white popu- 
lation of the Republic. 

Again, look at another item, and one, b< 
assured, in which we have a great anc 
vital interest; it is that of revenue, O] 



118 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



means of supporting Government. From of- 
ficial documents, we learn that a fraction 
over three-fourths of the revenue collected 
for the support of the Government has 
uniformly been raised from the North. 

Pause now while you can, gentlemen, 
and contemplate carefully and candidly 
these important items. Look at another 
necessary branch of Government, and 
learn from stern statistical facts how mat- 
ters stand in that department. I mean the 
mail and Post-Olfice privileges that we 
jiow enjoy under the General Government 
as it has been for years past. The expense 
for the transportation of the mail in the 
Free States was, by the report of the Post- 
master-General for the year 1860 a little 
over $13,000,000, while the income was 
$19,000,000. But in the Slave States the 
transportation of the mail was $14,716,000, 
while the revenue from the same was $8,- 
001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,704,974, to 
be supplied by the North for our accom- 
modation, and without it we must have 
been entirely cut off" from this most essen- 
tial branch of Government. 

Leaving out of view, for the present, the 
countless millions of dollars you must ex- 
pend in a war with the North ; with tens 
•of thousands of your sons and brothers 
slain in battle, and offered up as sacrifices 
upon the altar of your ambition — and for 
what, we ask again ? Is it for the over- 
throw of the American Government, es- 
tablished by our common ancestry, cement- 
ed and built up by their sweat and blood, 
and founded on the broad principles of 
Right, Justice and Humanity ? And as, 
such, I must declare here, as I have often 
done before, and which has been repeated 
by the greatest and wisest of statesmen and 
patriots in this and other lands, that it is 
the best and freest Government — the most 
equal in its rights, the most just in its de- 
cisions, the most lenient in its measures, 
and the most aspiring in its principles to 
elevate the race of men, that the sun of 
heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to 
attempt to overthrow such a government 
as this, under which we have lived for 
more than three-quarters of a century — in 
which we have gained our wealth, our 
standing as a nation, our domestic safety 
while the elements of peril are around us, 
with peace and tranquillity accompanied 
with unbounded prosperity and rights un- 
assailed — is the height of madness, folly, 
and wickedness, to which I can neither 
lend my sanction nor my vote." 

The seven seceding States (South Caro- 
lina, Mississippi, Georgia, Florida, Ala- 
bama, Louisiana and Texas,) as shown by 
■data previously given, organized their 
Provisional Government, with Jefferson 
Davis, the most radical secession leader, as 
President; and Alex. H. Stephens, the 
most conservative leader, as Vice Presi- 



dent. The reasons for these selections 
Avere obvious ; the first met the views of 
the cotton States, the other example was 
needed in securing the secession of other 
States. The Convention adopted a consti- 
tution, the substance of which is given 
elsewhere in this work. Stephens delivered 
a speech at Savannah, March 21st, 1861, in 
explanation and vindication of this instru- 
ment, which says all that need be said 
about it : 

" The new Constitution has put at rest 
forever all the agitating questions relating 
to our peculiar institutions — African 
slavery as it exists among us — the proper 
status of the negro in our form of civiliza- 
tion . 'fhis was the immediate cause of the 
late rupture and present revolution. Jeffer- 
son, in his forecast, had anticipated this as 
the ' 7'ock upon ichich the old Union would 
split.' He was right. What was conjec- 
ture with him, is now a realized fact. But 
whether he fully comprehended the great 
truth upon which that rock stood and 
stands, may be doubted. The prevailing 
ideas entertained by him and most of the 
leading statesmen at the time of the for- 
mation of the old Constitution, were that 
the enslavement of the African was in 
violation of the laws of nature: that it 
was wrong in principle, socially, morally, 
and politically. It was an evil they knew 
not well how to deal with, but the general 
opinion of the men of that day was, that 
somehow or other, in the order of Provi- 
dence, the institution would be evanescent 
and pass away. This idea, though not in- 
corporated in the Constitution, was the 
prevailing idea at the time. The Constitu- 
tion, it is true, secured every essential 
guarantee to the institution while it should 
last, and hence no argument can be justly 
used against the constitutional guarantees 
thus secured, because of the common sen- 
timent of the day. Those ideas, however, 
were fundamentally wrong. They rested 
upon the assumption of the equality of 
races. This was an error. It was a sandy 
foundation, and the idea of a government 
built upon it ; when the ' storm came and 
the wind blew, it fell.' 

" Our new Government is founded upon 
exactly the opposite idea ; its foundations 
are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the 
great truth that the negro is not equal to 
the white man. That slavery — subordina- 
tion to the superior race,'is his natural and 
normal condition. This, our new Govern- 
ment, is the first, in the history of the 
world, based upon this great physical and 
moral truth. This truth has been slow in 
the process of its development, like all 
other truths in the various departments of 
science. It has been so even amongst us. 
Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect 
well, that this truth was not generally ad- 
mitted, even within their day. The errors 



SECESSION. 



119 



of the past generation still clung to many 
as late as twenty years ago. Those at the 
North who still cling to these errors, with 
a zeal above knowledged, we justly denom- 
inate fanatics. 4;- * * 

" In the conflict thus far, success has 
been, on our side, complete throughout the 
length and breadth of the Confederate 
States. It is upon this, as I have stated, 
our actual fabric is firmly planted ; and I 
cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate 
success of a full recognition of this prin- 
ciple throughout the civilized and eulight- 
■ened world. 

" As I have stated, the truth of this prin- 
ciple may be slow in development, as all 
truths are, and ever have been, in the var- 
ious branches of science. It was so with 
the princii^les announced by Galileo — it 
was so with Adam Smith and his principles 
of political economy — it was so with Har- 
•vey and his theory of the circulation of 
the blood. It is stated that not a single one 
of the medical profession, living at the 
time of the announcement of the truths 
made by him, admitted them. Now they 
are universally acknowledged. May we not, 
therefore, look with confidence to the ulti- 
mate universal acknowledgment of the 
truths upon which our system rests. It is 
the first government ever instituted upon 
principles of strict conformity to nature, 
and the ordination of Providence, in fur- 
nishing the materials of human society. 
Many governments have been founded 
upon the principle of certain classes ; but 
the classes thus enslaved, were of the same 
race, and in violation of the laws of nature. 
Our system commits no such violation of 
nature's laws. The negro, by nature, or by 
the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that 
condition which he occupies in our sys- 
tem. The architect, in the construction of 
buildings, lays the foundation with the 
proper materials, the granite ; then comes 
the brick or the marble. The substratum 
of our society is made of the material 
fitted by nature for it, and by experience 
we know that it is best, not only for the 
superior, but for the inferior race that it 
should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity 
with the ordinance of the Creator. It is 
nf)t for us to inquire into the wisdom of 
His ordinances, or to question them. For 
His own purposes He has made one race 
to differ from another, as He has made 
'one star to differ from another star in 
glory.' 

"The great objects of humanity are best 
attained when conformed to His laws and 
decrees, in the formation of governments, 
as well as in all things else. Our Confed- 
eracy is founded upon principles in strict 
conformity with these laws. This stone 
which was first rejected by the first builders 
IS become the chief stone of the corner ' in 
our new edifice. I 



" The progress of disintegration in the 
old Union may be expected to go on with 
almost absolute certainty. We are now 
the nucleus of a growing power, which, if 
we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and 
high mission, will become the controlling 
power on this continent. To what extent 
accessions will go on in the process of time, 
or where it will end, the future will deter- 
mine." 

It was determined by the secession of 
eleven States in all, the Border States ex- 
cept Missouri, remaining in the Union, and 
West Virginia dividing from old Virginia 
for the purpose of keeping her place in the 
Union. 

The leaders of the Confederacy relied to 
a great extent upon the fact that' President 
Buchanan, in his several messages and re- 
plies to commissioners, and in the expla- 
nation of the law by his Attorney-General, 
had tied his own hands against any attempt 
to reinforce the garrisons in the Southern 
forts, and they acted upon this faith and 
made preparations for their capture. The 
refusal of the administration to reinforce 
Fort Moultrie caused the resignation of 
General Cass, and by this time the Cabinet 
was far from harmonious. As early as the 
10th of December, Howell Cobb resigned 
as Secretaiy of the Treasury, because of 
his " duty to Georgia ; " January 26th, 
John B. Floyd resigned because Buchanan 
would not withdraw the troops from South- 
ern forts ; and before that. Attorney Gene- 
ral Black, without publicly expressing his 
views, also resigned. Mr. Buchanan saw 
the wreck around him, and his adminis- 
tration closed in profound regret on the 
part of many of his northern friends, and, 
doubtless, on his own part. His early 
policy, and indeed up to the close of 1860, 
must have been unsatisfactory even to 
himself, for he supplied the vacancies in 
his cabinet by devoted Unionists— by Philip 
F. Thomas of Maryland, Gen'l Dix of New 
York, Joseph Holt of Kentucky, and Ed- 
win M. Stanton of Pennsylvania — men who 
held in their hands the key to nearly every 
situation, and who did much to protect and 
restore the Union of the States. In the 
eyes of the North, the very last acts of 
Buchanan were the best. 

With the close of Buchanan's adminis- 
tration all eyes turned to Lincoln, and 
fears were entertained that the date fixed 
by law for the counting of the electoral 
vote — February 15th, 1861 — would inau- 
gurate violence and bloodshed at the seat 
of government. It passed, however, peace- 
ably. Both Houses met at 12 high noon 
in the hall of the House, Vice-President 
Breckinridge and Speaker Pennington, 
both democrats, sitting side by side, and 
the count was made without serious chal- 
lenge or question. 

On the nth of February Mr. Lincoln 



120 



AMERICAN i-uLITICS. 



left liis home for Washington, intending 
to perform the journey in easy stages. On 
parting with his friends at Springfield, he 
said: 

" Mij Friends : No one, in my position, 
can realize the sadness I feel at this part- 
ing. To this people I owe all that I am. 
Here I have lived more than a quarter of 
a century. Here my children were born, 
and here one of them lies buried. I know 
not how soon I shall see you again. I go 
to assume a task more difficult than that 
which has devolved upon any other man 
since the days of Washington. He never 
would have succeeded except for the aid 
of Divine Providence, upon which he at 
all times relied. I feel that I cannot suc- 
ceed without the same Divine blessing 
which sustained him; and on the same 
Almighty Being I place my reliance for 
support. And I hope you, my friends, 
will all pray that I might receive that Di- 
vine assistance, without which I cannot 
succeed, but with which success is certain. 
Again, I bid you all an affectionate fare- 
well." 

Lincoln passed through Indiana, Ohio, 
New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania 
on his way to the Capitol. Because of 
threats made that he should not reach the 
Capitol alive, some friends in Illinois em- 
ployed a detective to visit Wiishington and 
Baltimore in advance of his arrival, and 
he it was who discovered a conspiracy in 
Baltimore to mob and assassinate him. He 
therefore passed through| Baltimore in the 
night, two days earlier than was antici- 
pated, and reached Washington in safety. 
On the'22d of February he spoke at Inde- 
pendence Hall and said : 

" All the political sentiments I entertain 
have been drawn, so far as I have been 
able to draw them, from the sentiments 
which originated in, and were given to the 
world from, this hall. I never had a feel- 
ing, politically, that did not spring from 
the sentiments embodied in the Declara- 
tion of Independence. 
******** 

" It was not the mere matter of the sepa- 
ration of the Colonies from the mother- 
land, but that sentiment in the Declaration 
of Independence, which gave liberty, not 
alone to the people of this country, but, I 
hope, to the world for all future time. It 
was that which gave promise that, yi due 
time, the weight would be lifted ft'om the 
shoulders of men. This is the sentiment 
embodied in the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. Now, my friends, can this country 
be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will 
consider myself one of the happiest men 
in the world, if I can help to save it. If it 
cannot be saved upon that principle, it 
will be truly awful ! But if this country 
cannot be saved without giving up the 
principle, I was about to say, ' I would 



rather be assassinated on the spot than 
surrender it.' ***** 
I have said nothing but what I am willing 
to live by, and if it be the pleasure of Al- 
mighty God, to die by ! " 



I<lucolii'8 First Administration. 

Such was the feeling of insecurity that 
the President-elect was followed to Wash- 
ington by many watchful friends, while 
Gen'l Scott, Col. Sumner, Major Hunter 
and the members of Buchanan's Cabinet 
quickly made such arrangements as secured 
his safety. Prior to his inauguration he 
took every opportunity to quell the still 
rising political excitement by assuring the 
Southern people of his kindly feelings, and 
on the 27th of February,* "when waited 
upon by the Mayor and Common Council 
of Washington, he assured them, and 
through them the South, that he had no 
disposition to treat them in any other way 
than as neighbors, and that he had no dis- 
position to withhold from them any consti- 
tutional right. He assured the people that 
they would have all of their rights under 
the Constitution — ' not grudgingly, but 
freely and fairly.' " 

He was peacefully inaugurated on the 
4th of March, and yet Washington was 
crowded as never before by excited multi- 
tudes. The writer himself witnessed the 
military arrangements of Gen'l Scott for 
preserving the peace, and with armed ca- 
valry lining every curb stone on the line 
of march, it would have been difficult in- 
deed to start or continue a riot, though it 
was apparent that many in the throng were 
ready to do it if occasion offered. 

The inaugural ceremonies were more 
than usually impressive. On the eastern 
front of the capitol, surrounded by such of 
the members of the Senate and House who 
had not resigned their seats and entered 
the Confederacy, the Diplomatic Corps, the 
Judges of the Supreme Court, headed by 
Chief Justice Taney, the author of the 
Dred Scott decision ; the higher officers of 
Army and Navy, while close by the side of 
the new President stood the retiring one — 
James Buchanan — tall, dignified, reserved, 
and to the eye of the close observer appa- 
rently deeply grieved at the part his party 
and position had compelled him to play in 
a National drama which was now reaching 
still another crisis. Near by, too, stood 
Douglas (holding Lincoln's hat) more 
gloomy than was his wont, but determined 
as he had ever been. Next to the two 
Presidents he was most observed. 

If the country could then have been 
pacified, Lincoln's inaugural was well cal- 
culated to do it. That it exercised a 
wholesome influence in behalf of the Union, 

* From tlie " History of Abraham Lincoln and the 
Overthrow of Slavery," by Hon. Isaac N. Arnold. 



MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 



121 



and especially in the border States, soon 
became apparent. Indeed, its sentiments 
seemed for weeks to check the wild spirit 
of secession in the cotton States, and it 
took all the efforts of their most fiery ora- 
tors to rekindle the flame which seemed to 
have been at its highest when Major An- 
derson was compelled to evacuate Fort 
Moultrie. 

It is but proper in this connection, to 
make a few quotations from the inaugural 
address, for Lincoln then, as he did during 
the remainder of his life, better reflected 
the more popular Republican sentiment 
than any other leader. The very first 
thought was upon the theme uppermost in 
the minds of all. We quote : 

" Apprehension seems to exist among 
the people of the Southern States that by 
the accession of a Republican Administra- 
tion their property and their peace and 
personal security are to be endangered. 
There has never been any reasonable cause 
for such apprehension. Indeed, the most 
ample evidence to the contrary has all the 
while existed and been open to their in- 
spection. It is found in nearly all the pub- 
lished speeches of him who now addresses 
you. I do but quote from one of those 
speeches when I declare that ' I have no 
purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere 
with the institution of slavery in the States 
where it exists. I believe I have no law- 
ful right to do so, and I have no inclina- 
tion to do so.' Those who nominated and 
elected me did so with full knowledge that 
I had made this and many similar decla- 
rations, and had never recanted them. And 
more than this, they placed in the platform 
for my acceptance, and as a law to them- 
selves and to me, the clear and emphatic 
resolution which I now read : 

' Resolved, That the maintenance invio- 
late of the rights of the States, and es- 
pecially the right of each State to order 
and control its own domestic institutions 
according to its own judgment exclusively, 
is essential to the balance of power on which 
the perfection and endurance of our politi- 
cal fabric depend, and we denounce the 
lawless invasion by armed force of the soil 
of any State or Territory, no matter under 
what pretext, as among the gravest of 
crimes.' 

I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in 
doing so, I only press upon the public at- 
tention the most conclusive evidence of 
which the case is susceptible, that the prop- 
erty, peace, and security of no section are 
to be in anywise endangered by the now 
incoming Administration. I add, too, that 
all the protection which, consistently with 
the Constitution and the laws, can be given, 
will be cheerfully given to all the States 
when lawfully demanded, for whatever 
cause — as cheerfully to one section as to 
another," 



After conveying this peaceful assurance, 
he argued the question in his own way, and 
in a way matchless for its homely force : 

" Physically speaking, we cannot sepa- 
rate. We cannot remove our respective 
sections from each other, nor build an im- 
passable wall between them. A husband 
and wife may be divorced, and go out of 
the presence and beyond the reach of each 
other ; but the different parts of our coun- 
try cannot do this. They cannot but re- 
main face to face ; and intercourse, either 
amicable or hostile, must continue between, 
them. Is it possible, then, to make that in- 
tercourse more advantageous or more satis- 
factory after separation than before f Can 
aliens make treaties easier than friends can 
make laws ? Can treaties be more faith- 
fully enforced between aliens than laws can 
among friends ? Suppose you go to war, 
you cannot fight always ; and when after 
much loss on both sides, and no gain on 
either, you cease fighting, the identical old 
questions, as to terms of intercourse, are 
again upon you. 

" This country, with its institutions, be- 
longs to the people who inhabit it. When- 
ever they shall grow weary of the existing- 
Government they can exercise their con- 
stitutional right of amending it, or their 
revolutionary right to dismember or over- 
throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact 
that many worthy and patriotic citizens are 
desirous of having the National Constitu- 
tion amended. While I make no recom- 
mendation of amendments, I fully recog- 
nize the rightful authority of the people 
over the whole subject, to be exercised in 
either of the modes prescribed in the in- 
strument itself; and I should under exist- 
ing circumstances, favor rather than op- 
pose a fair opportunity being afforded the 
people to act upon it. I will venture to add 
that to me the convention mode seems pref- 
erable, in that it allows amendments to ori- 
ginate with the people themselves, instead 
of only permitting them to take or reject 
propositions originated by others, not es- 
pecially chosen for the purpose, and which 
might not be precisely such as they would 
wish to either accept or refuse. I under- 
stand a proposed amendment to the Con- 
stitution — which amendment, however, I 
have not seen — has passed Congress, to the 
effect that the Federal Government shall 
never interfere with the domestic institu- 
tions of the States, including that of per- 
sons held to service. To avoid misconstruc- 
tion of what I have said, I depart from my 
purpose not to speak of particular amend- 
ments so far as to say that, holding such a 
provision now to be implied constitutional 
law, I have no objection to its being made 
express and irrevocable. 

" The Chief Magistrate derives all his 

authority from the people, and they have 

' conferred none upon him to fix terms for 



122 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



the separation of the States. The people 
themselves can do this also if they choose ; 
but the Executive, as such, has nothing to 
do with it. His duty is to administer the 
present Government, as it came to his hands, 
and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to 
his successor. * * * 

" In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow- 
countrymen, and not in mine, is the mo- 
mentous issue of civil war. The Govern- 
ment will not assail i/on. You can have no 
conflict without being yourselves the ag- 
gressors. You have no oath registered in 
heaven to destroy the Government, while I 
shall have the most solemn one to 'pre- 
serve, protect and defend it.' 

"I am loth to close. We are not ene- 
mies but friends. We must not be ene- 
mies.* Though i^assion may have strained, 
it must not break our bonds of affection. 
The mystic chords of memory, stretching 
from every battle-field and patriot grave to 
eveiy living heart and hearth-stone, all 
■over this broad land, will yet swell the 
•chorus of the union, when again touched, 
as surely they will be, by the better angels 
of our nature." 

Lincoln appointed a Cabinet in thorough 
accord with his own views, and well suited 
to whatever shades of difference there were 
in the Republican party. Wm. H. Seward, 
Secretary of State, and Salmon P. Chase 
represented the more advanced anti-slavery 
■element; General Simon Cameron, Secre- 
tary of War, from the first saw only a pro- 
longed war in which superior Northern 
resources and appliances would surely win, 
while Seward expressed the view that " all 
troubles would be over in three months ;" 
Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy ; 
Caleb B. Smith of the Interior ; Edward 
Bates, Attorney General, and Montgomery 
Blair, Postmaster General, represented the 
more conservative Republican view — the 
two last named being well adapted to 
retaining the National hold on the Border 
States. 

Political events now rapidly succeeded 
leach other. As early as March 11, John 
Torsyth of Alabama and Martin J. Craw- 
ford of Georgia, submitted to the Secretary 
of State a proposition for an unofficial inter- 
view. Mr. Seward the next day, from 
■"purely public considerations," declined. 
On the l.'^th the same gentlemen sent a 
;sealed communication, saying they had 
been duly accredited by the Confederate 
rgovernment as Commissioners, to negotiate 
for a speedy adjustment of all questions 
-growing out of the political separation of 
seven States, which had formed a govern- 
ment of their own, etc. They closed this 
remarkable document by requesting the 
Secretary of State to appoint as early a day 
as possible in order that they may present 
to the President of the United States the 
credentials which they bear, and the objects 



of the mission with which they are charged. 

Mr. Seward's reply in substance, said 
that his " official duties were confined, 
subject to the direction of the President, to 
the conducting of the foreign relations of 
the country, and do not at all embrace 
domestic questions or questions arising be- 
tween the several States and the Federal 
Government, is unable to comply with the 
request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, 
to appoint a day on which they may pre- 
sent the evidences of their authority and 
the object of their visit to the President of 
the United States, On the contrary, he is 
obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and 
Crawford that he has no authority, nor is 
he at liberty to recognize them as dii:)loma- 
tic agents, or hold correspondence or other 
communication with them." 

An extended correspondence followed, 
but the administration in all similar cases, 
refused to recognize the Confederacy as a 
government in any way. On the 13th 
of April the President granted an inter- 
view to Wm. Ballard Preston, Alex. H. 
Stuart, and George W. Randolph, who had 
been sent by the Convention of Virginia, 
then in session, under a resolution recited 
in the President's reply, the text of which 
is herewith given : — 

Gentlemen : As a committee of the 
Virginia Convention, now in session, you 
present me a preamble and resolution in 
these words : 

" Whereas, in the opinion of this Con- 
vention, the uncertainty which prevails in 
the public mind as to the jiolicy which the 
Federal Executive intends to pursue toward 
the seceded States is extremely injurious 
to the industrial and commercial interests 
of the country, tends to keep up an excite- 
ment which is unfavorable to the adjust- 
ment of i^ending difficulties, and threatens a 
disturbance of the public peace : Therefore, 

" Resolved, That a committee of three 
delegates be appointed to wait on the Pre- 
sident of the United States, present to him 
this preamble and resolution, and respect- 
fully ask him to communicate to this Con- 
vention the policy which the Federal Exe- 
cutive intends to pursue in regard to the 
Confederate States." 

" In answer I have to say, that, having 
at the beginning of my official term ex- 
l^ressed my intended policy as plainly as I 
was able, it is with deep regret and some 
mortification I now learn that there is 
great and injurious uncertainty in the pub- 
lic mind as to what that policy is, and 
what course I intend to pursue. 

" Not having as yet seen occasion to 
change, it is now my purpose to pursue the 
course marked out in the inaugural address. 
I commend a careful consideration of the 
whole document as the best expression I 
can give of my purposes. As I then and 
therein said, I now repeat : 



MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 



12a 



" The power confided to me will be used 
to hold, occupy, and possess the property 
and places belonging to the Government, 
and to collect the duties and imposts ; but 
beyond what is necessary for these objects 
there will be no invasion, no using of force 
against or among the people anywhere." 

" By the words ' property and places be- 
longing to the Government' I chiefly 
allude to the military posts and property 
which were in the possession of the Govern- 
ment when it came into my hands. 

" But if, as now appears to be true, in 
pursuit of a purpose to drive the United 
States authority from these places, an un- 
provoked assault has been made upon Fort 
Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to 
repossess, if I can, like places which had 
been seized before the Government was 
devolved upon me. And, in any event, I 
shall, to the best of my ability, repel force 
by force. 

" In case it proves true that Fort Sum- 
ter has been assaulted, as is reported, I 
shall perhaps cause the United States mails 
to be withdrawn from all the States which 
claim to have seceded, believing that the 
commencement of actual war against the 
Government justifies and possibly demands 
it." 

" I scarcely need to say that I consider 
the military posts and property situated 
within the States which claim to have 
seceded as yet belonging to the Govern- 
ment of the United States as much as they 
did before the supposed secession. 

" Whatever else I may do for the pur- 
pose, I shall not attempt to collect the 
•duties and imposts by any armed invasion 
■of any part of the country — not meaning 
"by this, however, that I may not land a 
force deemed necessary to relieve a fort 
upon the border of the country. 

" From the fact that I have quoted a 
part of the inaugural address, it must not 
inferred that I repudiate any other part, 
the whole of which I reaffirm, except so 
fir as what I now say of the mails may be 
regarded as a modification." 

We have given the above as not only 
f lir but interesting samples of the semi- 
official and official transactions and corre- 
S)ondence of the t'ma. To give more 
could not add to the interest of what is but 
a description of the political situation. 

The Border st ites and some others were 
" halting between two opinions." North 
Carolina at first voted down a proposition 
to secede by 46,671 for, to 47,333 against, 
but the secessionists called another con- 
vention in May, the work of which the 
people ratified, the minority, however, 
loeing very large. 

Before Lincoln had entered office most 
of the Southern forts, arsenals, docks, cus- 
tom houses, etc., had been seized, and now 
that preparations were being made for ac- 



tive warfare by the Confederacy, many offi- 
cers of the army and navy resigned or de- 
serted, and joined it. The most notable 
were General Robert E. Lee, who for a 
time hesitated as to his " duty," and Gene- 
ral David E. Twiggs, the second officer in 
rank in the United States Army, but who 
had purposely been })laced by Secretary 
Floyd in command of the Department of 
Texas to facilitate his joining the Con- 
federacy, which he intended to do from 
the beginning. All officers were permitted 
to go, the administration not seeking to 
restrain any, under the belief that until 
some open act of war was committed it 
ought to remain on the defensive. This 
was wise political policy, for it did more 
than all else to hold the Border States, the 
position of which Douglas understood fully 
as well as any statesman of that hour. It 
is remarked of Douglas (in Arnold's " His- 
tory of Abraham Lincoln^') that as early 
as Janua,ry 1, 1861, he said to General 
Charles Stewart, of New York, who had 
made a New Year's call at his residence in 
Washington, and inquired, " What will be 
the result of the efforts of .Jefferson Davis, 
and his associates, to divide the Union?" 
" Rising, and looking," says my informant, 
" like one inspired, Douglas i-eplied, ' The 
cotton States are making an effort to draw 
in the border States to their schemes of 
secession, and I am but too fearful they 
will succeed. If they do succeed, there 
will be the most terrible civil war the 
world has ever seen, lasting for years.' 
Pausing a moment, he exclaimed, ' Vir- 
ginia will become a charnel house, but the 
end will be the triumph of the Union 
cause. One of their first efforts will be to 
take possession of this Capitol to give them 
prestige abroad, but they will never suc- 
ceed in taking it — the North will rise en 
masse to defend it ; — but Washington will 
become a city of hospitals — the churches 
will be used for the sick and wounded — 
even this house (Minnesota block, after- 
wards, and during the war, the Douglas 
Hospital ) may be devoted to that purpose 
before the end of the war,' The friend to 
whom this was said inquired, ' What justi- 
fication for all this?' Douglas replied, 
'There is no justification, nor any pretense 
of any — if they remain in the Union, I will 
go as far as the Constitution will permit, to 
maintain their just rights, and I do not 
doubt a majority of Congress would do the 
same. But,' said he, again rising on his 
feet, and extending his arm, ' if the South- 
ern States attempt to secede from this 
Union, without further cause, I am in fa- 
vor of their having just so many slaves, 
and just so much slave territory, as they 
can hold at the point of the bayonet, and 
NO MORE.' " 

In the border states of Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Mis- 



124 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



gouri there were sharp political contests 
between the friends of secession and of 
the Union. Ultimately the Unionists tri- 
umphed in Maryland, Kentucky and Mis- 
souri — in the latter state by the active aid 
of U. S. troops — in Marj'land and Ken- 
tucky by military orders to arrest any mem- 
bers of the Legislature conspiring to take 
their states out. In Tennessee, the Union 
men, under the lead of Andrew Johnson, 
Governor ("Parson") Brownlow, Horace 
Maynard and others, who made a most gal- 
lant fight to keep the state in, and they had 
the sympathy of the majority of the people 
of East Tennessee. The Secessionists took 
Virginia out April 17th, and North Caro- 
lina May 20th. The leading Southerners 
encouraged the timid and hesitating by 
saying the North would not make war; 
that the political divisions would be too 
great there, and they were supported in this 
view by the speeches and letters of lead- 
ers like Clement L. Vallandigham. On 
the other hand they roused the excitable 
by warlike preparations, and, as we have 
stated, to prevent reconsideration on the 
part of those who had seceded, resolved 
to fire upon Sumter. Beauregard acted 
under direct instructions from the govern- 
ment at Montgomery when he notified Ma- 
jor Anderson on the 11th of April to sur- 
render Fort Sumter. Anderson replied that 
he would evacuate on the 15th, but the 
original summons called for surrender by 
the 12th, and they opened their fire in ad- 
vance of the time fixed for evacuation — a 
fact which clearly established the purpose 
to bring about a collision. It was this ag- 
gressive spirit which aroused and united 
the North, and made extensive political 
division therein impossible. 

The Southern leaders, ever anxious for 
the active aid of the Border States, soon 
saw that they could only acquire it through 
higher sectional excitement than any yet 
cultivated, and they acted accordingly. 
Roger A. Pryor, in a speech at Richmond 
April 10th, gave expression to this thought, 
when he said in response to a serenade : — 

" Gentlemen, I thank you, especially 
that you have at last annihilated this ac- 
cursed Union, [applause,] reeking with 
corruption, and insolent with excess of 
tyranny. Thank God, it is at last blasted 
and riven by the lightning wrath of an 
outraged and indignant people. [Loud 
applause.] Not only is it gone, but gone 
forever. [Cries of ' You're right,' and ap- 
plause.] In the expressive language of 
Scripture, it is water spilt upon the ground, 
which cannot be gathered up [Applause.] 
Like Lucifer, son of the morning, it has 
fallen, never to rise again. [Continued 
applause.] For my part, gentlemen, if Abra- 
ham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to- 
morrow were to abdicate their offices and 
were to give me a blank sheet of paper to 



write the conditions of reannexation to the 
defunct Union, I would scornfully spurn 
the overture. * * * * I invoke 
you, and I make it in some sort a personal 
appeal — personal so far as it tends to our 
assistance in Virginia — I do invoke you, 
in your demonstrations of popular opinion, 
in your exhibitions of ofl&cial intent, to 
give no countenance to this idea of recon- 
struction. [Many voices, emphatically, 
' Never,' and applause.] In Virginia they 
all say, if reduced to the dread dilemma of 
this memorable alternative, they will es- 
pouse the cause of the South as against the 
interest of the Northern Confederacy, but 
they whisper of reconstruction, and they 
say Virginia must abide in the Union, with 
the idea of reconstructing the Union which 
you have annihilated. I pray you, gentle- 
men, rob them of that idea. Proclaim to 
the w^orld that upon no condition, and 
under no circumstance, will South Carolina 
ever again enter into political association 
with the Abolitionists of New England. 
[Cries of ' Never," and applause.] 

" Do not distrust Virginia. As sure as 
to-morrow's sun will rise upon us, just so 
sure will Virginia be a member of this 
Southern Confederation. [Applause.] And 
I U'ill tell you, gentlemen, ichat will put her 
in the Southern Confederation in less than 
an hour by Shrewsbury clock — STRIKE A 
BLOW ! [Tremendous applause.] The very 
moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will 
make common cause u'ith her sisters of the 
South. [Applause.] It is impossible she 
should do otherwise." 

Warlike efforts were likewise used to 
keep some of the states firmly to their pur- 
pose. Hon. Jeremiah Clemens, formerly 
United States Senator from Alabama, and 
a member of the Alabama Seceding Con- 
vention who resisted the movement until 
adopted by the body, at an adjourned Re- 
construction meeting held at Huntsville, 
Ala., March 13, 1864, made this significant 
statement : — 

Mr. Clemens, in adjourning the meeting, 
said he would tell the Alabamians how 
their state was got out of the LTnion. " In 
1861," said Mr. C, " shortly after the Con- 
federate Government was put in operation, 
I was in the city of Montgomery. One 
day I stepped into the office of the Secre- 
tary of War, General Walker, and found 
there, engaged in a very excited discussion, 
Mr. Jefferson Davis, Mr. Memminger, Mr. 
Benjamin, Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our 
Legislature from Loundes county, and a 
number of other prominent gentlemen. 
They were discussing the propriety of im- 
mediately opening fire on Fort Sumter, to 
which Greneral Walker, the Secretary of 
War, appeared to be opposed. Mr. Gil- 
christ said to him, ' Sir, unless you sprinkle 
blood in the face of the people of Alabama 
they will be back in the old Union in less 



MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 



125 



than ten days ! ' The next day General 
Beauregard opened his batteries on Sumter, 
and Alabama was saved to the Confed- 
eracy." 

When the news flashed along the wires 
that Sumter had been fired upon, Lincoln 
immediately used his war powers and is- 
sued a call for 75,000 troops. All of the 
northern governors responded with prompt- 
ness and enthusiasm ; but this was not true 
of the governors of the southern states 
which at that time had not seceded, and 
the Border States. 

We take from McPharson's admirable 
condensation, the evasive or hostile replies 
of the Governors referred to, and follow it 
with his statement of the military calls and 
legislation of both governments, but for 
the purposes of this work omit details 
which are too extended. 

REPLIES OF SOUTHERN STATE GOVERNORS 
TO LINCOLN'S CALL FOR 75,000 TROOPS. 

Governor Burton, of Delaware, issued 
a proclamation, April 26, recommending 
the formation of volunteer companies for 
the protection of the lives and property of 
the people of Delaware against violence of 
any sort to which they may be exposed, 
the companies not being subject to be or- 
dered by the Executive into the United 
States service, the law not vesting him 
with such authority, but having the option 
of offering their services to the General 
Government for the defence of its capital 
and the support of the Constitution and 
laws of the country. 

Governor Hicks, of Maryland, May 14, 
issued a proclamation for the troops, stat- 
ing that the four regiments would be de- 
tailed to serve within the limits of Mary- 
land or for the defence of the capital of the 
United States. 

Governor Letcher, of Virginia, replied 
that " The militia of Virginia will not be 
furnished to the powers of Washington for 
any such use or purpose as they have in 
view. Your object is to subjugate the 
southern States, and a requisition made 
upon me for such an object — an object, in 
my judgment, not within the purview of 
the Constitution or the act of 1795 — will 
not be complied with. You have chosen 
to inaugurate civil war, and having done 
«o we will meet it in a spirit as determined 
as the Administration has exhibited to- 
ward the South." 

Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, re- 
plied April 15 : 

"Your dispatch is received, and if gen- 
uine — which its extraordinary character 
leads me to doubt — I have to say in reply 
that I regard the le\'7 of troops made by 
the Administration, for the purpose of sub- 
jugating the States of the South, as in vio- 
lation of the Constitution and a usurpation 
of power. I can be no party to this wicked 



violation of the laws of the country, and 
to this war upon the liberties of a free peo- 
ple. You can get no troops from North 
Carolina. I will reply more in detail when 
your call is received by mail.'' • , 

Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, re- 
plied, April 15 : 

" Your dispatch is received. In answer 
I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish 
no troops for the wicked purpose of subdu- 
ing her sister Southern States." 

Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replied, 
April 18: 

" Tennessee will not furnish a single man 
for coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessa- 
ry, for the defence of our rights or those of 
our southern brethren." 

Governor Jackson, of Missouri, replied : 

" Your requisition is illegal, unconstitu- 
tional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical, 
and cannot be complied with." 

Governor Rector, of Arkansas, replied, 
April 22 : 

" None will be furnished. The demand 
is only adding insult to injury." 

ALL OTHER CALLS FOR TROOPS. 

May 3, 1861— The President called for 
thirty-nine volunteer regiments of infantry 
and one regiment of cavalry, with a mini- 
mum aggregate of 34,506 officers and en- 
listed men, and a maximum of 42,034; and 
for the enlistment of 18,000 seamen. 

May 3, 1861— The President directed an 
increase of the regular army by eight regi- 
ments of infantry, one of cavalry, and one 
of artillery — minimum aggregate, 18,054; 
maximum, 22,714. 

August 6 — Congress legalized this in- 
crease, and all the acts, orders, and pro- 
clamations respecting the Army and Navy. 

July 22 and 25, 1861 — Congress author- 
ized the enlistment of 500,000 volunteers. 

September 17, 1861 — Commanding offi- 
cer at Hatteras Inlet, N. C, authorized to 
enlist a regiment of loyal North Carolini- 
ans. 

November 7, 1861 — The Governor of 
Missouri was authorized to raise a force of 
State militia for State defence. 

December 3, 1861— The Secretary of 
War directed that no more regiments, bat- 
teries, or independent companies be raised 
by the Governors of States, except upon 
the special requisition of the War Depart- 
ment. 

July 2, 1862— The President called for 
three hundred thousand volunteers. 

Under the act of July 17, 1862. 

August 4, 1862 — The President ordered 
a draft of three hundred thousand militia, 
for nine months unless sooner discharged ; 
and directed that if any State shall not, by 
the 15th of August, furnish its quota of the 
additional 300,000 authorized by law, the 
deficiency of volunteers in that State will 
also be made up by special draft from the 



126 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



militia. Wednesday, September 3, was 
subsequently fixed for the draft. 

May 8, 18G3 — Proclamation issued, de- 
fining the relations of aliens to the con- 
scription act, holding all aliens who have 
declared on oath their intention to become 
citizens and may be in the country within 
sixty-five days from date, and all who have 
declared their intention to become citizens 
and have voted. 

June 15, 1863 One hundred thousand 
men, for six months, called to repel the 
invasion of Maryland, West Virginia, Ohio, 
and Pennsylvania. 

October 17, 1863 — A proclamation was 
issued for 300,000 volunteers, to serve for 
three years or the war, not, however, ex- 
ceeding three years, to fill the places of 
those whose terms expire " during the 
coming year," these being in addition to 
the men raised by the present draft. In 
States in default under this call, January 5, 
1864, a draft shall be made on that dav. 

February 1, 1864— Draft for 500,000 men 
for three years or during the war, ordered 
for March 10, 1864. 

March 14, 1864— Draft for 200,000 ad- 
ditional for the army, navy and marine 
corps, ordered for April 15, 1864, to supply 
the force required for the navy and to pro- 
vide an adequate reserve force for all con- 
tingencies. 

April 23, 1864—85,000 one hundred day 
men accepted, tendered by the Governors 
of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wis- 
consin ; 30,000, 20,000, 20,000, 10,000 and 
5,000 being tendered respectively. 

rXIOX MILITARY LEGISLATION. 

1861, July 22— The President was au- 
thorized to accept the services of volun- 
teers, not exceeding five hundred thousand, 
for a period not exceeding three years. 
July 27, this authority was duplicated. 

1861, July 27 — Nine regiments of in- 
fantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery, 
added to the regular army. 

August 5 — Pa.ssed bill approving and 
legalizing the orders of the President re- 
specting the army and navy, issued from 
4th of March to that date. 

1862, July 17 — Authorized the President, 
when calling forth the militia of the States, 
to specify the period of such service, not 
exceeding nine months; and if by reason 
of defects in existing laws or in the execu- 
tion of them, it shall be found necessary 
to provide for enrolling the militia, the 
President was authorized to make all 
necessary regulations, the enrollment to in- 
clude all able bodied male citizens between 
eighteen and forty-five, and to be appor- 
tioned according to representative popula- 
tion. He was authorized, in addition to 
the volunteers now authorized, to accept 
100,000 infantry, for nine months ; also, for 
twelve months, to fill up old regiments, as 



many as may be presented for the pur- 
pose. 

1863, February 7 — Authorized the Gov- 
ernor of Kentucky, by the consent and 
under the direction of the ■ President, to 
raise twenty thousand volunteers, for 
twelve months, for service within the 
limits of the State, for repelling invasion, 
suppressing insurrection, and guarding and 
protecting the jjublic property — two regi- 
ments to be mounted riflemen. With the 
consent of the President, these troops muy 
be attached to, and become a part of, tic 
body of three years' volunteers. 

1863, March 3 — The conscription act 
passed. It included as a part of the na- 
tional forces, all able bodied male citizens 
of the United States, and persons of for- 
eign birth who shall have declared on oath 
their intention to become citizens under 
and in pursuance of the laws thereof, be- 
tween the ages of twenty-one and forty- 
five years, except such as are rejected as 
physically or mentally unfit for the service ; 
also, the Vice President, the judges of the 
various courts of the United States, the 
heads of the various executive departments 
of the Government, and the Governors of 
the several States ; also, the only son liable 
to military service, of a widow dependent 
upon his labor for support ; also, the only 
son of aged or infirm parent or parents, 
dependent upon his labor for support ; 
also, where there are two or more sons of 
aged or infirm parents, subject to draft, the 
father, or if he be dead, the mother, may 
elect which son shall be exempt ; also, the 
only brother of children not twelve years 
old, having neither father nor mother, de- 
pendent upon his labor for support; also, 
the father of motherless children under 
twelve years of age, dependent upon his 
labor for support; also, where there area 
father and sons in the same family and 
household, and two of them are in military 
service of the United States as non-com- 
missioned oflicers, musicians, or privates, 
the residue of such family ; provided that 
no person who has been convicted of any 
felony shall be enrolled or permitted to 
serve in said forces. It divided the forces 
into two classes : 1st, those between twenty 
and thirty-five and all unmarried persons 
above thirty-five and under forty-five ; 2d, 
all others liable to military duty. It di- 
vided the countrj' into districts, in each of 
which an enrollment board was established. 
The persons enrolled were made subject to 
be called into the militarj^ service for two 
years from July 1, 1863, and continue in 
service for three years. A drafted person 
was allowed to ftirnish an acceptable sub- 
stitute, or pay $300, and be discharged 
from further liability under that draft. 
Persons failing to report, to be considered 
deserters. All persons drafted shall be as- 
signed by the President to military duty 



MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 



i2r 



in such corps, regiments, or branches of 
the service as the exigencies of the service 
may require. 

18(34, Feb. 24 — Provided for equalizing 
the draft by calculating the quota of each 
district or precinct and counting the num- 
ber previously furnished by it. Any per- 
son enrolled may furnish an acceptable 
substitute who is not liable to draft, nor, 
at any time, in the military or naval ser- 
vice of the United States ; and such per- 
son so furnishing a substitute shall be ex- 
empt from draft during the time for which 
such substitute shall not be liable to draft, 
not exceeding the time for which such sub- 
stitute shall have been accepted. If such 
substitute is liable to draft, the name of 
the person furnishing him shall again be 
placed on the roll and shall be liable to 
draft in future calls, but not until the pre- 
sent enrollment shall be exhausted. The 
exemptions are limited to such as are re- 
jected as physically or mentally unfit for the 
service ; to persons actually in the military 
or naval service of the Government, and 
all persons who have served in the military 
or naval service two years during the pre- 
sent war and been honorably discharged 
therefrom. 

The separate enrollment of classes is re- 
pealed and the two classes consolidated. 

Members of religious denominations, 
who shall by oath or affirmation declare 
that they are conscientiously opposed to 
the bearing of arms, and who are pro- 
hibited from doing so by the rules and 
articles of faith and practice of said re- 
ligious denomination, shall when drafted, 
be considered non-combatants, and be as- 
signed to duty in the hospitals, or the care 
of freedmen, or shall pay $300 to the 
benefit of sick and wounded soldiers, if 
they give proof that their deportment has 
been uniformly consistent with their de- 
claration. 

No alien who has voted in county. State 
or Territory shall, because of alienage, be 
exemjit from draft. 

" All able-bodied male colored persons 
between the ages of twenty and forty-five 
years, resident in the United States, shall 
be enrolled according to the provisions of 
this act, and of the act to which this is an 
amendment, and form part of the national 
forces; and when a slave of a loyal master 
shall be drafted and mustered into the ser- 
vice of the United States, his master shall 
have a certificate thereof; and thereupon 
such slave shall be free, and the bounty of 
one hundred dollars, now payable by law 
for each drafted man, shall be paid to the 
person to whom such drafted person was 
owing service or labor at the time of his 
muster into the service of the LTnited States, 
The Secretary of War shall appoint a com- 
mission in each of the slave States repre- 
sented in Congress, charged to award to 



each loyal person to whom a colored volun- 
teer may owe service a just compensation,, 
not exceeding three hundred dollars, for 
each such colored volunteer, payable out 
of the fuTid derived from commuta- 
tions, and every such colored volunteer 
on being mustered into the service shall be 
free. And in all cases where men of color 
have been enlisted, or have volunteered ia 
the military service of the United States, 
all the provisions of this act so far as the 
payment of bounty and compensation arc 
provided, shall be equally applicable, as t > 
those who may be hereafter recruited. But 
men of color, drafted or enlisted, or who 
may volunteer into the military service,, 
while they shall be credited on the quotas, 
of the several States, or sub-divisions of 
States, wherein they are respectively draft- 
ed, enlisted, or shall volunteer, shall not 
be assigned as State troops, but shall 
be mustered into regiments or companies 
as United States colored troops." 

1864, Feb. 29 — Bill passed reviving the 
grade of Lieutenant General in the army, 
and Major General Ulysses S. Grant wa* 
appointed March 2d. 

1864, June 15 — All persons of color shali 
receive the same pay and emoluments, ex- 
cept bounty, as other soldiers of the regular 
or volunteer army from and after Jan. 1, 
1864, the President to fix the bounty for 
those hereafter mustered, not exceeding 
$100. 

1864, June 20 — The monthly pay of pri- 
vates and non-commissioned officers was- 
fixed as follows^ on and after May 1 : 

Sergeant majors, twenty-six dollars ; 
quartermaster and commissary sergeants of" 
Cavalry, artillery, and infantry, twenty- 
two dollars ; first sergeants of cavalry, 
artillery, and infantry, twenty-four dollars ; 
sergeants of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, 
twenty dollars; sergeants of ordnance, 
sappers and miners, and pontoniers, thirty- 
four dollars; corporals of ordnance, sap- 
pers and miners, and pontoniers, twenty 
dollars ; privates of engineers and ordnance 
of the first class, eighteen dollars, and of 
the second class, sixteen dollars ; corporals 
of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, eighteen 
dollars ; chief buglers of cavalry, twenty- 
three dollars ; buglers, sixteen dollars ; far- 
riers and blacksmiths, of cavalry, and art- 
ficers of artillery, eighteen dollars ; privates 
of cavalry, artillery and infantry, sixteen 
dollars; principal musicians of artillery 
and infantry, twenty-two dollars; leader* 
of brigade and regimental bands, seventy- 
five dollars; musicians, sixteen dollars; 
hospital stewards of the first class, thirty- 
three dollars; hospital stewards of the 
second class, twenty-five dollars ; hospital 
stewards of the third class, twenty-three 
dollars." 

July 4 — This bill became a law : 

Be it enacted, <kc.. That the President of 



128 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



the United States may, at his discretion, at 
any time hereafter call for any number of 
men as volunteers for the respective terms 
of one, two, and three years for military 
service ; and any such volunteer, or, in case 
of draft, as hereinafter provided, any sub- 
stitute, shall be credited to the town, town- 
ship, ward of a city, precinct, or election 
district, or of a county not so subdivided 
towards the quota of which he may have 
volunteered or engaged as a substitute ; , 
and every volunteer who is accepted and 
mustered into the service for a term of one 
year, unless sooner discharged, shall re- 
ceive, and be paid by the United States, a 
bounty of one hundred dollars ; and if for 
a term of two years, unless sooner dis- 
charged, a bounty of two hundred dollars ; 
and if for a term of three years, unless 
sooner discharged, a bounty of three hun- 
dred dollars ; one third of which bounty 
shall be paid to the soldier at the time of 
his being mustered into the service, one- 
third at the expiration of one-half of his 
term of service, and one-third at the expi- 
ration of his term of service. And in case 
of his death while in service, the residue of 
his bountj" unpaid shall be paid to his 
widow, if he shall have left a widow ; if 
not, to his children ; or if there be none, to 

his mother, if she be a widow. 

******* 

Sec. 8. That all persons in the naval 
service of the United States, who have en- 
tered said service during the present rebel- 
lion, who have not been credited to the 
quota of any town, district, ward, or State, 
by reason of their being in said service and 
not enrolled prior to February twenty-four, 
eighteen hundred and sixty-four, shall be 
enrolled and credited to the quotas of the 
town, ward, district, or State, in which 
they respectively reside, upon satisfactory 
proof of their residence made to the Secre- 
tary of War. 

" CONFEDERATE " MILITARY LEGISLATION. 

February 28, 1861, (four days before the 
inauguration of Mr. Lincoln) — The "Con- 
federate " Congress passed a bill provid- 
ing— 

1st. To enable the Government of the 
Confederate States to maintain its jurisdic- 
tion over all questions of peace and war, 
and to provide for the public defence, the 
President be, and he is hereby authorized 
and directed to assume control of all mili- 
tary operations in ever}' State, having re- 
ference to a connection with questions be- 
tween the said States, or any of them, and 
Powers foreign to themselves. 

2d. The President was authorized to re- 
ceive from the several States the arms and 
munitions of war which have been ac- 
quired from the United States. 

3d. He was authorized to receive into 
Government service such forces in the ser- 



vice of the States, as may be tendered, in 
such number as he may require, for any 
time not less than twelve months, unless 
sooner discharged. 

March 6, 1861 — The President was au- 
thorized to employ the militia, military and 
naval forces of the Confederate States to 
repel invasion, maintain rightful possession 
of the territory, and secure public tran- 
quillity and independence against threat- 
ened assault, to the extent of 100,000 
men, to serve for twelve months. 

May 4, 1861 — One regiment of Zouaves 
authorized. 

May 6, 1861 — Letters of marque and re- 
prisal authorized. 

1861, August 8 — The Congress author- 
ized the President to accept the services of 
400,000 volunteers, to serve for not less 
than twelve months nor more than three 
years after they shall be mustered into ser- 
vice, unless sooner discharged. 

The liichmond Enquirer of that date an- 
nounced that it was ascertained from offi- 
cial data, before the passage of the bill, 
that there were not less than 210,000 men 
then in the field. 

August 21 — Volunteers authorized for 
local defence and special service. 

1862, January — Publishers of newspa- 
pers, or other printed matter are prohibited 
from giving the number, disposition, move- 
ment, or destination of the land or, naval 
forces, or description of vessel, or battery, 
fortification, engine of Avar, or signal, un- 
less first authorized by the President or 
Congress, or the Secretary of War or Navy, 
or commanding officer of post, district, or 
expedition. The penalty is a fine of $1 ,000 
and imprisonment not over twelve months. 

1862, February — The Committee on Na- 
val Affairs were instructed to inquire into 
the expediency of placing at the disposal 
of the President five millions of dollars to 
build gunboats. 

1862 — Bill passed to " regulate the de- 
struction of property under military neces- 
sity," referring particularly to cotton and 
tobacco. The authorities are authorized to 
destroy it to keep it from the enemy ; and 
owners, destroying it for the same purpose, 
are to be indemnified upon proof of the 
value and the circumstances of the de- 
struction. 

1862, April 16— The first "conscription" 
bill became a law. 

1864, February. The second conscription 
bill became a law. 

The Richmond Sentinel of February 17, 
1864, contains a synopsis of what is called 
the military bill, heretofore forbidden to be 
printed : 

The first section provides that all white 
men residents of the Confederate States, 
between the ages of seventeen and fifty, 
shall be in the military service for the war. 

The second section provides that all be- 



MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 



129 



tween eighteen and forty-five, now in ser- 
vice, shall be continued during the war in 
the same regiments, battalions, and com- 
panies to which they belong at the passage 
of this act, with the organization, officers, 
&c., provided that companies from one State 
organized against their consent, expressed 
at the time, with regrets, &c., from another 
State, shall have the privilege of being 
transferred to the same arm in a regiment 
from their own State, and men can be trans- 
ferred to a company from their own State. 

Section three gives a bounty eight months 
hence of $100 in rebel bonds. 

Section four provides that no person 
shall be relieved from the operations of this 
act heretofore discharged for disability, nor 
shall those who furnished substitutes be ex- 
empted, where no disability noio exists ; but 
exempts religious persons who have paid 
an exemption tax. * * * 

The tenth section provides that no per- 
son shall be exempt except the following : 
ministers, superintendents of deaf, dumb, 
and blind, or insane asylums ; one editor to 
each newspaper, and such employees as he 
may swear to be indispensable ; the Con- 
federate and State public printers, and the 
journeymen printers necessary to perform 
the public printing ; one apothecary to each 
drug store, who was and has been contin- 
uously doing business as such since Octo- 
ber 10, 1862 ; physicians over 30 years of 
age of seven years' practice, not including 
dentists ; presidents and teachers of col- 
leges, academies and schools, who have not 
less than thirty pupils ; superintendents 
of public hospitals established by law, and 
such physicians and nurses as may be in- 
dispensable for their efficient management. 

One agriculturist on such farm where 
there is no white male adult not liable to 
duty employing fifteen able-bodied slaves, 
between sixteen and fifty years of age, up- 
on the following conditions : 

The party exempted shall give bonds to 
deliver to the Government in the next 
twelve months, 100 pounds of bacon, or its 
equivalent in salt pork, at Government se- 
lection, and lOOpoundsof beef for each such 
able-bodied slave employed on said farm 
at commissioner's rates. 

In certain cases this may be commuted 
in grain or other provisions. 

The person shall further bind himself to 
sell all surplus provisions now on hand, or 
which he may raise, to the Government, or 
the families of soldiers, at commissioner's 
rates, the person to be allowed a credit of 
25 per cent, on any amount he may deliver 
in three months from the passage of this 
act; Provided that no enrollment since Feb. 
1, 1864, shall deprive the person enrolled 
from the benefit of this exemption. 

In addition to the above, the Secretary 
of War is authorized to make such details 
as the public security requiirea. 



The vote in the House of Representa- 
tives waa-^yeas, 41 ; nays, 31. 

GUEKBILLAS. 

1862, April 21— The President was au- 
thorized to commission such officers as he 
may deem proper, with authority to form, 
bands of partisan rangers, in companies, 
battalions or regiments, either as infantry 
or cavalry, to receive the same pay, rations, 
and quarters, and be subject to the same 
regulations as other soldiers. For any arms, 
and munitions of war captured from the 
enemy by any body of partisan rangers^ 
and delivered to any quartermaster at des- 
ignated place, the rangers shall pay their 
full value.* 

The following resolution, in relation to 
partisan service, was adopted by the Vir 
ginia Legislature, May 17, 1862 : 

Whereas, this General Assembly places 
a high estimate upon the value of the ran- 
ger or partisan service in prosecuting t"u» 
present war to a successful issue, and re- 
gards it as perfectly legitimate ; and it be- 
ing understood that a Federal commander 
on the northern border of Virginia has in- 
timated his purpose, if such service is not 
discontinued, to lay waste by fire the por- 
tion of our territory at present under hi» 
power. 

Resolved by the General Assembly, That 
in its opinion, the policy of employing such 
rangers and partisans ought to be carried 
out energetically, both by the authorities 
of this State and of the Confederate States^ 
without the slightest regard to such threats^ 

By another act, the President was au- 
thorized, in addition to the volunteer force 
authorized under existing laws, to accept 
the services of volunteers who may offer 
them, without regard to the place of en- 
listment, to serve for and during the exist- 
ing war. 

1862, May 27 — Major General John B. 
Floyd was authorized by the Legislature of 
Virginia, to raise ten thousand men, not 
now in service or liable to draft, for twelve 
months. 

1862, September 27— The President was 
authorized to call out and place in the mil- 
itary service for three years, all white men 
who are residents, between the ages of 
thirty-five and forty-five, at the time the 
call may be made, not legally exempt. And 
such authority shall exist in the President, 
(luring the present war, as to all persons 
who now are, or hereafter may become 
eighteen years of age, and all persons be- 
tween eighteen and forty-five, once en- 
rolled, shall serve their full time. 

* lSf4, Fcbnifto' IS — Repeated the above act, but pro- 
vider! for continuing organizations of partisan ranRers 
noting as regular eavalrv and goto continue; and author- 
ial ig the Secretary of War to provide for uniting all 
liiiiiiis of partisan rangers with other organizations and 
lirinj;ing them under the general discipline of the pro- 
miooal army. 



130 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



THE TWENTY-NEGRO EXEMPTION LAW. 

1862, October 11 — Exempted certain 
classes, described in the repealing law of 
the next session, aa follows : 

The dissatisfaction of the people with an 
act passed by the Confederate Congress, at 
its last session, by which persons owning a 
certain number of slaves were exempted 
from the operation of the conscription law, 
has led the members at the present session 
to reconsider their work, and already one 
branch has passed a bill for the repeal of 
the obnoxious law. This bill provides as 
follows : 

" The Conrjress of the Confederate States 
do enact, That so much of the act ap- 
proved October 11, 1862, as exempts from 
military service ' one person, either as 
agent, owner, or overseer, on each planta- 
tion on which one white person is required 
to be kept by the laws or ordinances of any 
State, and on which there is no white male 
adult not liable to military service, and in 
States having no such law, one person, as 
agent, owner, or overseer on such planta- 
tion of twenty negroes, and on which there 
is no white male adult not liable to mili- 
tary service ;' and also the following clause 
in said act, to wit: 'and furthermore, for 
additional police of every twenty negroes, 
on two or more plantations, within five 
miles of each other, and each having less 
than twenty negroes, and on which there 
is no white male adult not liable to military 
duty, one person, being the oldest of the 
owners or overseers on such plantations,' 
be and the same are hereby repealed ; and 
the persons so hitherto exempted by said 
clauses of said act are hereby made subject 
to military duty in the same manner that 
they would be had said clauses never been 
embraced in said act." 

THE POSITION OF DOUGLAS. 

After the President had issued his first 
call, Douglas saw the danger to which the 
Cai"iitol was exposed, and he promptly 
called upon Lincoln to express his full 
approval of the call. Knowing his politi- 
cal value and that of his following Lin- 
coln asked him to dictate a despatch to the 
Associated Press, which he did in these 
words, the original being left in the posses- 
sion of Hon. George Ashmun of Massachu- 
setts : 

" April 18, 18G1, Senator Douglas, called 
on the President, and had an interesting 
conversation, on the present condition of 
the country. The substance of it was, on 
the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was 
una:lterably opposed to the administratinn 
in all its political issue-!, he was prepared 
to fully sustain the President, in the exercise 
of all his Constitutional functions, to pre- 
serve the Union, maintain the Government, 
and defend the Federal Capitol. A firm po- 
licy and prompt action was necessary. The 



Capitol was in danger, and must be de- 
fended at all hazards, and at any expense 
of men and money. He spoke of the pre- 
sent and future, without any reference to 
tne past." 

Douglas followed this with a great speech 
at Chicago, in which he uttered a sentence 
that was soon quoted on nearly every 
Northern tongue. It was simply this, 
" that there now could be but two parties, 
patriots and traitors." It needed nothing 
more to rally the Douglas Democrats by 
the side of the Administration, and in the 
general feeling of patriotism awakened not 
only this class of Democrats, but many 
Northern supporters of Breckinridge also 
enlisted in the Union armies. The leaders 
who stood aloof and gave their sympathies 
to the South, were stigmatized as "Copper- 
heads," and these where they were so im- 
pudent as to give expression to their hos- 
tility, were as odious to the mass of North- 
erners as the Unionists of Tennessee and 
North Carolina were to the Secessionists — 
with this difference — that the latter were 
compelled to seek refuge in their moun- 
tains, while the Northern leader who 
sought to give " aid and comfort to the 
enemy" was either placed under arrest by 
the government or proscribed politically 
by his neighbors. Civil war is ever thus. 
Let us now pass to 

THE POLITICAL LEGISLATION INCIDENT TO 
THE WAR. 

The first session of the 37th Congress 
began July 4, 1861, and closed Aug. 6. 
The second began December 2, 1861, and 
closed July 17, 1862. The third began 
December 1, 1862 and closed March 4, 
1863. 

All of these sessions of Congress were 
really embarrassed by the number of vol- 
unteers offering from the North, and suffi- 
ciently rapid provision could not be made 
for them. And as illustrative of how 
political lines had been broken, it need 
only be remarked that Benjamin F. Butler, 
the leader of the Northern wing of Breck- 
inridge's supporters, was commissioned as 
the first commander of the forces which 
Massachusetts sent to the field. New York, 
Pennsylvania, Ohio — the great West — all 
the States, more than met all early require- 
ments. So rapid were enlistments that no 
song was as popular as that beginning 
with the lines : 

" Wp are cnminp;, Fatlipr Abraham, 
Six hundred tliousand strong." 

The first session of the 37th Congress 
was a -special one, called by the President. 
McPherson, in his classification of the 
membership, shows the changes in a body 
made historic, if such a thing can be, not 
only by its membership present, but that 
which had gone or made itself subject to 



MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 



131 



expulsion by siding with the Confederacy. 
We quote the list so concisely and correct- 
ly presented : 

MEMBERS OF THE 37TH CONGRESS. 
March 4, 18G1, to March 4, 1863. 

Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Presi- 
dent of the Senate. 

senators^ 

ifaine— Lot M. Morrill, Wm. Pitt Fes- 
Benden. v- 

V New Hampshire — John P. Hale, Daniel 
Clark. 

Vermont — Solomon Foot, Jacob Colla- 
mer. y- 

Massachusetts — Charles Sumner, Henry 
Wilson. 

Rhode Island — James F. Simmons,* 
Henry B. Anthony. 

Connecticut — James Dixon, Lafayette S. 
Foster. 

New York — Preston King, Ira Harri.s, 

New Jersey — John B. Thomson,* John 
C. Ten Eyck, 

>^ Pennsylvania — David Wilniot, Edgar 
Cowan. 

Delaware — James A. Bayard, Willard 
Saulsbury. 

Maryland — Anthony Kennedy, James A. 
Pearce.* 

Virginia* 

Ohio — Benjamin F. Wade, John Sher- 
man. 

Kentucky — Lazarus W. Powell, John C. 
Breckinridge.* 

Tennessee — Andrew Johnson. 

Indiana — Jesse D. Bright,* Henry S. 
Lane. , 

Illinois — O. H. Browning,* Lyman 
Trumbull. - 

Missouri — Trusten Polk,* Waldo P. 
Johnson.* 

Michigan — Z. Chandler, K. S. Bing- 
ham.* 

Iowa — James W. Grimes, James Harlan. 

Wisconsin — James R. Doolittle, Timothy 
O. Howe. 

California — Milton S. Latham, James 
A. McDougall. 

Minnesota — Henry M. Rice, Morton S. 
Wilkinson. 

Oregon — Edward D. Baker,* James W. 
Nesmith. 

Kansas — James H. Lane, S. C. Pomeroy. 

REPRESENTATIVES. 

Galusha a. Grow, of Pennsylvania, 
Speaker of the House. 

Maine — John N. Goodwin, Charles W. 
Walton,* Samuel C. Fessenden, Anson P. 
Morrill, John H. Rice, Frederick A. Pike. 

Neic Hampshire — Gilman Marston, Ed- 
ward H. Rollins, Thomas M. Edwards. 

Vermont— E. P. Walton, Jr., Justin S. 
Morrill, Portus Baxter. 

• Se« memorandum at the end of list. 



Massachusetts — Thomas D. Eliot, James 
Buffinton, Benjamin F. Thomas, Alexan- 
der H. Rice, William Appleton,* John B. 
Alley, Daniel W. Gooch, vJharles R. Train, 
Goldsmith F. Bailey,* Charles Delano, 
Henry L. Dawes. 

Rhode Island — WiWiSiXQ. P. Sheffield, 
George H. Browne. 

Connecticut — Dwight Loomis, James E. 
English, Alfred A. Burnham,* George C. 
Woodruff". 

Neiv York — Edward H. Smith, Moses F. 
Odell, Benjamin Wood, James E. Kerri- 
gan, William Wall, Frederick A. Conk- 
ling, Elijah Ward, Isaac C. Delaplaine, 
Edward Haight, Charles H. Van Wyck, 
John B. Steele, Stephen Baker, Abraham 
B. Olin, Erastus Corning, James B. Mc- 
Kean, William A. Wheeler, Socrates N. 
Sherman, Chauncey Vibbard, Richard 
Franchot, Roscoe Conkling, R. Holland 
Duell, William E. Lansing, Ambrose W. 
Clark, Charles B. Sedgwick, Theodore M. 
Pomeroy, Jacob P. Chamberlain, Alexan- 
der S. Diven, Robert B. Van Valkenburgh^ 
Alfred Ely, Augustus Frank, Burt Van 
Horn, Elbridge G. Spalding, Reuben E. 
Fenton. 

Neio Jersey — John T. Nixon, John L. N. 
Stratton, William G. Steele, George T. 
Cobb, Nehemiah Perry. 

Pennsylvania — William E. Lehman, 
Charles" J. Biddle,* John P. Verree, Wil- 
liam D. Kelley, William Morris Davis, 
John Hickman, Thomas B. Cooper,* Syd- 
enham E. Ancona, Thaddeus Stevens, John 
W. Killinger, James H. Campbell, Hen- 
drick B. Wright, Philip Johnson, Galusha 
A. Grow, James T. Hale, Joseph Baily, 
Edward McPherson, Samuel S. Blair, John 
Covode, Jesse Lazear, James K. Moorhead, 
Robert McKnight, John W.Wallace, John 
Patton, Elijah Babbitt. 

Delaivare — George P. Fisher. 

Maryland — John W. Crisfield, Edwin PI. 
Webster, Cornelius L. L. Leary, Henry 
May, Francis Thomas, Charles B. Calvert. 

Virginia — Charles H. Upton,* William 
G. Brown, John S. Carlile,* Kellian V. 
Whaley. 

Ohio — George H. Pendleton, John A. 
Gurley, Clement L. Vallandigham, William 
Allen, James M. Ashley, Chilton A. White, 
Richard A. Harrison, Samuel Shella- 
barger, Warren P. Noble, Carey A. Trim- 
ble, Valentine B. Horton, Samuel S. Cox, 
Samuel T. Worcester, Harrison G. Blake, 
Robert H. Nugen, William P. Cutler. 
James R. Morris, Sidney Edgerton, Albert 
G. Riddle, John Hutchins, .John A. Bing- 
ham. 

Kentucky — Henry C. Burnett,* James 8. 
Jackson,* Henry Grider, Aaron Harding, 
Charles A. WicklifFe, George W. Dunlan, 
Robert Mallory, John J. Crittenden, Wil- 
liam H. Wadsworth, John W. Menzies. 

See memorandum at end of list. 



132 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Tennessee — Horace Maynard,* Andrew 
J. Clements,* George W. Bridges.* 

Indiana — John Law, James A. Cravens, 
W. McKee Dunn, William S. Holman, 
George W. Julian, Albert G. Porter, Dan- 
iel W. Voorhces, Albert S. White, Schuyler 
CoH'ax, William Mitchell, John P. C. 
Shanks. 

Illinois — Elihu B. Washburne, Isaac N. 
Arnold, Owen Lovejoy, William Kellogg, 
William A. Richardson,* John A. Mc- 
Clernand,* James C. Robinson, Philip B. 
Fouke, John A. Logan.* 

Missoui-i — Francis P. Blair, Jr., James 
8. Rollins, John B. Clark,* Elijah H. Nor- 
ton, John AV. Reid,* John S. Phelps,* 
John W. Noell. 

Michigan — Bradley F. Granger, Fer- 
nando C. Beaman, Francis W. Kellogg, 
Rowland E. Trowbridge. 

Iowa — Samuel R. Curtis,* William Van- 
dever. 

Wisconsin — John F. Potter, Luther Han- 
chett,* A. Scott Sloan. 

Minnesota — Cyrus Aldrich, William Win- 
dom. 

Oregon — Andrew J. Thayer.* 

Kansas — Martin F. Conway. 

MEMORANDUM OF CHANGES. 

The following changes took place during 
the Congress : 

IN SENATE. 

Fhode Island— 1862, Dec. 1, Samuel G. 
Arnold succeeded James F. Simmons, re- 
signed. 

Neio Jerse7/—18(y2, Dec. 1, Richard S. 
Field succeeded, bv appointment, John R. 
Thompson, deceased Sept. 12, 1862. 1863, 
Jan. 21, James, W. Wall, succeeded, by 
election, Richard S. Field. 

Maryland — 1863, Jan. 14, Thomas H. 
Hicks, first by appointment and then by 
election succeeded James A. Pearce, de- 
ceased Dec. 20, 1862. 

Virginia — 1861, July 13, John S. Carlile 
and Waitman T. Willey, sworn in place of 
Robert M. T. Hunter and James M. Mason, 
withdrawn and abdicated. 

Kentucky — 1861, Dec. 23, Garrett Davis 
gucceeded John C. Breckinridge, expelled 
December 4. 

Indiana — 1862, March 3, Joseph A. 
Wright succeeded Jesse D. Bright, expelled 
Feb. 5, 1863, Jan. 22, David Turpie, super- 
seded, by election, Joseph A. Wright. 

Illinois— \m^, Jan. 30, William A. Rich- 
ardson superseded, by election, O. H. 
Browning. 

Missouri — 1861, Jan. 24, R. Wilson suc- 
ceeded Waldo P. Johnson, expelled Jan. 
10. 1862, Jan. 29, John B. Henderson suc- 
ceeded Trusten Polk, expelled Jan. 10. 

Michigan — 1862, Jan. 17, Jacob M. How- 
ard succeeded K. S. Bingham, deceased 
October 6, 1861. 

* See memorandum at end of list 



Oregon— \8Q>2, Dec. 1, Benjamin F. Hard- 
ing succeeded Edward D. Baker, deceased 
Oct. 21, 1862. 

IN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Maine — 1862, December 1, Thomas A. 
D. Fessenden succeeded Charles W. Wal- 
ton, resigned May 26, 1862. 

Massachusetts — 1861, December 1, A masa 
Walker succeeded Goldsmith F. Bailey, 
deceased May 8, 1862; 1861, December 2, 
Samuel Hooper succeeded William Apple- 
ton, resigned. 

Connecticut — 1861, December 2, Alfred 
A. Burnham qualified. 

Pennsylvania — 1861, December 2,Charle3 
J. Biddle qualified ; 1862, June 3, John D. 
Stiles succeeded Thomas B. Cooper, de- 
ceased April 4, 1862. 

Virginia, — 1861, July 13, John S. Carlile 
resigned to take a seat in the Senate ; 1861, 
December 2, Jacob B. Blair, succeeded John 
S. Carlile, resigned ; 1862, February 28, 
Charles H. Upton unseated by a vote of 
the House; 1862, May 6, Joseph Segar 
qualified. 

Kentucky — 1862, December, 1, George H. 
Yeaman succeeded James S. Jackson, de- 
ceased ; 1862, March 10, Samuel L. Casey 
succeeded Henry C. Burnett, expelled De- 
cember 3, 1861. 

Tennessee — 1861, December 2, Horace 
Maynard qualified ; 1862, January 13, An- 
drew J. Clements qualified ; 1863, Febru- 
ary 25, George W. Bridges qualified. 

'/ZZmojs— 1861, December 12, A. L. Knapp 
qualified, in place of J. A. McClernand, re- 
signed ; 1862, June 2, William J. Allen 
qualified, in place of John A. Logan, re- 
signed ; 1863, January 30, AVilliam A. Rich- 
ardson withdrew to take a seat in the 
Senate. 

Missouri — 1862, January 21, Thomas L. 
Price succeeded John W. Reid, expelled 
December 2, 1861 ; 1862, January 20, Wil- 
liam A. Hall succeeded John B. Clark, ex- 
pelled July 13, 1861 ; 1862, May 9, John S. 
Phelps qualified. 

Iowa — 1861, December 2, James F. Wil- 
son succeeded Samuel R. Curtis, resigned 
August 4, 1861. 

Wisconsin— 18QS, January 26, Walter D. 
Mclndoe succeeded Luther Hanchett, de- 
ceased November 24, 1862. 

Oregon— 1861, July 30, George K. Shiel 
succeeded Andrew J. Thayer, unseated. 

7.owwta»ia— 1863, February 17, Michael 
Hahn qualified ; 1863, February 23, Ben- 
jamin F. Flanders qualified. 

Lincoln, in his message, recited the 
events which had transpired since his 
inauguration, and asked Congress to con- 
fer upon him the power to make the conflict 
short and decisive. He wanted 400,000 
men, and four hundred millions of money, 
remarking that " the people will save their 



Mil. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 



las 



government if the government itself will 
do its part only indifferently well." Con- 
gre3S responded by adding an hundred 
thousand to each request. 

There were exciting debates and scenes 
during this session, for many of the South- 
ern leaders remained, either through hesi- 
tancy or with a view to check legislation 
and aid their section by adver-^e criticism 
on the measures proposed. Mist promi- 
nent in the latter list was .John C. Breckin- 
ridge, late Vice President and now Senator 
from Kentucky. With singular boldness 
and eloquence he opposed every war mea- 
sure, and spoke with the undisguised pur- 
pose of aiding the (South. He continued 
this course until the close of the extra 
session, when he accepted a General's 
commission in the Confederate army. But 
before its close, Senator Baker of Oregon, 
angered at his general course, said in reply 
to one of Breckinridge's speeches, Aug. 1st : 

" What would the Senator from Ken- 
tucky, have? These speeches of his, sown 
broadcai^t over the land, what clear distinct 
meaning have they? Are they not intend- 
ed for disorganization in our very midst? 
Are they not intended to destroy our zeal ? 
Are they not intended to animate our 
enemies ? Sir, are they not words of bril- 
liant polished treason, even in the very 
Capitol of the Republic ?" [Here there were 
such manifestations of applause in the gal- 
leries, as were with difficulty suppressed.] 

Mr. Baker resumed, and turning directly 
to Mr. Breckinridge, inquired : 

" What would have been thought, if, in 
another Capitol, in another republic, in a 
yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, 
not more eloquent or dignified than the 
Senator from Kentucky, yet with the 
Roman purple flowing over his shoulders, 
had risen in his place, surrounded by all 
the illustrations of Roman glory, and de- 
clared that the cause of the advancing 
Hannibal wasjust, and that Carthageought 
to be dealt with in terms of peace? What 
would have been thought if, after the bat- 
tle of Cannae, a Senator there had risen in 
his place, and denounced every levy of the 
Roman people, every expenditure of its 
treasure, and every app-al to the old recol- 
lections and the old glories ?" 

There was a silence so profound throusrh- 
out the Senate and galleries, that a pinfall 
could have been heard, while every eve 
was fixed upon Breckinridge. Fessenden 
exclaimed in deen low tones, " he would 
have been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock !" 

Baker resumi'd: 

" Sir, a Senator himself learned far more 
than myself, in such lore, (Mr. Fes-ienden) 
tells me, in a low voice, " he would have 
been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock." 
is a grand commentary upon the 



It 



American Constitution, that we permit 
these words of the Senator from Ken- 



tucky, to be uttered. I ask the Senator 
to recollect, to what, save to send aid 
and comfort to the enemy, do these pre- 
dictions amount to? Every word thus utter- 
ed, falls a.s a note of inspiration upon every 
Confederate ear. Every sound thus utter- 
ed, is a word, (and falling from his lips, a 
mighty word) of kindling and triumph to 
the foe that determines to advance." 

The Republicans of the North were the 
distinctive " war party," i. e., they gave 
unqualified support to every demand made 
by the Lincoln administration. Most of 
the Democrats, acting as citizens, did like- 
wise, but many of those in official position, 
assuming the prerogative of a minority, 
took the liberty in Congress and State 
Legislature to criticise the more important 
war measures, and the extremists went 80 
far, in many instances, as to organize oppo- 
sition, and to encourage it among their 
constituents. Thus in the States bordering 
the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, organized 
and individual efforts were made to encour- 
age desertions, and the " Knights of the 
Golden Circle," and the " Sons of Liberty," 
secret societies composed of Northern sym- 
pathizers with the South, formed many 
troublesome conspiracies. Through their 
action troops were even enlisted in South- 
ern Indiana, Illinois and Missouri for the 
Confederate armies, while the border States 
in the Union sent whole regiments to bat- 
tle for the South. The " Knights of the 
Golden Circle " conspired to release Con- 
federate prisoners of war, and invited Mor- 
gan to raid their States. One of the worst 
forms of opposition took shape in a con- 
spiracy to resist the draft in New York 
city. The fliry of the mob was several 
days beyond control, and troops had to be 
recalled from the front to suppress it. The 
riot was really political, the prejudices of 
the mob under cover of resistance to the 
draft, being vented on the negroes, many 
of whom were killed before adequate num- 
bers could be sent to their succor. The 
civil authorities of the city were charged 
with winking at the occurrence, and it was 
afterwards ascertained that Confederate 
agents really organized the riot as a move- 
ment to " take the enemy in the rear." 

The Republican was as distinctively the 
war party during the Great Rebellion, aa 
the Whigs were during the Revolution, the 
Democratic-Republicans during the War 
of 1812, and the Democrats during the 
War with Mexico, and, as in all of these 
war decades, kept the majority sentiment 
of the country with them. This is such a 
plain statement of facts that it is neither 
partisan to assert, nor a mark of party- 
fealty to deny. The history is indelibly 
written. It is stamped upon nearly every 
war measure, and certainly upon every 
political measure incident to growing oh4 
of the rebellion. 



134 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



These were exciting and memorable 
scenes in the several sessions of the 37lh 
Congress. During the first many Southern 
Senators and Representatives withdrew 
after angry statements of their reasons, 
eeneraliy in obedience to calls from their 
States or immediate homes. In this way 
the majority was changed. Others re- 
mained until the close of the first session, 
and then more quietly entered the rebellion. 
We have shown that of this class was 
Breckinridge, who thought he could do 
more good for his cause in the Federal 
Congress than elsewhere, and it is well for 
the Union that most of his colleagues dis- 
agreed with him as to the propriety and 
wisdom of his policy. If all had followed 
his lead or imitated his example, the war 
would in all probability have closed in an- 
other compromise, or possibly in the ac- 
complishment of southern separations. 
These men could have so obstructed legis- 
.lation as to make all its early periods far 
more discouraging than they were. As it 
was the Confederates had all the advan- 
tages of a free and fair start, and the effect 
■was traceable in all of the early battles 
and negotiations with foreign powers. 
There was one way in which these advan- 
tages could have been supported and con- 
tinued. Breckenridge, shrewd and able 
politician as he was, saw that the way was 
to keep Southern Representatives in Con- 
gress, at least as long as Northern senti- 
ment would abide it, and in this way win 
victories at the very fountain-head of 
.power. But at the close of the extra ses- 
sion this view had become unpopular at 
both ends of the line, and even Brecken- 
, ridge abandoned it and sought to hide his 
original purpose by immediate service in 
the Confederate armies. 

It will be noted that those who vacated 
their seats to enter the Confederacy were 
afterwards expelled. In this connection a 
curious incident can be related, occuring 
as late as the Senate session of 1882: 

The widow of the late Senator Nichol- 
son, of Tennessee, who was in the Senate 
when Tennessee seceded, a short time ago 
rent a petition to Congress asking that the 
salary of her late husband, after he return- 
ed to Tennessee, might be paid to her. 
•Mr. Nicholson's term would have expired 
in 1865 had he remained in his seat. He 
did not appear at the special session of 
Congres,s convened in July, 18G1, and with 
other Senators from the South was expelled 
from the Senate on July 11th of that year. 
The Senate Committee on Claims, after 
examining the case thoroughly, submitted 
to the Senate an adverse report. After 
giving a concise history of the case the 
committee say: "We do not deem it 
proper, after the expiration of twenty years, 
to pass special acts of Congress to compen- 
sate the Senators and Representatives who 



receded in 1861 for their services in the 
eariy part of that j'car. We recommend 
that the claim of the petitioner be disal- 
lowed." 

The Sessions of the 37th Congress 
changed the political course of many i»ub- 
lic men. It nuide the Southern believers 
in secession still more vehement ; it sepa- 
rated the Southern Unionists from their 
former friends, and created a wall of fire 
between them ; it changed the temper of 
Northern Abolitionists, in so far as to drive 
from them all spirit of faction, all pride of 
methods, and compelled them to unite with 
a republican sentiment which wius making 
sure advances from the original declara- 
tion that slavery should not be extended 
to the Territories, to emancipation, and, 
finally, to the arming of the slaves. It 
changed many Northern Democrats, and 
from the ranks of these, even in re])resen- 
tative positions, the lines of the Repub- 
licans were constantly strengthened on 
pivotal questions. On the 27th of July 
Breckinridge had said in a speech : " When 
traitors become numerous enough treason 
becomes respectable." Senator Andrew 
Johnson, of Tennessee, replied to this, and 
said : " God being willing, whether traitors 
be many or few, as I have hitherto waged 
war against traitors and treason, I intend 
to continue it to the end." And yet John- 
son had the year before warmly supported 
Breckinridge in his presidential campaign. 

Among the more conspicuous Republi- 
cans and anti-Lecompton Democrats in 
this session were Charles Sumner, a man 
who then exceeded all others in scholarly 
attainments and as an orator, though he 
was not strong in current debate. Great 
care and preparation marked every impor- 
tant effort, but no man's speeches were 
more admired throughout the North, and 
hated throughout the South, than those of 
Charles Sumner. An air of romance sur- 
rounded the man, because he was the first 
victim of a senatorial outrage, when beaten 
by Brooks of South Carolina ; but, sneered 
his political enemies, "no man more care- 
fully preserved his wounds for exhibition 
to a sympathetic world." He had some 
minor weaknesses, which were constantly 
displayed, and these centred in egotism 
and high personal pride — not very popular 
traits — but no enemy was so malicious as 
to deny his greafness. 

Fcssenden of Maine was one of the great 
lights of that day. He was apt, almost 
beyond example, in debate, and was a re- 
cognized leader of the Rcimblicans until, 
in the attempt to impeach President John- 
son, he disagreed with the majority of his 
party and stepped " down and out." Yet 
no one questioned his integrity, and all be- 
lieved that his vote was cast on this ques- 
tion in a line with his convictions. The 
leading: character in the House was Thad- 



MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 



135 



deus Stevens, an original Abolitionist in 
sentiment, but a man eminently practical 
and shrewd in all his methods. 

The chances of politics often carry men 
into the Presidential Chair, into Cabinets, 
and with later and demoralizing frequency 
into Senate seats ; but chance never makes 
a Commoner, and Thaddeus Stevens was 
throughout the war, and up to the hour of 
his death, recognized as the great Com- 
moner of the Northern people. He led in 
every House battle, and a more unflinch- 
ing party leader was never known to par- 
liamentary bodies. Limp and infirm, he 
was not liable to personal assault, even in 
days when such assaults were common ; 
but when on one occasion his fiery tongue 
had so exasperated the Southerners in 
Congress as to make them show their 
knives and pistols, he stepped out into the 
aisle, and facing, bid them defiance. He 
was a Radical of the Radicals, and con- 
stantly contended that the government — 
the better to preserve itself — could travel 
outside of the Constitution. What cannot 
be said of any other man in history, can 
be said of Thaddeus Stevens. When he 
lay dead, carried thus from Washington to 
his home in Lancaster, with all of his 
people knowing that he was dead, he was, 
on the day following the arrival of his 
corpse, and within a tew squares of his re- 
sidence, unanimously renominated by the 
Republicans for Congress. If more poetic 
and less practical sections or lands than the 
North had such a hero, hallowed by such 
an incident, both the name and the inci- 
dent would travel down the ages in song 
and story.* 

The "rising" man in the 37th Congress 
was Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, elected 
Speaker of the 38th, and subsequently 
Vice President. A great parliamentarian, 
he was gifted with rare eloquence, and 
with a kind which won friends without 
offending enemies — something too rare to 
last. In the House were also Justin S. 
Morrill, the author of the Tariff Bill which 
supplied the "sinews of war," Henry L. 
Dawes of Massachusetts, then " the man of 
Statistics " and the " watch-dog of the 
treasury." Roscoe Conkling was then the 
admitted leader of the New York delega- 
tion, as he was the admitted mental 
superior of any oth3r in subsequent terms 
in the Senate, up to the time of his resigna- 
tion in 1881. Reuben E. Fenton, his 
factional opponent, was also there. Ohio 
was strongly represented in both parties — 
Pendleton, Cox and Vallandigham on the 
side of the Democrats ; Bingham and Ash- 
ley on the part of the Republicans. Illi- 
nois showed four prominent anti-Lecomp- 
ton supporters of the administration — 

•This incid»nt was related to the writer by Col. A. K. 
McClure of riiilaJelpUia, who was in Lanuifiler at the 
timo. 



Douglas in the Senate; Logan, McCler- 
nand and Richardson in the House ; while 
prominent among the Republicans were 
Lovejoy (an original Abolitionist), Wash- 
burne, a candidate for the Presidential 
nomination in 1880 — Kellogg and Arnold. 
.John F. Potter was one of the prominent 
Wisconsin men, who had won additional 
fame by accepting the challenge to duel of 
Roger A. Pryor of Virginia, and naming 
the American rifle as the weapon. Fortu- 
nately the duel did not come ofi". Penn- 
sylvania had then, as she still has. Judge 
Kelley of Philadelphia, chairman of Ways 
and Means in the 4Gth Congress ; also 
Edward McPherson, frequently since Clerk 
of the House, temporary President of the 
Cincinnati Convention, whose decision 
overthrew the unit rule, and author of 
several valuable political works, some of 
which we freely quote in this history. 
John Hickman, subsequently a Republi- 
can, but one of the earliest of the anti- 
Lecompton Democrats, was an admitted 
leader, a man of rare force and eloquence. 
So radical did he become that he refused 
to support the re-election of Lincoln. He 
was succeeded by John M. Broomall, who 
made several fine speeches in favor of 
the constitutional amendments touching 
slavery and civil rights. Here also were 
James Campbell, Hendricks B. Wright, 
John Covode, James K. Morehead, and 
Speaker Grow — the father of the Home- 
stead Bill, which will be found in Book 
v., giving the Existing Political Laws. 
At this session Senator Trumbull of 
Illinois, renewed the agitation of the 
slavery question, by reporting from the 
Judiciary Committee of which he was 
Chairman, a bill to confiscate all property 
and free all slaves used for insurrectionary 
purposes.* Breckinridge fought the bill, 
as indeed he did all bills coming from the 
Republicans, and said if passed it would 
eventuate in "the loosening of all bonds." 
Among the facts stated in support of the 
measure was this, that the Confederates 
had at Bull Run used the negroes and 
slayes against the Union army — a state- 
ment never well established. The bill 
passed the Senate by 33 to G, and on the 
3d of August passed the House, though 
several Republicans there voted against it, 
fearing a too rapid advance would preju- 
dice the Union cause. Indeed this fear 
was entertained by Lincoln when he re- 
commended 

COMPENSATED EMANCIPaTIOX 

in the second session of the 37th Congress, 
which recommendation excited official dis- 
cussion almost up to the time the emanci- 
pation proclamation was issued as a war 
necessity. The idea of compensated eman- 

*Arnold'd "Iliiitory of Abraham Lincoln." 



136 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



cjpation originated with or was first form- 
ulated by James B. McKean of New York, 
who on Feb. 11th, 1861, at the 2d session 
of the 36th Congress, introduced the fol- 
lowing resolution : 

Whereas, The "Gulf States" have as- 
sumed to secede from the Union, and it is 
deemed important to prevent the " border 
slave States " from following their exam- 
ple ; and whereas it is believed that those 
who are inflexibly opposed to any measure 
of compromise or concession that involves, 
or may involve, a sacrifice of principle or 
the extension of slavery, would neverthe- 
less cheerfully concur in any lawful 
measure for the emancipation of the slaves : 
Therefore, 

Resolved, That the select committee of 
five be instructed to inquire whether, by 
the consent of the people, or of the State 
governments, or by compensating the 
slaveholders, it be practicable for the Gen- 
eral Government to procure the emancipa- 
tion of the slaves in some, or all, of the "bor- 
der States ;" and if so, to report a bill for 
that purpose. 

Lincoln was so strongly impressed with 
the fact, in the earlier struggles of the war, 
that great good would follow compensated 
emancipation, that on March 2d, 1862, he 
sent a special message to the 2d session of 
the 37th Congress, in which he said : 

" I recommend the adoption of a joint 
resolution by your honorable bodies, which 
shall be substantially as follows : 

Resolved, That the United States ought 
to co-operate with any State which may 
adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giv- 
ing to such State pecuniary aid, to be used 
by such State in its discretion, to compen- 
sate for the inconveniences, public and 
private, produced by such change of sys- 
tem. 

" If the proposition contained in the 
resolution does not meet the approval of 
Congress and the country, there is the end ; 
but if it does command such approval, I 
deem it of importance that the States and 
people immediately interested should be 
at once distinctly notified of the fact, so 
that they may begin to consider whether 
to accept or reject it. The Federal Govern- 
ment would find its highest interest in such 
a measure, as one of the most efficient 
means of self-preservation. The leaders of 
the existing insurrection entertain the hope 
that this Government will ultimately be 
forced to acknowledge the independence 
of some part of the disaffected region, and 
that all the slave States north of such part 
will then say, 'the Union for which we 
have struggled being already gone, we now 
choose to go with the southern section.' 
To deprive them of this hope, substantially 
ends the rebellion ; and the initiation of 
emancipation completely deprives them of 
it as to all the States initiating it. The 



point is not that all the States tolerating 
slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate 
emancipation; but that, while the of!er 
is equally made to all, the more northern 
shall, by such initiation, make it certain 
to the more southern that in no event will 
the former ever join the latter in their pro- 
posed confederacy. I say ' initiation,' be- 
cause, in my judgment, gradual, and not 
sudden emancipation, is better for all. In 
the mere financial or pecuniary view, any 
member of Congress, with the census 
tables and Treasury reports before him, 
can readily see for himself how vcrj' soon 
the current expendituresof this war would 
I)urchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves 
in any named State. Such a proposition 
on the part of the General Government 
sets up no claim of a right by Federal 
authority to interfere with slavery within 
State limits, referring, as it does the abso- 
lute control of the subject in each case to 
the State and its people immediately in- 
terested. It is proposed as a matter of per- 
fectly free choice with them. 

" In the annual message last December, 
I thought fit to say, ' the Union must be 
preserved; and hence all indispensable 
means must be employed.' I said this not 
hastily, but deliberately. War has been 
made, and continues to be an indispensa- 
ble means to this end. A practical reac- 
knowledgment of the national authority 
would render the war unnecessary, and it 
would at once cease. If, however, resist- 
ance continues, the war must also continue; 
and it is impossible to foresee all the inci- 
dents which may attend, and all the ruin 
which may follow it. Such as may seem 
indispensable, or may obviously promise 
great efficiency toward ending the strug- 
gle, must and will come. 

" The proposition now made, though an 
offer only, I hope it may be esteemed no 
offence to ask whether the pecuniary con- 
sideration tendered would not be of more 
value to the States and private persons 
concerned, than are the institution, and 
property in it, in the present aspect of 
affairs ? 

" While it is true that the adoption of 
the i)roposed resolution would be merely 
initiatory, and not within itself a practical 
measure, it is recommended in the hope 
that it Avould soon lead to important prac- 
tical results. In full view of my great re- 
sponsibility to my God and to my country, 
I earnestly beg the attention of Congress 
and the people to the subject." 

Mr. Conkling called the question up in 
the House March 10th, and under a sus- 
j)ension of the rules, it was passed by 97 to 
36. It i)assed the Senate April 2, by 32 to 
10, the Republicans, as a rule, voting for 
it, the Democrats, as a rule, voting against 
it; and this was true even of those in the 
Border States. 



COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. 



137 



The fact last stated excited tlie notice of 
President Lincoln, and in July, 18G2, he 
sought an interview with the Border State 
Congressmen, the result of which is con- 
tained in McPherson's Political History of 
the Great Rebellion, as follows : 



The President's Appeal to tlie Border 
States. 

The Representatives and Senators of 
the horder slaveholding States, having, by 
special invitation of the President, been 
convened at the Executive Mansion, on 
Saturday morning last, (July 12,] Mr. 
Lincoln addressed them as follows from a 
written paper held in his hand : 

" Gentlemex : After the adjournment 
of Congress, now near, I shall have no 
opportunity of seeing you for several 
months. Believing that you of the border 
States hold more power for good than any 
other equal number of members, I feel it 
a duty whijh I cannot justifiably waive, to 
make this appeal to you. 

"I intend no reproach or complaint 
when I assure you that, in my opinion, if 
you all had voted for the resolution in the 
gradual emancipation message of last 
March, the war would now be substantially 
ended. And the plan therein proposed is 
yet one of the most potent and swift means 
of ending it. Let the States which are in 
rebellion see definitely and certainly that 
in no event will the States you represent 
ever join their proposed Confederacy, and 
they cannot much longer maintain the 
contest. But you cannot divest them of 
their hope to ultimately have you with 
them so long as you show a determination 
to perpetuate the institution within your 
own States. Beat them at elections, ;vs 
you have overwhelmingly done, and, noth- 
ing daunted, they still claim you as their 
own. You and I know what the lever of 
their power is. Break that lever before 
their faces, and they can shake you no 
more forever. 

"Most of you have treated me with 
kindness and consideration, and I trust 
you will not now think I improperly touch 
what is exclusively your own, when, for 
the sake of the whole country, I ask, ' Can 
you, for your States, do better than to take 
the course I urge? ' Discarding punctilio 
and maxims adapted to more manageable 
times, and looking only to the unprece- 
dentedly stern facts of our case, can you do 
better in any possible event? Youprefer 
that the constitutional relations of the 
States to the nation shall be practicallv 
restored without disturbance of the insti- 
tution ; and, if this were done, my whole 
duty, in this respect, under the Constitu- 
tion and mv oath of office, would be per- 
formed. But it is not done, and we are 



trying to accomplish it by war. The 
incidents of the war cannot be avoided. 
If the war continues long, as it must, if 
the object be not sooner attained, the in- 
stitution in your States will be ex- 
tinguished by mere friction and abrasion 
— b^ the mere incidents of the war. It 
will be gone, and you will have nothing 
valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value 
is gone already. How much better for 
you and for your peojjle to take the steji 
which at once shortens the war and 
secures substantial compensation for that 
which is sure to be wholly lost in any 
other event! How much better to thus 
save the money which else we sink forever 
in the war! How much better to do it 
while we can, lest the war ere long render 
us pecuniarily unable to do it ! How much 
better for you, as seller, and the nation, as 
buyer, to sell out and buy out that without 
which the war could never have been, 
than to sink both the thing to be sold and 
the price of it in cutting one another's 
throats ! 

" I do not speak of emancipation at once, 
but of a decision at once to emancipate 
graduall;/. Room in South America for 
colonization can be obtained cheaply and 
in abundance, and v/hen numbers shall be 
large enough to be company and encour- 
agement for one another, the freed people 
will not be so reluctant to go. 

" I am pressed with a difficulty not yet 
mentioned, one which threatens division 
among those who, united, are none too 
strong. An instance of it is known to 
you. General Hunter is an honest man. 
He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I 
valued him none the less for his agreeing 
with me in the general wish that all men 
everywhere could be freed. He proclaimed 
all men free within certain States, and I 
repudiated the proclamation. He expected 
more good and less harm from the measure 
than I could believe would follow. Yet, 
in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if 
not offence, to many whose support the 
country cannot afford to lose. And this is 
not the end of it. The pressure in this 
direction is still upon me, and is increas- 
ing. By conceding what I now ask you 
can relieve me, and, much more, can re- 
lieve the country in this important point. 

" Ui)on these considerations I have 
again begged your attention to the mes- 
sage of March last. Before leaving the 
Capitol, consider and discuss it among 
yourselves. You are patriots and states- 
men, and as such I pray you consider this 
proposition ; and at the least commend it 
to the consideration of your States and 
people. As you would perpetuate popular 
government for the best people in the 
world, I beseech you that you do in no- 
wise omit this. Our common country is 
in great peril, demanding the loftiest 



138 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



views and boldest action to bring a speedy 
relief. Once relieved, it-; form of govern- 
ment is saved to the world, its beloved 
history and cherished memories are vin- 
dicated, and its happy future fully assured 
and rendered inconceivably grand. To 
you, more than to any others, the privi- 
lege is given to assure that happiness and 
swell that grandeur, and to link your own 
names therewith forever." 

At the conclusion of these remarks 
some conversation was had between the 
President and several members of the 
delegations from the border State-^, in 
which it was represented that these States 
could not be expected to move in so great 
a matter as that brought to their notice in 
the foregoing address while as yet the 
Congress had taken no step beyond the 
passage of a resolution, exj)ressive rather 
of a sentiment than presenting a substan- 
tial and reliable basis of action. 

The President acknowledged the force 
of this view, and admitted that the border 
States were entitled to expect a substantial 
pledge of pecuniary aid as the condition 
of taking into consideration a proposition 
so important in its relations to their social 
system. 

It was further represented, in the con- 
ference, that the ]jeople of the border 
States were interested in knowing the 
great importance which the President 
attached to the policy in que-stion, while it 
was equally due to the country, to the 
President, and to themselves, that the 
representatives of the border slave-holding 
States should publicly announce the mo- 
tives under which they were called to act, 
and the considerations of public policy 
urged upon them and their constituents by 
the President. 

With a view to such a statement of their 
position, the members thus addressed met 
in council to deliberate on the reply they 
should make to the President, and, as the 
result of a comparison of opinions among 
themselves, they determined upon the 
adoption of a majority and minority an- 
swer. 

REPLY OF THE MAJORITY. 

The following paper was yesterday sent to 
the President, signed by the majority of 
the Representatives from the border slave- 
holding States : — 

Washington, July 14, 1862. 
To the President : 

The undersigned, Representatives of 
Kentucky, Virginia, Missouri, and Mary- 
land, in the two Houses of Congress, have 
listened to your address with the profound 
sensibility naturally in.'*pired by the high 
source from which it emanates, the earn- 
estness which marked its delivery, and 
the overwhelming importance of the sub- 



ject of which it treats. We have given it 
a most respectful consideration, and now 
lay before you our response. We regret 
that want of time has not permitted us to 
make it more perfect. 

We have not been wanting, Mr. Presi- 
dent, in respect to you, and in devotion to 
the Constitution and the Union. We 
have not been indifferent to the great dif- 
ficulties surrounding you, compared with 
which all former national troubles have 
been but as the summer cloud ; and we 
have freely given you our sympathy and 
support. Repudiating the dangerous here- 
sies of the secessionists, we believed, with 
you, that the war on their part is aggressive 
and wicked, and the objects for which it 
was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by 
your message at the opening of the pres- 
ent Congress, to be such as all good men 
should approve. We have not hesitated 
to vote all supplies necessary to carry it on 
vigorously. We have voted all the men 
and money you have asked for, and even 
more ; we have imposed onerous taxes on 
our people, and they are paying them 
with cheerfulness and alacrity ; we have 
encouraged enlistments and sent to the 
field many of our best men ; and some of 
our number have offered their persons to 
the enemy as pledges of their sincerity and 
devotion to the country. 

We have done all this under the most 
discouraging circumstances, and in the 
face of measures most distasteful to us 
and injurious to the interests we repre- 
sent, and in the hearing of doctrines 
avowed by those who claim to be your 
friends, must be abhorrent to us and our 
constituents. But, for all this, -we have 
never faltered, nor shall we as long as we 
have a Constitution to defend and a Gov- 
ernment which protects us. And we are 
ready for renewed efforts, and even greater 
sacrifices, yea, any sacrifice, when we are 
satisfied it is required to preserve our 
admirable form of government and the 
priceless blessings of constitutional li- 
berty. 

A few of our number voted for the 
resolution recommended by your message 
of the 6th of March last, the greater por- 
tion of us did not, and we will briefly 
state the prominent reasons which in- 
fluenced our action. 

In the first place, it proposed a radical 
change of our social system, and was hur- 
ried through both Houses with undue 
haste, without reasonable time for consid- 
eration and debate, and with no time at 
all for consultation with our constituents, 
whose interests it deeply involved. It 
seemed like an interference by this Gov- 
ernment with a question which peculiarly 
and exclusively belonged to our respective 
States, on which they had not sought ad- 
vice or solicited aid. Many of us doubted 



V 



COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. 



139 



the constitutional power of this Govern- 
ment to make appropriations of money for 
the object designated, and all of us thought 
our finances were in no condition to bear 
the immense outlay which its adoption 
and faithful execution would impose upon 
the national Treasury. If we pause but 
a moment to think of the debt its accept- 
ance would have entailed, we are appalled 
by its magnitude. The proposition was 
addressed to all the States, and embraced 
the whole number of slaves. 

According to the census of 1860 there 
were then nearly four million slaves in the 
country ; from natural increase they exceed 
that number now. At even the low average 
of $300, the price fixed by the emancipa- 
tion act for the slaves of this District, and 
greatly below their real worth, their value 
runs up to the enormous sum of $1,200,- 
000,000 ; and if to that we add the cost of 
deportation and colonization, at $100 each, 
which is but a fraction more than is ac- 
tually paid by the Maryland Colonization 
Society, we have $400,000,000 more. We 
were not willing to impose a tax on our 
people sufficient to pay the interest on that 
sum, in addition to the vast and daily in- 
creasing debt already fixed upon them by 
the exigencies of the war, and if we had 
been willing, the country could not bear it. 
Stated in this form the proposition is noth- 
ing less than the deportation from the 
country of $1,600,000,000 worth of produc- 
ing labor, and the substitution in its place 
of an interest-bearing debt of the same 
amount. 

But, if we arc told that it was expected 
that only the States we represent would 
accept the jiropositiou, we respectfully 
submit that even then it involves a sum 
too great for the financial ability of this 
Government at this time. According to 
the census of 1800 — 

Slaves. 

Kentuckv had 225,490 

Maryland 87,188 

Virginia 490,887 

Delaware 1,798 

Missouri 114,96') 

Tennessee 275,784 

Making in the whole 1,196,112 

At the same rate of valuation 

these would amount to... .$358,933,500 

Add for deportation and colo- 
nization $100 each 118,244,533 

And we have the enormous 
sum of $478,038,133 

We did not feel that we should be justi- 
fied in voting for a measure which, if car- 
ried out, would add this vast amount to 
our public debt at a moment when the 
Treasury was reeling under the enormous 
expenditure of the war. 



Again, it seemed to us that this resolu- 
tion was but the annunciation of a senti- 
ment which could not or was not likely to 
i)e reduced to an actual tangible proposi- 
tion. No movement was then matle to 
IH'Ovide and appropriate the funds required 
to carry it into effect ; and we were not en- 
couraged to believe that funds would be 
provided. And our belief has been fully 
justified by subsequent events. Not to 
mention other circumstances, it is quite 
suflicient for our purpose to bring to your 
notice the fact that, while this resolution 
was under consideration in the Senate, our 
colleague, the Senator from Kentucky, 
moved an amendment appropriating $500,- 
000 to the object therein designated, and it 
was voted down with great unanimity. What 
confidence, then, could we reasonably feel 
that if we committed ourselves to the 
policy it proposed, our constituents would 
reap the fruits of the promise held out ; 
and on what ground could we, as fair men, 
approach them and challenge their sup- 
port? 

The right to hold slaves is a right apper- 
taining to all the States of this Union. 
They have the right to cherish or abolish 
the institution, as their tastes or their in- 
terests may prompt, and no one is autho- 
rized to question the right or limit the en- 
joyment. And no one has more clearly 
affirmed that right than you have. Your 
inaugural address does you great honor in 
this respect, and inspired the country with 
confidence in your fairness and respect for 
the law. Our States are in the enjoyment 
of that right. We do not feel called on to 
defend the institution or to affirm it is one 
which ought to be cherished ; i)erhaps, if 
we were to make the attempt, we might 
find that we differ even among ourselves. 
It is enough for our purpose to know that 
it is a right ; and, so knowing, Ave did not 
see why we should now be expected to 
yield it. We had contributed our full 
share to relieve the country at this terrible 
crisis ; Ave had done as much as had been 
required of others in like circumstances; 
and Ave did not see Avhy .sacrifices should 
be expected of us from Avhicli others, no 
more loyal, Avere exempt. Nor could Ave 
see Avhat good the nation Avould derive 
from it. 

Such a sacrifice submitted to by us 
would not have strengthened the arm of 
this Government or Aveakened that of the 
enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge 
of our loyalty, for that had been mani- 
fested beyond a reasonable doubt, in every 
form, and at every place possible. . There 
Avas not the remotest probability that the 
States Ave represent Avould join in the re- 
bellion, nor is there now, or of their elect- 
ing to go with the southern section in the 
event of a recognition of the independence 
of any part of the disaffected region. Our 



140 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



States are fixed unalterably in their reso- 
lution to adhere to and support the Union. 
They see no safety for themselves, and no 
hope for constitutional liberty but by its 
preservation. They will, under no cir- 
cujnstanoes, consent to its dissolution ; and 
we do them no more than justice when we 
assure you that, while the war is conducted 
to prevent that deplorable catastrophe, 
they will sustain it as long as they can 
muster a man or command a dollar. Nor 
will they ever consent, in any event, to 
unite with the Southern Confederacy. The 
bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of 
that region will forever prevent them from 
placing their security and happiness in the 
custody of an association which has incor- 
porated in its organic law the seeds of its 
own destruction. 

Mr. President, we have stated with frank- 
ness and candor the reasons on which we 
forbore to vote for the resolution you have 
mentioned ; but you have again presented 
this proposition, and appealed to us with 
an earnestness and eloquence which have 
not failed to impress us, to " consider it, 
and at the least to commend it to the con- 
sideration of our kStatcs and people." Thus 
appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our 
beloved country, in the hour of its greatest 
peril, we cannot wholly decline. We are 
willing to trust every question relating to 
their interest and happiness to the con- 
sideration and ultimate judgment of our 
own people. While differing from you as 
to the necessity of emancipating the slaves 
of our States as a means of putting down 
the rebellion, and while protesting against 
the propriety of any extra-territorial inter- 
ference to induce the people of our States 
to adopt any particular line of policy on a 
subject which peculiarly and exclusively 
belongs to them, yet, when you and our 
brethren of the loyal States sincerely be- 
lieve that the retention of slavery by us is 
an obstacle to peace and national harmony, 
and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid 
to compensate our States and people for 
the inconveniences produced by such a 
change of system, we are not unwilling 
that our people shall consider the propriety 
of putting it aside. 

But we have already said that we re- 
garded this resolution as the utterance of 
a sentiment, and we had no confidence 
that it would assume the shape of a tangi- 
ble, practical proposition, which would 
yield the fruits of the sacrifice it required. 
Our people are influenced by the same 
want of confidence, and will not consider 
the proposition in its present impalpable 
form. The interest they are asked to give 
up is to them of much importance, and 
they ought not to be expected even to en- 
tertain the proposal until they are assured 
that when they accept it their just expect- 



ations will not be frustrated. We regard 
your plan as a proposition irom the Nation 
to the States to exercise an admitted con- 
.'^titutional right in a particular manner 
and yield up a valuable interest. Before 
they ought to consider the proposition, it 
should be presented in such a tangible, 
practical, efiicient shape as to command 
their confidence that its fruits are contin- 
gent only upon their acceptance. We can- 
not trust anything to the contingencies of 
future legislation. 

If Congress, by proper and necessary 
legislation, shall provide sufficient funds 
and place them at your disposal, to be ap- 
plied by you to the payment of any of our 
States or the citizens thereof who shall 
adopt the abolishment of slavery, either 
gradual or immediate, as they may deter- 
mine, and the expense of deportation and 
colonization of the liberated slaves, then 
will our State and people take this propo- 
sition into careful consideration, for such 
decision as in their judgment is demanded 
by their interest, their honor, and their 
duty to the whole country. We have the 
honor to be, with great respect, 

C. A. WiCKLIFFE, Ch'n, 

Garrett Davis, 
R. Wilson, 
J. J. Crittenden, 
John S. Carlile, 
J. W. Crisfield, 
J. S. Jackson, 
H. Grider, 
John S. Phelps, 
Francis Thomas, 
Chas. B. Calvert, 
C. L. Leary. 
Edwin H. W^ebster, 
R. Mallory, 
Aaron Harding, 
James S. Rollins, 
J. W. Menzies, 
Thomas L. Price, 

G. W. DUNLAP, 

W^M. A. Hall. 

Others of the minority, among them Sen- 
ator Henderson and Horace Maynard, for- 
warded separate replies, but all rejecting 
the idea of compensated emancipation. 
Still Lincoln adhered to and advocated it 
in his recent annual message sent to Con- 
gress, Dec. 1, 1862, from which we take 
the following paragraphs, which are in 
themselves at once curious and interesting: 
" We have two million nine hundred and 
sixty-three thousand square miles. Europe 
has three million and eight hundred thou- 
sand, with a population averaging seventy- 
three and one-third persons to the square 
mile. Why may not our country, at some 
time, average as many? Is it less fertile? 
Has it more waste surface, by mountains, 
rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes ? Is 
I it inferior to Europe in any natural ad- 



EMANCIPATION, 



141 



vantage ? If, then, we are at some time to 
be as populous as Europe, how soon? As 
to when this may be, we can judge by the 
past and the present ; as to when it ivill be, 
if ever, depends much on wliether we 
maintain the Union. Several of our States 
are already above the average of Europe 
— seventy-three and a third to the squiire 
mile. Massachusetts has 157 ; Rhode 
Island, 133 ; Connecticut, 99 ; New York 
and New Jersey, each, 80. Also two other 
great states, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are 
not far below, the former having 63 and 
the latter 59. The states already above 
the European average, except New York, 
have increased in as rapid a ratio, since 
passing that point, as ever before ; while 
no one of them is equal to some other parts 
of our country in natural capacity for sus- 
taining a dense jjopulation. 

"Taking the nation in the aggregate, 
and we find its population and ratio of in- 
crease, for the several decennial periods, to 
be as follows : 

1790 3,929,827 Eatio of increase. 

1800 5.305,937 35.02 per cent. 

1810 7,239,814 36.45 " 

1820 9,633,131 33.13 " 

1830 12,866,020 33.49 " 

1840 17,069,433 32.67 " 

1850 23,191,876 35.87 " 

1860 31,443,790 35.58 " 

This shows an annual decennial increase 
of 3i.69 per cent, in population through 
the seventy years from our first to our last 
census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio 
of increase, at no one of these seven periods 
is either two per cent, below or two per 
cent, above the average ; thus showing how 
inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, 
the law of increase in our case is. Assum- 
ing that it will continue, gives the follow- 
ing results : 

1870 42,323,341 

1880 56,967,216 

1890 76,677,872 

1900 103,208,415 

1910 138,918,526 

1920 188,984,335 

1930 251,680,914 

" These figures show that our country 
may be as populous as Europe now is at 
some point between 1920 and 19S0 — say 
about 1925 — our territory, at seventy-three 
and a third persons to the square mile, be- 
in"; of capacity to contain 217,186,000. 

' And we will reach this, too, if we do 
not ourselves relinquish the chance by the 
folly and evils of disunion, or by long and 
exhausting war springing from the only 
great element of national discord among 
us. While it cannot be foreseen exactly 
how much one huge example of secession, 
breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would re- 
tard population, civilization, and prosperity 



no one can doubt that the extent of it 
would be very great and injurious. 

The proposed emancipation would short- 
en the war, perpetuate peace, insure this 
increase of population, and proportionately 
the wealth of the country. With these, we 
should pay all the emancipation would cost, 
together with our other debt, easier than 
we should pay our other debt without it. 
If we had allowed our old national debt to 
run at six per cent, per annum, simple in- 
terest, from the end of our revolutionary 
struggle until to-day, without paying any- 
thing on either principal or interest, each 
man of us would owe less upon that debt 
now than each man owed upon it then ; 
and this because our increase of men 
through the whole period has been greater 
than six per cent. ; has run faster than the 
interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone 
relieves a debtor nation, so long as its popu- 
lation increases faster than unpaid interest 
accumulates on its debt. 

"This fact would be no excuse for de- 
laying payment of what is justly due ; but 
it shows the great importance of time in 
this connection — the great advantage of a 
policy by which we shall not have to pay 
until we number a hundred millions, what, 
by a different policy, we would have to pay 
now, when we number but thirty-one mil- 
lions. In a word, it shows that a dollar 
will be much harder to pay for the war 
than will be a dollar for emancipation on 
the proposed plan. And then the latter 
will cost no blood, no precious life. It will 
be a saving of both." 

Various propositions and measures re- 
lating to compensated emancipation, were 
afterwards considered in both Houses, but 
it was in March, 1863, dropped after a 
refusal of the House to suspend the rules 
for the consideration of the subject. 



Emancipation as a TVar Necessity. 

Before the idea of compensated emanci- 
pation had been dropped, and it was con- 
stantly discouraged by the Democrats and 
Border Statesmen, President Lincoln had 
determined upon a more radical policy, 
and on the 22d of Septembei, 18f>2, issued 
his celebrated proclamation declaring that 
he would emancipate "all persons held as 
slaves within any State or designated part 
of a State, the people whereof shall be in 
rebellion against the United States" — by 
the first of January, 1863, if such sections 
were not " in good faith represented in 
Congress." He followed this by actual 
emancipation at the time stated. 



Proclamation or Sept. 23, 1863. 

I, Abraham Lincoln, Pre-^ident of the 
United States of America, and Commander- 
in-Chief of the army and navy thereof, do 



142 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



hereby proclaim anfl declare that hereafter, 
as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted 
for the object of practically restoring the 
constitutional relation between the United 
States and each of the States antl the jieo- 
ple thereof, in which States that relation 
IS or may be suspended or disturbed. 

That it is my purpose, upon the next 
meeting of Congress, to again recommend 
the adoption of a practical measure tender- 
ing pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or 
rejection of all slave States, so called, the 
people thereof may not then be in rebellion 
against the United States, and which States 
may then have voluntarily adopted, or 
thereafter may voluntarily adopt, imme- 
diate or gradual abolishment of slavery 
within their respected limits; and that the 
effort to colonize persons of African descent 
with their consent upon this continent or 
elsewhere, with the previously obtained 
consent of the Governments existing there, 
will be continued. 

That on the first day of January, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-three, all persons held as 
slaves within any State or designated part 
of a State, the people whereof shall then be 
in rebellion against the United States, shall 
be then, thenceforward, and forever free ; 
and the Executive Government of the 
United States, including the military and 
naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
maintain the freedom of sui h persons, and 
will do no act or acts to repress such per- 
sons, or any of them, in any efforts they 
may make for their actual freedom. 

That the Executive will, on the first day 
of January aforesaid, by proclamation, de- 
signate the States and parts of States, if 
any, in which the people thereof respective- 
ly, shall then be in rebellion against the 
United States ; and the fact that any State, 
or the people thereof, shall on that day be, 
in good faith, represented in the Congress 
of the United States by members chosen 
thereto at elections wherein a majority of 
the qualified voters of such State shall have 
participated, shall, in the absence of strong 
• countervailing testimony, be deemed con- 
clusive evidence that such State, and the 
people thereof, are not in rebellion against 
the United States. 

That attention is hereby called to an act 
of Congress entitled " An act to m.alce an 
additional article of war," approved March 
13, 1862, and which act is in the words and 
figures following : 

'' Be it enncted hy fhe Senate and House 
of Repra^entatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled. That 
hereafter the following shall be promulga- 
ted as an additional article of war, for the 
government of the army of the United 
States, and shall be obeyed and observed 
as such. 

" Article — . All officers or persons in 



the military or naval service of the United 
States are prohibited from employing any 
of the forces under their respective com- 
mands for the purpose of returning fugi- 
tives from service or labor who may have 
escaped from any persons to whom such 
service or bibor is claimed to be due, and 
any ofhcer who shall be found guilty by a 
court-martial of violating this article shall 
be dismissed from the service. 

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That 
this act" shall take effect from and after its 
passage." 

Also to the ninth and tenth sections of 
an act entitled " An act to supjtress insur- 
rection, to punish treason and rebellion, to 
seize and confiscate property of rebels, and 
for other purposes," approved July 17, 
1862, and which sections are in the words 
and figures following : 

" Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That 
all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be 
engaged in rebellion against the Govern- 
ment of the United States or who shall in 
any way give aid or comfort thereto, escap- 
ing from such persons and taking refuge 
within the lines of the army; and all slaves 
cajitured from such persons or deserted by 
them, and coming under the control of the 
Government of the LTnitcd States ; and 
all slaves of such persons found on [or] 
being within any place occupied by rebel 
forces and afterwards occupied by the 
forces of the LTnitcd States, shall be deem- 
ed captives of war, and shall be forever 
free of their servitude, and not again held 
as slaves. 

"Sec. 10. Andbeit further enacted, Th&t 
no slave escaping into any State, Territory, 
or the District of Columbia, from any other 
State, shall be delivered up, or in any way 
impeded or hindered of his liberty, except 
for crime, or .^ome offence against the laws, 
unless the person claiming said fugitive 
shall first make oath that the person to 
whom the labor or service of such fugitive 
is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, 
and has not borne arms against the United 
Stales in the present rebellion, nor in any 
way given aid and comfort thereto ; and no 
person engaged in the military' or naval 
service of the ITnitcd States shall, under 
any pretence whatever, assume to decide 
on the validity of the claim of any person 
to the service or labor of any other per- 
son, or surrender up any such person to 
the claimant, on pain of being dismissed 
from the service." 

And I do hereby enjoin upon and order 
all persons engaged in the military and na- 
val service of the United States to observe, 
obey, and enforce, within their respective 
spheres of service, the act and sections 
above recited. " 

And the Executive will in due time 
recommend that all citizens of the 
United States who shall have remained 



EMANCIPATION. 



143 



loyal thereto throughout the rebellion shall 
(upon the restoration ot'tlie constitutional 
relation between the United States and 
their respective States and people, if that 
relation shall have been suspended or dis- 
turbed) be compensated for all losses by 
acts of the United States, including the 
loss of slaves. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set 
my hand, and caused the seal of the United 
States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington this 
twenty-second day of September, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-two, and of the Inde})en- 
dence of the United States the eighty - 
seventh. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

By the President : 

William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



Proclamation of January 1, 1863. 

Whereas, on the twenty -second day of 
September, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, 
a proclamation was issued by the Presi- 
dent of the United States, containing 
among other things, the following, to wit : 

" That on the first day of January, in 
the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-three, all persons held 
as slaves within any State or designated 
part of a State, the people whereof shall 
then be in rebellion against the United 
States, shall be then, thenceforward, and 
forever, free; and the Executive Govern- 
ment of the United States, including the 
nailitary and naval authority thereof, will 
recognize and maintain the freedom of 
such persons, and will do no act or acts to 
repress such persons, or any of them, in any 
efforts they may make for their actual free- 
dom. 

"That the Executive will, on the first 
day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, 
designate the States and parts of States, if 
any, in which the people thereof, respec- 
tively, shall then be in rebellion against 
the United States ; and the fact that any 
State, or the people thereof, shall on that 
day be in good faith represented in the 
Congress of the United States, by mem- 
bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a 
majority of the qualified voters of such 
States shall have participated, shall, in the 
absence of strong countervailing testi- 
mony, be deemed conclusive evidence 
that such State, and the people thereof, are 
then in rebellion against the United 
States." 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, 
President of the United States, by virtue 
of the power in me vested as Commander- 
in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the 
United States, in time of actual armed re- 
bellion against the authority and Govern- 



ment of the United States, and as a fit and 
necessary wjir measure for suppressing said 
rel)ellioii, do, on this first day of January, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-three, and in accord- 
ance with my purpose so to do, publicly 
proclaimed for the full period of one hun- 
dred days from the day first above men- 
tioned, order and designate as the States 
and parts of States wherein the people 
thereof, respectively, are this day in rebel- 
lion against the United States, the follow- 
ing, to wit: 

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the 
parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jef- 
ferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, 
Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La- 
fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, 
including the city of New Orleans,) Mis- 
sissippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South 
Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, 
(except the forty-eight counties designated 
as West Virginia, and also the counties of 
Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Eliza- 
beth City, York, Princess Ann, and Nor- 
folk, including the cities of Norfolk and 
Portsmouth,) and which excepted parts 
are for the present left precisely as if this 
proclamation were not issued. 

And by virtue of the power and for the 
purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare 
that all persons held as slaves within said 
designated States and parts of States are, 
and henceforward shall be, free ; and that 
the Executive Government of the United 
States, including the military and naval 
authorities thereof, will recognize and 
maintain the freedom of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so 
declared to be free to abstain from all vio- 
lence, unless in necessary self-defence ; and 
I recommend to them that, in all cases 
when allowed, they labor faithfully for 
reasonable wages. 

And I further declare and make known 
that such persons, of suitable condition, 
will be received into the armed service of 
the United States to garrison forts, positions, 
stations, and other places, and to man 
vessels of all sorts in said service. 

And upon this act, sincerely believed to 
be an act of justice, warranted by the Con- 
stitution upon military necessity, I invoke 
the considerate judgment of mankind and 
the gracious favor of Almighty God. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set 
my hand and caused the seal of the United 
States to be afiixed. 

Done at the city of Washington this 
first day of January, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-three, and of the independence of 
the United States of America the eighty- 
seventh. Abraham Lincoln, 
By the President: 

William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, 



144 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



These proclamations were followed by 
mauy attempts on the part of the Demo- 
crats to declare them null and void, but all 
such were tabled. The House on the 15th 
of December, 1862, endorsed the first by 
a vote of 78 to 51, almost a strict party 
' vote. Two classed as Democrats, voted for 
emancipation — Haiglit and Noell ; seven 
classed as Republicans, voted against it — 
Granger, Harrison, Leary, Maynard, Benj. 
F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, and Whaley. 

Just previous to the issuance of the first 
proclamation a meeting of the Governors 
of the Northern Stated had been called to 
consider how best their States could aid 
the general conduct of the war. Some of 
them had conferred with the President, 
and while that meeting and the date of the 
emancipation proclamation are the same, 
it was publiclv denied on the floor of Con- 
gress by Mr.' Boutwell (June 25, 1864,) 
that the proclamation was the result of 
that meeting of the Governors. That they 
fully endorsed and knew of it, however, is 
shown by the following 



Address of loyal Governors to the President. 

Adopted at a meeting of Governors of 
loyal States, held to take measures for 
the more active support of the Govern- 
ment, at Altoona, Pennsvlvania, on the 
22d day of September, 1862. 

After nearly one year and a half spent 
in contest with an armed and gigantic re- 
bellion against the national Government of 
the United States, the duty and purpose of 
the loyal States and people continue, and 
must always remain as they were at its 
origin — namely, to restore and perpetuate 
the authority of this Government and the 
life of the nation. No matter what con- 
sequences are involved in our fidelity, this 
work of restoring the Republic, preserving 
the institutions of democratic liberty, and 
justifying the hopes and toils of our fathers 
shall not fail to be performed. 

And we pledge without hesitation, to the 
President of the United States, the most 
loyal and cordial support, hereafter as 
heretofore, in the exercise of the functions 
of his great office. We recognize in him 
the Chief Executive Magistrate of the 
n.ation, the Commander-in-chief of the 
Army and Navy of the United States, their 
responsible and constitutional head, whose 
rightful authority and power, as well as the 
constitutional powers of Congress, must be 
rigorously and religiously guarded and 
preserved, as the condition on which alone 
our form of Government and the constitu- 
tional rights and liberties of the people 
themselves can be saved from the wreck of 
anarchy or from the gulf of despotism. 

In submission to the laws which may 
have been or which may be duly enacted, 



and to the lawful orders of the President, 
co-operating always in our own spheres 
with the national Government, we mean to 
continue in the most vigorous exercise of 
all our lawful and proper powers, contend- 
ing against treason, rebellion, and the pub- 
lic enemies, and, whether in public life or 
in private station, supporting the arms of 
the Union, until its cause shall conquer, 
until final victory shall perch upon its 
standard, or the rebel foe shall yield a 
dutiful, rightful, and unconditional sub- 
mission. 

And, impressed with the conviction that 
an army of reserve ought, until the war 
shall end, to be constantly kept on foot, to 
be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at 
home, and ready for emergencies, we re- 
spectfully ask the President to call for such 
a force of volunteers for one year's service, 
of not less than one hundred thousand in 
the aggregate, the quota of each State to 
be raised after it shall have filled its quota 
of the requisitions already made, both for 
volunteers and militia. We believe that 
this would be a measure of military pru- 
dence, while it would greatly promote the 
military education of the people. 

We hail with heartfelt gratitude and en- 
couraged hope the proclamation of the 
President, issued on the 22d instant, de- 
claring emancipated from their bondage 
all persons held to service or labor as 
slaves in the rebel States, whose rebellion 
shall last until the first day of January 
now next ensuing. The right of any per- 
son to retain authority to compel any por- 
tion of the subjects of the national Gov- 
ernment to rebel against it, or to maintain 
its enemies, implies in those who are al- 
lowed possession of such authority the 
right to rebel themselves ; and therefore 
the right to establish martial law or mili- 
tary government in a State or territory in 
rebellion implies the right and the duty 
of the Government to liberate the minds 
of all men living therein by appropriate 
proclamations and assurances of protection, 
in order that all who are capable, intel- 
lectually and morally, of loyalty and 
obedience, may not be forced into treason 
as the unwilling tools of rebellious traitors. 
To have continued indefinitely the most 
eflScient cause, support, and stay of the re- 
bellion, would have been, in our judg- 
ment, unjust to the loyal peojile whose 
treasure and lives are made a willing sacri- 
fice on the altar of patrotism — would have 
discriminated against the wife who is com- 
pelled to surrender her husband, against 
the parent who is to surrender his child to 
the hardships of the camp and the perils 
of battle, in favor of rebel masters per- 
mitted to retain their slaves. It would 
have been a final decision alike against 
humanity, justice, the rights and dignity 
of the Government, and against sound and 



■REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 



145 



wise national policy. The decision of the 
President to strike at the root of the re- 
bellion will lend new vigor to the efforts 
and new life and hope to the hearts of the 
people. Cordially tendering to the Presi- 
dent our respectful assurance of personal 
and official confidence, we trust and be- 
lieve that the policy now inaugurated will 
be crowned with success, will give speedy 
and triumphant victories over our enemies, 
and secure to this nation and this people 
the blessing and favor of Almighty God. 
We believe that the blood of the heroes 
who have already fallen, and those who 
may yet give their lives to their country, 
will not have been shed in vain. 

The splendid valor of our soldiers, their 
patient endurance, their manly patriotism, 
and their devotion to duty, demand from 
us and from all their countrymen the 
homage of the sincerest gratitude and the 
pledge of our constant reinforcement and 
support. A just regard for these brave 
men, whom we have contributed to place 
in the field, and for the importance of the 
duties which may lawfully pertain to us 
hereafter, has called us into friendly con- 
ference. And now, presenting to our 
national Chief 3Iagistrate this conclusion 
of our deliberations, we devote ourselves to 
our country's service, and we will surround 
the President with our constant support, 
trusting that the fidelity and zeal of the 
loyal States and people will always assure 
him that he Avill be constantly maintained 
in pursuing with the utmost vigor this war 
for the preservation of the national life 
and the hope of humanity. 

A. G. CURTIN, 

John A. Andrew, 

Richard Yates, 

Israel Washburne, Jr., 

Edward Solomon, 

Samuel J. Kirkwood, 

O. P. Morton, 

By D. G. Rose, his representative, 

Wm. Sprague, 

F. H. Peirpoint, 

David Tod, 

N. S. Berry, 

Austin Blair. 



Repeal of the Fugitive Slave Lavr. 

The first fugitive slave law passed was 
that of Februarv 12th, 1793, the second and 
last that of September 18th, 1850. Vari- 
ous efforts had been made to repeal the lat- 
ter before the war of the rebellion, with- 
out a prospect of success. The situation 
was now different. The war spirit was 
high, and both Houses of Congress were in 
the hands of the Republicans as early as 
December, 1861, but all of them were not 
then readv to vote for repeal, while the 
10 



Democrats were at first solidly against it. 
The bill had passed the Senate in 1850 by 
27 yeas to 12 nays ; the House by 109 yeas 
to 76 nays, and yet as late as 1861 such was 
still the desire of many not to offend the 
political prejudices of the Border States 
and of Democrats whose aid was counted 
upon in the war, that sufficient votes could 
not be had until June, 1864, to pass the re- 
pealing bill. Republican sentiment ad- 
vanced very slowly in the early years of 
the war, when the struggle looked doubt- 
ful and when there was a strong desire to 
hold for the Union every man and county 
not irrevocably against it; when success 
could be foreseen the advances were more 
rapid, but never as rapid as the more rad- 
ical leaders desired. The record of Con- 
gress in the repeal of the Fugitive Slave 
Law will illustrate this political fact, in 
itself worthy of grave study by the poli- 
tician and statesman, and therefore we give 
it as compiled by McPherson : — 



Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventli Congress.* 

In Senate, 1861, December 26 — Mr. 
Howe, of Wisconsin, introduced a bill to 
repeal the fugitive slave law ; which was 
referred to the Committee on the Judici- 
arv. 

1862, May 24— Mr. Wilson, of Massachu- 
setts, introduced a bill to amend the fugi- 
tive slave law ; which was ordered to be 
printed and lie on the table. 

June 10 — Mr. Wilson moved to take up 
the bill ; which was agreed to — Yeas 25, 
nays 10, as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, 
Chandler, Clark, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, 
Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, 
Harris, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Kan- 
sas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Simmons, Sumner, 
Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson, of 
Massachusetts. — 25. 

Nays — Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Latham, 

* On the 23d of July, 1861, the Attorney General, in 
answer to a letter from the United States Marshal of 
Kansas, inquiring whether he should assist in the execu- 
tion of the fugitive slave law, wrote : 

Attorney General's Office, July 23, 1861. 
J. L. McDowBIX, U. S. Marshal, Kansas : 

Your letter, of the 11th of July, received 19th, (under 
fi'ank (if Senator Lane, of Kansas, i asks advice whether 
you should ijive your official services in tiie execution of 
the fugitive slave law. 

It is the President's constitutional duty to "take care 
that the laws l)e faithfully executed." That means all the 
laws. He has no right to discriminate, no right to exe- 
cute the laws he likes, and le.ave unexecuted those he 
dislikes And of course you and 1, his subordinates, can 
have no wider latitude of discreticin than he has. Mis- 
souri is a State in the Union. The insurrectionary dis- 
orders in Missouri are but individual crimes, and do not 
change the legal status of the State, nor change its rights 
and obligations as a member of the Uni<m. 

A refusal by a ministerial officer to execute any law 
which properly belongs to his office, is an official misde- 
meanor, of which I have no doubt the President wouW 
take notice. Very respectfully 

EDWARD BATES. 



146 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



McDougall, Nesmith, Powell, Saulsbury, 
Stark, Willey, Wright— 10* 

The bill was to secure to claimed fugi- 
tives a right to a jury trial in the district 
court for the United 'States for the district 
in which they may be, and to require the 
claimant to prove his loyalty. The bill 
repeals sections 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 of the act 
of 1850, and that part of section 5, which 
authorizes the summoning of the posse 
comitatus. When a warrant of return is 
made either on jury trial or confession of 
the party in the presence of counsel, hav- 
ing been warned of his rights, the fugitive 
is to be surrendered to the claimant, or the 
marshal where necessary, who shall remove 
him to the boundary line of the district, 
and there deliver him to the claimant. The 
bill was not further considered. 

In House, 1861, December 20— Mr. 
Julian offered this resolution : 

Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee 
be instructed to report a bill, so amending 
the fugitive slave law enacted in 1850 as to 
forbid the recapture or return of any fu- 
gitive from labor without satisfactory proof 
first made that the claimant of such fugi- 
tive is loyal to the Government. 

Mr. Holman moved to table the resolu- 
tion, which was disagreed to — yeas 39, nays 
78, as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Ancona, Joseph Baily, 
Biddle, George H. Browne, Cohb, Cooper, 
Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Dunlap, English. 
Fouhe, Grider, Harding, Holman, Johnson, 
Law, Lazear, Leary, Lehman, Mallory, Mor- 
ris, Noble, Noell, Norton, Nugen, Odell, 
Pendleton, Eobinson, Shiel, John B. Steele, 
William G. Steele, Vallandigham, Wads- 
worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wick- 
liffe. Woodruff, Wright— S9. 

Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, 
Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, 
Francis P. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, 
Buffinton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Clark, 
Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe 
Conkling, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Delano, 
Duell, Edwards, Eliot, Fessenden, Fran- 
chot, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Gurley, 
Hale, Hanchett, Harrison, Hooper, Hutch- 
ins, Julian, William Kellogg, Lansing, 
Loomis, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, 
Marston, Mitchell, Moorhead, Anson P. 
Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Olin, Patton, 
Pike, Pomeroy, Porter, John H. Rice, Rid- 
dle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Sedg- 
wick, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sherman, 
Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Benjamin F. 
Thomas, Train, Vandever. Wall, Wallace, 
Walton, Washburne, Wheeler, Whalev, 
\lbert S. White, Wilson, Windom, Wor- 
cester — 78. 

The resolution was then adopted — yeas 
78, nays 39. 

1862, June 9— Mr. Julian, of Indiana, 

* RBpublicans in Roman; Democrats in italics. 



introduced into the House a resolution in- 
structing the Judiciary Committee to re- 
port a bill for the purpose of repealing the 
fugitive slave law ; which was tabled — yeas 
66, nays 51, as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. William J. Allen, Anco- 
na, Baily, Biddle, Francis P. Blair, Jacob 
B. Blair, George H. Brotrne, William G, 
Brown, Burnham, Calvert, Casey, Clem- 
ents, Cobb, Corning, Crittenden, Delano, 
Diven, Granger, Grider, Haight, Hale, 
Harding, Holman, Johnson, William Kel- 
logg, Kerrigan, Knapp, Lazear, Low, May- 
nard, Menzies, Moorhead, Morris, Noble, 
Noell, Norton, Odell, Pendleton, John S. 
Phelps, Timothy G. Phelps, Porter, Eich- 
ardson, Eobinson, James S. Rollins, ^ax- 
gent, ^Qgar, Sheffield, Shiel, Smith, JohnB. 
Steele, William G. Steele, Benjamin F. 
Thomas, Francis Thomas, Trimble, Val- 
landigham, Y erreQ, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wads- 
worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wick- 
liffe, Wood, Woodruff, Worcester, Wright 
—66. 

Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Baker, 
Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Blake, Buffin- 
ton, Chamberlain, Colfax, Frederick A. 
Conkling, Davis, Dawes, Edgerton, Ed- 
wards, Eliot, Ely, Franchot, Gooch, Good- 
win, Hanchett, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, 
Francis W. Kellogg, Lansing, Lovejoy, 
McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, Anson P. 
Morrill, Pike, Pomeroy, Potter, Alexander 
H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. 
Rollins, Shellabarger, Sloan, Spaulding, 
Stevens, Train, Trowbridge, Van Horn, 
Van ValkenburghjWall, Wallace, Wash- 
burne, Albert S. White, Windom— 51. 

Same day — Mr. Colfax, of Indiana, of- 
fered this resolution : 

Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- 
diciary be instructed to report a bill modi- 
iying the fugitive slave law so as to require 
a jury trial in all cases where the person 
claimed denies under oath that he is a slave, 
and also requiring any claimant under such 
act to prove that he has been loyal to the 
Government during the present rebellion. 

Which was agreed to — yeas 77, nays 43, 
as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, 
Ashley, Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, 
Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Blake, Buffin- 
ton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Colfax, Fred- 
erick A. Conkling, Davis, Dawes, Delano, 
Diven, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, 
Franchot, Gooch, Goodwin, Granger, Gur- 
ley, Haight, Hale, Hanchett, Hutchins, 
Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Wil- 
liam Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, 
Lowe, McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, 
Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Nixon, 
Timothy G. Phelps, Pike, Pomeroy, Por- 
ter, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. 
Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, 
Shanks, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Sloan, 
Spaulding, Stevens, Stratton, Benjamin F. 



REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAWS. 



147 



Thora^d, Train, Trimble, Trowbridge, Van 
ValkenburgU, Verree, Wall, Wallace, 
Washburne, Albert, S. White, Wilson, 
Windom, Worcester— 77. 

Nays — Messrs. William J. Allen, Ancona, 
Baihj, Biddle, Jacob B. Blair, William G. 
Brown, Calvert, Casey, Clements, Cobb, 
Corning, Crittenden, Fouke, Grider, Hard- 
ing, Holman, Johnson, Knapp, Maynard, 
Menzies, Noble, Noell, Norton, Pendleton, 
John S. Phelps, Richardson, Robinson, 
James S Rollins, Segar, Shiel, Smith, John 
B. Steele, William G. Steele, Francis Thom- 
as, Vallandigham, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wads- 
worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wick- 
liffe, Wood, Wright. -A^. 

Third Session, Tlilrty-Seventli Congress. 

In Senate, 1863, February 11— Mr. Ten 
Eyck, from the Committee on the Judici- 
ary, to whom was referred a bill, intro- 
duced by Senator Howe, in second session, 
December 26, 1861, to repeal the fugitive 
slave act of 1850, reported it back without 
amendment, and with a recommendation 
that it do not pass. 

First Session, TIiirty-ElgUtli Congress. 

In House, 1863, Dec. 14.— Mr. Julian, of 
Indiana, offered this resolution : 

Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- 
diciary be instructed to report a bill for a 
repeal of the third and fourth sections of 
the " act respecting fugitives from justice 
and persons escaping from the service of 
their masters," approved February 12, 1793, 
and the act to amend and supplementary 
to the aforesaid act, approved Sej)tember 
18, 1850. 

Mr. Holman moved that the resolution 
lie upon the table, which was agreed to — 
yeas 81, nays 73, as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. James C. Allen, William 
J. Allen, Ancona, Anderson, Baily, Au- 
gustus C. Baldwin, Jacob B. Blair, Bliss, 
Brooks, James S. Brown, William G. Browne, 
Clay, Cobb, Coffroth, Cox, Ci-avens, Creswell, 
Dawson, Demming, Denison, Eden, Edger- 
ton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, 
Grider, Griswold, Hall, Harding, Harring- 
ton, Benjamin O. Harris, Charles M. Har- 
ris, Higby, Holman, Hutchins, William 
Johnson, Kernan, King, Knapp, Jmiv, La- 
zear, Le Blond, Long, Mallonj, Marcij, Mar- 
vin, McBride, McDowell, McKinney, Wil- 
liam H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, 
Nelson, Noble, Odell, John 0' Neil, Pendle- 
ton, William H. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, 
James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Smith, Smith- 
ers, Stebbins, John B. Steele, Stuart, Sweat, 
Thomas, Voorhees, Wadsworfh, Ward, 
Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, 
Williams, Winfield, Fernando Wood, Yea- 
man — 81. 

Nays— Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, 
Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, 
Beaman, Blaine, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, 



Brandegee, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, 
Freeman Clark, Cole, Henry Winter Da- 
vis, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Du- 
mont, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, 
Frank, Garfield, Gooch, Grinnell, Hooper, 
Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, John H. 
Hubbard, Hulburd, Jenckes, Julian, Fran- 
cis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, 
Longyear, Lovejoy, McClurg, Mclndoe, 
Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, 
Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, 
Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Pike, Pom- 
eroy, Price, Alexander H. Rice, John H. 
Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, 
Scofield, Shannon, Spalding, Thayer, 
Van Valkenburgh, Elihu B. Wash- 
burne, William B. Washburn, Whaley, 
Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbidge — 73. 

1864, June 6, Mr. Hubbard, of Connec- 
ticut, offered this resolution : 

Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- 
diciary be instructed to report to this 
House a bill for the repeal of all acts and 
jjarts of acts which provide for the rendi- 
tion of fugitive slaves, and that they have 
leave to make such report at any time. 

Which went over under the rule. May 
30, he had made an ineffectual effort to 
offer it, Mr. Holman objecting. 

REPEALING BILLS. 

1864, April 19, the Senate considered the 
bill to repeal all acts for the rendition of 
fugitives from service or labor. The bill 
was taken up — yeas 26, nays 10. 

Mr. Sherman moved to amend by insert- 
ing these words at the end of the bill : 

Except the act approved February 12, 
1793, entitled " An act respecting fugitives 
from justice, and persons escaping from the 
service of their masters." 

Which was agreed to — yeas 24, nays 17, 
as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile^ Col- 
lamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, 
Foster, Harris, Henderson, Hendricks, 
Howe, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, McDou- 
gall, Nesmith, Poivell, Riddle, Saulsbury, 
Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Win- 
kle, Willey— 24. 

Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Clark, 
Conness, Fessenden, Grimes, Hale, How- 
ard, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, 
Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sprague, Sumner, Wil- 
kinson, Wilson — 17. 

Mr. Saulsbury moved to add these sec- 
tions : 

And be it further enacted, That no white 
inhabitant af the United States shall be 
arrested, or imprisoned, or held to answer 
for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, 
except in cases arising in the land or na- 
val forces, or in the militia when in actual 
service in time of war or public danger, 
without due process of law. 

And be it further enacted. That no per- 
son engaged in the executive, legislative, 



148 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



or judicial departments of the Government 
of the United States, or holding any office 
or trust recognized in the Constitution of 
the United States, and no person in mili- 
tary or naval service of the United States, 
shall, without due process of law, arrest or 
imprison any white inhabitant of the Uni- 
ted States who is not, or has not been, or 
shall not at the time of such arrest or im- 
prisonment be, engaged in levying war 
against the United States, or in adhering 
to the enemies of the United States, giv- 
ing them aid and comfort, nor aid, abet, 
])rocure or advise the same, except in cases 
arising in the land or naval forces, or in 
the militia when in actual service in time 
of war or public danger. And any person 
as aforesaid so arresting, or imprisoning, or 
holding, as aforesaid, as in this and the 
second section of this act mentioned, or 
aiding, abetting, or procuring, or advising 
the same, shall be deemed guilty of fel- 
ony, and, upon conviction thereof in any 
court of competent jurisdiction, shall be 
imprisoned for a term of not less than one 
nor more than five years, shall pay a fine of 
not less than $1,000 nor more than .t5000, 
and shall be forever incapable of holding 
any office or public trust under the Gov- 
ernment of the United States. 

Mr. Hale moved to strike out the word 
"white" wherever it occurs; which was 
agreed to. 

The amendment of Mr. Saulsbury, as 
amended, was then disagreed to — yeas 9, 
nays 27, as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Buckaleiv, Carlile, Cowan, 
Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Rid- 
dle, Saulsbury — 9. 

Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, CoUa- 
mer, Conness, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foster, 
Grimes, Hale, Harris, Howard, Howe, Lane 
of Indiana, Lane, of Kansas, Morgan, Mor- 
rill, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, 
Sumner, Ten Evck, Trumbull, Van Win- 
kle, Wilkinson," Willey, Wilson— 27. 

Mr. Conness moved to table the bill ; 
which was disagreed to — yeas 9, (Messrs. 
Buckalew, Carlile, Conness, Davis, Hen- 
dricks, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saulsbury,) 
nays 31. 

it was not again acted upon. 
1864, June 13 — The House passed this 
bill, introduced by Mr. Spalding, of Ohio, 
and reported from the Committee on the 
Judiciary by Mr. Morkis, of New York, 
as follows : 

Be it enacted, e<c.,that sections three and 
four of an act entitled " An act respecting 
fugitives from justice and persons escaping 
from the service of their masters," passed 
February 12, 1793, and an Act entitled 
" An act to amend, and supplementary to, 
the act entitled ' An act respecting fugi- 
tives from justice, and persons escaping 
from their masters,' passed February 12, 



1793," passed September 18, 1850, be, and 
the same are hereby, repealed. 
Yeas 86, nays 60, as follows : 
Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ar- 
nold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, 
Beaman, Blaine, Blair, Blow, Boutwell, 
Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, Ambrose W. 
Clarke, Freeeman Clark, Cobb, Cole, Cres- 
well, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Da- 
avis, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eck- 
ley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Gar- 
field, Gooch, Griswold, Higby, Hooper, 
Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard. John K. 
Hubbard, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Jenckes, .Tu- 
lian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, O. Kel- 
logg, Littlejohn, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, 
MeClurg, Mclndoe, Samuel F. Miller, 
]Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos 
Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Charles 
O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, 
Price, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, 
Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Spald- 
ing, Starr, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Tracy, 
Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Webster. Wha- 
ley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, 
Woodbridge — 86. 

Nays — Messrs. James C. Allen, William 
J. Allen, Ancona, Augustus C. Baldivin, 
Bliss, Brodks, James S. Brown, Chanler, 
Coffroih, Cox, Cravens, Dawson, Denison, 
Eden, Edgcrfon, Eldridge, English, Finck, 
Ganson, Grider, Harding, Harrington, 
Charles M. Harris, Herrirk, Holman, 
Hufrhins, Kalbjleisch, Kernan, King, Knapp, 
Law, J^azear, Le Blond, Mullory, Marcy, 
McDowell, McEinney, Wm. H. Miller, James 
R. Morris, Morrison, Odell, Pendleton, 
Pruyn, Radford, Robinson, Jas. S. Rollins, 
Ross, Smithers, John B. Steele, Wm. G. 
Steele, Stiles, Strouse, Stuart, Sweat, Wads- 
worth, Ward, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, 
Joseph W. White, Fernando Wood — 60. 

June 22 — This bill was taken up in the 
Senate, when Mr. Saulsbury moved this 
substitute : 

That no person held to service or labor 
in one State, under the laws thereof, escap- 
ing into another, shall, in consequence of 
any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or lalior, but shall be de- 
livered up on claim of the party to whom 
such service or labor may be due ; and 
Congress shall pass all necessary and pro- 
per laws for the rendition of all such per- 
sons who shall so, as aforesaid, escape. 

Which was rejected — yeas 9, nays 29, as 
follows : 

Yeas— Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Cowan, 
Dains, McD(ntgall, Powell, Richardson, 
Riddle, Saulsbury — 9. 

Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- 
ler, Clark, Conness, Dixon, Foot, Grimes, 
Hale, Harlan, Harris, Hicks, Howard, 
Howe, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Lane 
of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, 
Ramsey, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, 
Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade,Willey— 29. 



FINANCIAL LEGISLATION — INTERNAL TAXES. 149 



Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, moved an 
amendment to substitute a clause repeal- 
ing the act of 1850 ; which was rejected — 
yeas 17, nays 22, as follows : 

Yeas— Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Cowan, 
Duels, Harris, Hicks, Johnson, Lane of 
Indiana, Mi'Dottgall, Powell, Richardson, 
Riddle, S'udsban/, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, 
Van Winkle, WiUey— 17. 

Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- 



ler, Clark, 



Gonness 



Dixon, Fessenden, 
Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Howard, 
Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, 
Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sprague, Sumner, Wade, 
Wilson— 22. 

The bill then passed — yeas 27, nays 12, 
as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- 
ler, Clark, Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, 
Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Hicks, 
Howard, Howe, Lane of Indiana, Lane of 
Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Ram- 
sey, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trum- 
bull, Wade, Wilson— 27. 

Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Cowan, 
Davis, Johnson, McDougall, Powell, Rich- 
ardson, Riddle, Saulshury, Van Winkle, 
Willey— 12. 

Abraham Lincoln, President, approved 
it, June 28, 1864. 



of serious foreign 
war was goin": on. 



Seward, as Secretary of State. 

Wm. H. Seward was a master in diplo- 
macy and Statecraft, and to his skill the 
Unionists were indebted for all avoidance 
complications while the 
The most notable case 
coming under his supervision was that of 
the capture of Mason and Slidell, by Com- 
modore Wilkes, who, on the 8th of Novem- 
ber, 18l31, had intercepted the Trent with 
San Jacinto. The prisoners were Confed- 
erate agents on their way to St. James and 
St. Cloud. Both had been prominent Sen- 
ators, early secessionists, and the popular 
impulse of the North was to hold and i)Uii- 
ish them. Both Lincoln and Seward wisely 
resisted the ])assions of the hour, and when 
Great Britain demanded their release 
under the treaty of Ghent, wherein the 
right of future search of vessels was dis- 
avowed, Seward yielded, and referring to 
the terms of the treaty, said : 

" If I decide this case in favor of my 
own Government, I must disavow its most 
cherished principles, and reverse and for- 
ever abandon its essential policy. The 
country cannot afford the sacrifice. If I 
maintain those principles and adhere to 
that policy, I must surrender the case 
itself." 

The North, with high confidence in their 
President and Cabinet, readily conceded 
the wisdom of the argument, especially as 
it was clinched in the newspapers of the 
d»7 by one of Lincoln's homely remarks : 



" One war at a tiine.^' A war with Great 
Britain was thus happily avoided. 

With the incidents of the war, however, 
save as they affected politics and politi- 
cians, this work has little to do, and we 
therefore pass the suspension of the writ of 
habeas corpus, which suspension was em- 
ployed in breaking up the Maryland Legis- 
lature and other bodies when they con- 
templated secession, and it facilitated the 
arrest and punishment of men throughout 
the North who were suspected of giving 
"aid and comfort to the enemy." The 
alleged arbitrary character of these arrests 
caused much complaint from Democratic 
Senators and Representatives, but the right 
was fully enforced in the face of every form 
of protest until the war closed. The most 
prominent arrest was that of Clement L. 
Vallandigham, member of Congress from 
Ohio, who was sent into the Southern lines. 
From thence he went to Canada, and when 
a candidate for Governor in 
feated by over 100,000 majority. 



Ohio, was de- 



Fluancial Legislation — Internal Taxes. 

The Financial legislation during the 
war was as follows : 

1860, December 17 — Authorized an issue 
of $10,000,000 in Treasury notes, to be 
redeemed after the expiration of one year 
from the date of issue, and bearing such a 
rate of interest as may be offered by the 
lowest bidders. Authority was given to 
issue these notes inpayment of warrants in 
favor of public creditors at their par value, 
bearing six per cent, interest per annum. 

1861, February 8 — Authorized a loan of 
$25,000,000, bearing interest at a rate not 
exceeding six per cent, per annum, and 
reimbursable within a period not beyond 
twenty years nor less than ton years. This 
loan was made for the payment of the cur- 
rent expenses, and was to be awarded to 
the most favorable bidders. 

March 2 — Authorized a loan of $10,- 
000,000, bearing interest at a rate not ex- 
ceeding six per cent, jier annum, and re- 
imbursable after the expiration of ten 
years from July 1, 1861. In case propo- 
sals for the loan were not acceptable, au- 
thority was given to issue the whole 
amount in Treasury notes, bearing in- 
terest at a rate not exceeding six per cent. 
j)er annum. Authority was also given to 
substitute Treasure notes for the whole 
or any part of the loans for which the Sec- 
retary was by law authorized to contract 
md issue bonds, at the time of the passage 
of this act, and such treasury notes were to 
be made receivable in payment of all pub- 
lic dues, and redeemable at any time 
within two years from March 2, 1861. 

March 2 — Authorized an issue, should 
the Secretary of the Treasury deem it ex- 
pedient, of $2,800,000 in coupon bonds, 
bearing interest at the rate of six per cent. 



150 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



per annum, and redeemable in twenty- 
years, for the payment of expenses incurred 
by the Territories of Washington and 
Oregon in the suppression of Indian hos- 
tilities during the year 1855-56. 

JmZ^ 17— Authorized a loan of $250,000,- 
000, for which could be issued bonds bear- 
ing interest at a rate not exceeding 7 per 
cent, per annum, irredeemable for twenty 
years, and after that redeemable at the 
pleasure of the United States. 

Treasury notes bearing interest at the 
rate of 7.30 per cent, per annum, payable 
three years after date ; and 

United States notes without interest, 
payable on demand, to the extent of $50,- 
000,000. (Increased by act of February 
12, 1862, to $60,000,000.) 

The bonds and treasury notes to be is- 
sued in such proportions of each as the 
Secretary may deem advisable. 

August 5— Authorized an issue of bonds 
bearing 6 per cent, interest per annum, 
and payable at the pleasure of the United 
States after twenty years from date, which 
may be issued in exchange for 7.30 trea- 
sury notes ; but no such bonds to be issued 
for a less sum than $500, and the whole 
amount of such bonds not to exceed the 
whole amount of 7.30 treasury notes issued. 

February 6, 1862— Making $50,000,000 
of notes, of denominations less than $5, a 
legal tender, as recommended by Secretary 
Chase, was passed January 17, 1862. In 
the House it received the votes of the Re- 
publicans generally, and 38 Democrats. 
In the Senate it had 30 votes for to 1 
against, that of Senator Powell. 

1862, February 25 — Authorized the issue 
of $15,000,000 in legal tender United States 
notes, $50,000,000 of which to be in lieu 
of demand notes issued under act of July 
17, 1861, $500,000,000 in 6 percent, bonds, 
redeemable after five years, and payable 
twenty years from date, which may be ex- 
chano;cd for United States notes, and a 
temporarv loan of $25,000,000 in United 
States notes for not less than thirty days, 
payable after ten days' notice at 5 per 
cent, interest per annum. 

March 17 — Authorized an increase of 
TEiMVORARY LOANS of $25,000,000, bearing 
interest at a rate not exceeding 5 per cent, 
per annum. 

Juh/ 11— Authorized a ftirther increase 
of TEMPORARY LOANS of $50,000,000, mak- 
ing the whole amount authorized $100,- 
000,000. 

March 1— Authorized an issue of cer- 
tificates OP indebtedness, payable one 
year from date, in settlement of audited 
claims against the Government.^ Interest 
6 per cent, per annum, payable in gold on 
those issued prior to March 4, 1863, and in 
lawful currency on those issued on and 
after that date. Am )unt of issue not 
specified. 



1862, Jiily 11 — Authorized an additional 
issue of $150,000,000 legal tender notes, 
$35,000,000 of which might be in denomi- 
nations less than five dollars. Fifty mil- 
lion dollars of this issue to be reserved to 
pay temporary loans promptly in case of 
emergency. 

July 17 — Authorized an issue of notes 
of the fractional part of one dollar, receiv- 
able in ^Daymeut of all dues, except cus- 
toms, less than five dollars. Amount of 
issue not specified. 

1863, January 17 — Authorized the issue 
of $100,000,000 in United States notes for 
the immediate payment of the army and 
navy ; such notes to be a part of the 
amount provided for in any bill that may 
hereafter be passed by this Congress. The 
amount in this resolution is included in 
act of March 3, 1863. 

March 3 — Authorized a loan of $300,- 
000,000 for this and $600,000,000 for next 
fiscal year, for which could be issued bonds 
running not less than ten nor more than 
forty years, principal and interest payable 
in coin, bearing interest at a rate not ex- 
ceeding 6 per cent, per annum, payable on 
bonds not exceeding $100, annually, and on 
all others semi-annually. And Treasury 
NOTES (to the amount of $400,000,000) not 
exceeding three years to run, with interest 
not over 6 per cent, per annum, principal 
and interest payable in lawful money, 
which may be made a legal tender for 
their face value, excluding interest, or 
convertible into United States notes. And 
a further issue of $150,000,000 in United 
States NOTES for the purpose of converting 
the Treasury notes which may be issued 
under this act, and for no other purpose. 
And a further issue, if necessaiy, for the 
pavmeut of the army and navy, and other 
creditors of the Government, of $150,000,- 
000 in United States notes, which amount 
includes the $100,000,000 authorized by 
the joint resolution of Congress, January 
17, 1863. The whole amount of bonds, 
treasury notes, and United States notes 
issued "under this act not to exceed the 
sum of $900,000,000. 

March 3 — Authorized to issue not ex- 
ceeding $50,000,000 in fractional cur- 
rency, (in lieu of postage or other stamps, ) 
exchangeable for United States notes in 
sums not less than three dollars, and re- 
ceivable for any dues to the United States 
less than five dollars, except duties on im- 
ports. The whole amount issued, includ- 
ing postage and other stami)s issued as 
currency, not to exceed $50,000,000. 
Authoritv was given to prepare it in the 
Treasury Department, under the supervi- 
sion of the Secretary. 

1864, March 3— Authorized, in lieu of so 
much of the loan of March 3, 1863, a loan 
of $200,000,000 for the current fiscal year, 
for which mav be issued bonds redeemable 



INTERNAL TAXES. 



151 



after five and within forty years, principal 
and interest payable in coin, bearing interest 
at a rate not exceeding 6 per cent, per an- 
num, payable annually on bonds not over 
$100, and on all others semi-annually. 
These bonds to be exempt from taxation 
by or under State or municipal authority. 

1864, June 30 — Authorized a loan of 
$400,000,000, for which may be issued 
bonds, redeemable after five nor more than 
thirty years, or if deemed expedient, made 
payable at any period not more than forty 
years from date — interest not exceeding six 
per cent, semi-annually, in coin. 

Pending the loan bill of June 22, 1862, 
bef)re the House in Committee of the 
Whole, and the question being on the first 
section, authorizing a loan of$400,000,000, 
closing with this clause : 

And all bonds. Treasury notes, and oth- 
er obligations of the United States shall be 
exempt from taxation by or under state or 
municipal authority. 

There was a sharp political controversy 
on this question, but the House finally 
agreed to it by 77 to 71. Party lines were 
not then distinctly drawn on financial issues. 

INTERNAL TAXES. 



The system of internal revenue taxes 
imposed during the war did not evenly 
divide parties until near its close, when 
Democrats were generally arrayed against 
these taxes. They cannot, from the record, 
be correctly classed as political issues, yet 
their adoption and the feelings since en- 
gendered by them, makes a brief summary 
of the record essential. 

First Session, Tlilrty-Seventli Congress. 

The bill to provide increased revenue 
from imports, »fec., passed the House August 
2, 1861— yeas 89, nays 39. 

Same day, it passed the Senate — yeas 34, 
nays 8, (Messrs. BrecMnridge, Bright, John- 
son, of Missouri, Kennedy, Latham, Polk, 
Powell, Saidsbury.)* 

Second Session, TUirty-Seventli Congress. 

The Internal Revenue Act of 1862. 

1862, April 8— The House passed the bill 
to provide internal revenue, support the 
Government, and pay interest on the public 
debt — yeas 126, nays 15. The Nays were: 

Messrs. William Allen, George H. Browne, 
Buffinton, Cox, Kerrigan, Knapp, Law, 
Norton, Pendleton, Richardson, Shiel, Val- 
landigham, Voorhees, Chilton A. White, 
Wickliffe—\b. 

June 6 — The bill passed in the Senate — 
yeas 37, nay 1, (Mr. Powell.) 

First Session TUlrty-Eishtli Congress. 

Inlernal Revenue Act o/lS64. 

A^ril 28— The House passed the act of 

1864 — yeas 110, nays 39. The Nays were: 

Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, 

* Democrats in italics. 



Ancona, Brooks, Chanler, Cox, Dawson, 
Denison, Eden, Eldridge, Finck, Harring- 
ton, Benjamin G. Harris, Herrick, Philip 
Johnson, William Johnson, Knapp, Law, Le 
Blond, Long, Marcy, McDowell, McKin- 
ney, James R. Morris, Morrison, Noble, John 
0^ Neil, Pendleton, Perry, Robinson, Ross, 
Stiles, Strouse, Stuart, Voorhees, Ward, Chil- 
ton A. White, Joseph W. White, Fernando 
Wood—Z^. 

June 6— The Senate amended and passed 
the bill — yeas 22, nays 3, (Messrs. Davis, 
Hendricks, Powell. ) 

The bill, as finally agreed upon by a 
Committee of Conference, passed without 
a division. 

Second Session, Tliirty-Seventli Congress. 

Tarijf Act of 1862. 

In House— 1862, July 1— The House 
passed, without a division, a bill increasing 
temporarily the duties on imports, and for 
other purposes. 

July 8 — The Senate passed it without a 
division. 

THE TARIFF ACT OF 1864. 

June 4 — The House passed the bill — 
yeas 81, nays 28. The Nays were : 

Messrs. James C, Allen, Bliss, James S. 
Broion, Cox, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, 
Grider, Harding, Harringto7i, Chas. M. 
Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hutchins, Le 
Blond, Long, Malloi-y, Marcy, McDowell, 
Morrison, Noble, Pendleton, Perry, Pruyn, 
Ross, Wadsivorth, Chilton A. White, Joseph 
W. White -2S. 

June 17 — The Senate passed the bill — 
yeas 22, nays 5, (Messrs. Buckalew, Hen- 
dricks, McDougall, Powell, Richardson.) 

Second Session, Thirtj'-Seventli Congress/ 

Tiu-es in Insurrectionary Districts, 18(J2. 

1862, May 12— The bill for the collec- 
tion of taxes in the insurrectionary dis- 
tricts passed the Senate — yeas 32, nays 3, 
as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, 
Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, 
Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Harlan, Harris, 
Henderson, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, 
Lane of Kansas, Latham, McDougall, Mor- 
rill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Rice, Sherman, 
Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, 
Wilkinson, Willev, Wilson, of Massachu- 
setts, Wright— m. 

Nays— Messrs. Howard, Poivell, Sauls- 
bury — 3. 

May 28 — The bill passed House— yeas 
98, nays 17. The Nays were : 

Messrs. 5/rZd?e, Calvert, Cravens, Johnson^ 
Kerrigan, JjOw, Mallory, Menzies, Noble, 
Norton, Pendleton, Perm. Francis Thomaa 
Vallandlgham, Ward, Wickliffe, Wood—VJ. 

The Democrats who voted Aye were : 

Messrs. Ancona, Baily, Cobb, English, 
Haight, Holman, Lehman, Odell, Phelps, 

* Democrats in italics. 



152 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Richardson, James S. Rollins, Sheffield, 
Smith, John B. Steele, Wm. G. Steele. 

TAXES IN INSURRECTIONARY DISTRICTS, 

18G4. 

In Senate, June 27 — The bill passed the 
Senate without a division. 

July 2 — It passed the House without a 
division. 

Many financial measures and proposi- 
tions were rejected, and we shall not at- 
tempt to give the record on these. All 
that were passed and went into operation 
can be more readily understood by a glance 
at our Tabulated History, in Book VII., 
which gives a full view of the financial 
history and sets out all the loans and reve- 
nues., We ought not to close this review, 
however, without giving here a tabulated 
statement, from " McPherson's History of 
the Great Rebellion," of 



The Confederate Debt. 

December 31, 1862, the receipts of the 
Treasury from the commencement of the 
" Permanent Government," (February 18, 
1862,) were as follows : 



RECEIPTS. 

Patent fund 

Customs 

Miscellaneous 

Repayments of disbursing offi- 
cers 

Interest on loans 

Call loan certificates .... 

One hundred million loan . . 

Treasury notes 

Interest bearing notes . . . 

War tax 

Loan 28tli of February, 1861 . 

Coin received from Bank of 
Louisiana 



$13,920 00 

668,566 00 

2,291,812 00 

3,839,263 00 

26,583 00 

59,742,796 00 

41,398,286 00 

215,554,885 00 

113,740.000 00 

16,664,513 00 

1,375,476 00 

2,539,799 00 



Total 1457,855,704 00 

Total debt up to December 31, 

1862 556,105,100 00 

Estimated amount at that date 
necessary to support the Gov- 
ernment to July, 1863, was 357,929,229 00 

Up to December 31, 1862, the issues of 
the Treasury were : 

Notes $440,678,510 00 

Redeemed 30,193,479 50 



Outstanding $410,485,030 50 



From January 1, 1863 
1863, the receipts of the 

For 8 per cent, stock ■. . 

For 7 per cent, stock . . 

For 6 per cent, stock . . 

For ^ per cent, stock . . 

For 4 per cent, stock . . 
Cotton certificates . . 

Interest on loans . . . 

War tax 



, to September 30, 
Treasury were : 

. $107,292,900 70 

. 38,757,650 70 

6,810,050 00 

, . 22,992,900 00 

. . 482,200 00 

, . 2,000,000 00 

. . 140,210 00 

4,128,988 97 



Treasury notes 391,623,530 00 

Sequestration 1,862,550 27 

Customs 934,798 68 

Export duty on cotton . . . 8,101 78 

Patent fund 10,794 04 

Miscellaneous, including re- 
payments by disbursing offi- 
cers 24,498,217 93 

Total $601,522,893 12 

EXPENDITURES DURING THAT TIME. 

War Department $377,988,244 00 

Navy Department 38,437,661 00 

<'ivil, miscellaneous, etc . . . 11,629,278 00 

Customs 56,636 00 

Public debt 32,212,290 00 

Notes cancelled and redeemed 59,044.449 00 

Total expenditures .... $519,368,5.59 00 
Total receipts 601,522,893 00 

Balance in treasury .... $82,154,334 00 

But from this amount is to be deducted the 
amount of all Treasury notes that have been 
funded, but which have not yet received a true 
estimation, $66,000,000 ; total remaining, $17,- 
154,334. 

CONDITION OF THE TREASURY, JANUARY 

1, 1864. 

Jan. 25 — The Secretary of the Treasury 
(C. G. Memminger) laid before the Senate 
a statement in reply to a resolution of the 
20th, asking information relative to the 
funded debt, to call certificates, to non-in- 
terest and interest-bearing Treasury notes, 
and other financial matters. From this it 
appears that, January, 1864, the funded 
debt was as follows : 

ActFeb 28,1861, S^cent., 15,000,000 00 

Act May 16, ISfil, 8 -f cent , 8,774.900 00 

Act Aug. v.), ISGl, 8 V cent., 100,000,000 00 

A<-t Apr. 12, 1862, 8 "jf cent., 3,612,300 00 

Act Feb. 20, 186H, 8 '^. cent., 95,78.5,000 00 

Act Fell. 20, 1863, 7 "recent., 63,615,750 00 

Act Mm- 23,1863, 6 -ij)| cent., 2,831,700 00 

Act Aiiril 30, 1863 (cotton 

interest coupons) 8,252,000 00 

$297,871,6.50 00 

Call certificates 89,206,770 00 

Non-interest bearing Treasury notes out- 
standing : 

Act May 16, 1861— Payable 

two years after date 8,320,875 00 

Act Aug. 19, 1861- General 
currency 189,719,251 00 

Act Oct. 13, 1861— All de- 
nominations 131,028,366 50 

Act March 23— All denomi- 
nations 391,829,702 50 

720,898,095 00 

Interest bearing Treasury notes outstand- 

j,i,, 102,465,450 00 

AniiMint of Treasury notes 
under S 5, outstanding 
Jan. 1, 1864, vi/,: 

Act April 17, 18(12, denomi- 
nations of S 1 and S 2 4,860,277 50 

Act Oct. 13, 1862, $ 1 and S 2 2,344,800 00 

Act March 23, 1863, 50 

cents .3,419,000 00 ,„^„^__ 

Total under«5 10 ,424,077 50 

Total debt, Jan. 1, 1864 $1,220,866,042 60 



CONFEDERATE TAXES. 



15a 



ITS CONDITION, MARCH 31, 1864. 

The Register of the Treasury, Robert 
Tyler, gave a statement, which appeared 
in the Richmond Sentinel after the passage 
of the funding law, which gives the amount 
of outstanding non-interest-bearing Trea- 
sury notes, March 31, 1864, as $796,264,403, 
as follows : 
Act May 16, 1861— Ten-year 

notes 17,201,375 00 

Act Aua;. 19, 1861— General 

currency 154,365,631 00 

Act Apr. 19, 1862— ones and 

twos 4,516,509 00 

Act Oct. 18, 1862— General 

currency 118,997,321 50 

Act Mar. 23, 1863— General 

currency 511,182,566 50 

Total . $796,264,403 00 

He also publishes this statement of the 
issue of non-interest-bearing Treasury 
notes since the organization of the " Con- 
federate " government : 

Fifty cents $911,258 50 

Ones .... 4,882,000 00 

Twos ■ ■ ■ ■ 6,086,320 00 

Fives' ' 79,090,315 00 

Tens ' ' ' 157,982,750 00 

Twenties *.'.'. 217,425,120 00 

Fifties 188,088,200 00 



Total $973,277,363 50 



Confederate Taxes. 

We also append as full and fair a state- 
ment of Confederate taxes as can be pro- 
cured, beginning with a summary of the 
act authorizing the issue of Treasury not^s 
and bonds, and providing a war tax for 
their redemption : 



THE TAX ACT OF JULY, 1861. 

The Richmond Enquirer gives the fol- 
lowing summary of the act authorizing 
the issue of Treasury notes and bonds, and 
providing a war tax for their redemption : 

Section one authorizes the issue of 
Treasury notes, payable to bearer at the 
expiration of six months after the ratifica- 
tion of a treaty of peace between the Con- 
federate States and the United States. 
The notes are not to be of a less denomi- 
nation than five dollars, to be re-issued at 
pleasure, to be received in payment of all 
public dues, except the export duty on cot- 
ton, and the whole issue outstanding at 
one time, including the amount issued 
under former acts, are not to exceed one 
hundred millions of dollars. 

Section two provides that, for the pur- 
pose of funding the said notes, or for the 
purpose of purchasing specie or military 
stores, &c., bonds may be issued, payable 
not more than twenty years after date, to 



the amount of one hundred millions of dol- 
lars, and bearing an interest of eight per 
cent, per annum. This amount includes 
the thirty millions already authorized to 
be issued. The bonds are not to be issued 
in less amounts than $100, except when the 
subscription is for a less amount, when 
they may be issued as low as $50. 

Section three provides that holders of 
Treasury notes may at any time exchange 
them for bonds. 

Section four provides that, for the special 
purpose of paying the principal and inter- 
est of the public debt, and of supporting 
the Government, a war tax shall be as- 
sessed and levied of fifty cents upon each 
one hundred dollars in value of the follow- 
ing property in the Confederate States, 
namely : Real estate of all kinds ; slaves ; 
merchandise ; bank stocks ; railroad and 
other corporation stocks; money at in- 
terest or invested by individuals in the 
purchase of bills, notes, and other securi- 
ties for money, except the bonds of the 
Confederate States of America, and cash 
on hand or on deposit in bank or elsewhere ; 
cattle, horses, and mules; gold watches, 
gold and silver plate ; pianos and pleasure 
carriages: Provided, however, That when 
the taxable property, herein above enu- 
merated, of any head of a family is of value 
less than five hundred dollars, such tax- 
able property shall be exempt from taxa- 
tion under this act. It provides further 
that the property of colleges, schools, and 
religious associations shall be exempt. 

The remaining sections provide for the 
collection of the tax. 

THE TAX ACT OF DECEMBER 19, 1861. 

An act supplementary to an act to authorize 
the issue of Treasury notes, and to pro- 
vide a tear tax for their redemption. 
Sec. 1. The Congress of the Confederate - 
States of America do enact. That the Sec- 
retary of the Treasury is hereby authorized 
to pay over to the several banks, which 
have made advances to the Government, 
in anticipation of the issue of Treasury 
notes, a sufficient amount, not exceeding 
$10,000,000, for the principal and interest 
due upon the said advance, according to 
the engagements made with them. 

Sec. 2. The time affixed by the said act 
for making assignments is hereby extend- 
ed to the 1st day of January next, and the 
time for the completion and delivery of the 
lists is extended to the 1st day of March 
next, and the time for the report of the 
said lists to the chief collector is extended 
to the 1st day of Mav next ; and in cases 
where the time thus fixed shall be found 
insufficient, the Secretary of the Treasury 
shall have power to make further exten- 
sion, as circumstances may require. 

Sec. 3. The cash on hand, or on deposit 
in the bank, or elsewhere, mentioned iu 



154 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



the fourth sectiou of said act, is hereby de- 
clared to be subject to assessment and tax- 
ation, and the money at interest, or invest- 
ed by individuals in the purchase of bills, 
notes, and other securities for money, shall 
be deemed to include securities for money 
belonging to non-residents, and such se- 
curities shall be returned, and the tax 
thereon paid by any agent or trustee hav- 
ing the same in possession or under his 
control. The term merchandise shall be 
construed to include merchandise belong- 
ing to any non-resident, and the property 
shall be returned, and the tax paid by any 
person having the same in possession as 
agent, attorney, or consignee : Provided, 
That the words "money at interest," as 
used in the act to which this act is an 
amendment, shall be so construed as to in- 
clude all notes, or other evidences of debt, 
bearing interest, without reference to the 
consideration of the same. The exception 
allowed by the twentieth section for agri- 
cultural products shall be construed to em- 
brace such products only when in the 
hands of the producer, or held for his ac- 
count. But no tax shall be assessed or 
levied on any money at interest when the 
notes, bond, bill, or other security taken 
for its payment, shall be worthless from 
the insolvency and total inability to pay 
of the payer or obligor, or person liable to 
make such payment ; and all securities for 
money payable under this act shall be 
assessed according to their value, and the 
assessor shall have the same power to as- 
certain the value of such securities as the 
law confers upon him with respect to other 
property. 

Sec. 4. That an amount of money, not 
■exceeding $25,000, shall be and the same 
is hereby 'appropriated, out of any money 
in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, 
^ to be disbursed under the authority of the 
Secretary of the Treasury, to the chief 
State tax collectors, for such expenses as 
shall be actually incurred for salaries of 
clerks, ofBce hire, stationery, and inciden- 
tal charges ; but the books and printing 
required shall be at the expense of the de- 
partment, and subject to its approval. 

Sec. 5. The lien for the tax shall attach 
from the date of the assessment, and shall 
follow the same into every State in the 
Confederacy ; and in case any person shall 
attempt to remove any property which may 
he liable to tax, beyond the jurisdiction of 
the State in which the tax is payable, 
without payment of the tax, the collector 
of the district may distrain upon and sell 
the same, in the same manner as is pro- 
vided in cases where default is made in 
the payment of the tax. 

Sec. 6. On the report of any chief col- 
lector, that any county, town or district, 
or any part thereof, is occupied by the 
public enemy, or has been so occupied as 



to occasion destruction of crops or property, 
the Secretary of the Treasury may suspend 
the collection of tax in such region until 
the same can be reported to Congress, and 
its action had thereon. 

Sec. 7. In case any of the Confederate 
States shall undertake to pay the tax to be 
collected within its limits before the time 
at which the district collectors shall enter 
upon the discharge of their duties, the 
Secretary of the Treasury may suspend the 
appointment of such collectors, and may 
direct the chief collector to appoint assess- 
ors, and to take proper measures for the 
making and perfecting the returns, assess- 
ments and lists required by law ; and the 
returns, assessments and lists so made, 
shall have the same legal validity, to all 
intents and purposes, as if made according 
to the provisions of the act to which this 
act is supplementary. 

Sec. 8. That tax lists already given, 
varying from the provisions of this act, 
shall be corrected so as to conform thereto. 

THE TAX act OF APRIL 24, 1863. 

[From the Richmond Whig, April 21.] 

We present below a synopsis of the bill 
to lay taxes for the common defence and 
to carry on the government of the Confed- 
erate States, which has passed both 
branches of Congress. It is substantially 
the bill proposed by the committee on 
conference : 

1. The first section imposes a tax of 
eight per cent, upon the value of all naval 
stores, salt, wines and spirituous liquors, 
tobacco, manufactured or unmanufactured, 
cotton, wool, flour, sugar, molasses, syrup, 
rice, and other agricultural products, held 
or owned on the 1st day of July next, and 
not necessary for family consumption for 
the unexpired portion of the year 1863, 
and of the growth or production of any 
year preceding the year 1863 ; and a tax 
of one per cent, upon all moneys, bank 
notes or other currency on hand or on de- 
posit on the 1st day of July next, and on 
the value of all credits on which the in- 
terest has not been paid, and not employed 
in a business, the income derived from 
which is taxed under the provisions of this 
act: Provided, That all moneys owned, 
held or deposited beyond the limits of the 
Confederate States shall be valued at the 
current rate of exchange in Confederate 
treasury notes. The tax to be assessed on 
the first day of July and collected on the 
first day of October next, or as soon there- 
after as may be practicable. 

2. Every person engaged, or intending 
to engage, in any business named in the 
fifth section, shall, within sixty days after 
the passage of the act, or at the time of be- 
ginning business, and on the first of Janu- 
ary in each year thereafter, register with 
the district collector a true account of the 



CONFEDERATE TAXES. 



155 



name and residence of each person, firm, 
or corporation engaged or interested in the 
business, with a statement of the time for 
which, and the place and manner in which 
the same is to be conducted &c. At the 
time of the registry there shall be paid the 
specific tax for the year ending on the 
next 31st of December, and such other tax 
as may be due upon sales or receipts m 
such business. 

3 Any person failing to make such 
registry and pay such tax, shall, m addi- 
tion to all other taxes upon his business im- 
posed by the act, pay double the amount 
of the specific tax on such business and a 
like sum for every thirty days of such 
failure. 

4. Requires a separate registry and tax 
for each business mentioned in the htth 
section, and for each place of conducting 
the same ; but no tax for mere storage ot 
coods at a place other than the registered 
place of business. A new registry required 
upon every change in the place of conduct- 
ing a registered business, upon the death 
of any person conducting the same, or 
upon the transfer of the business to an- 
other, but no additional tax. 

5 Imposing the following taxes for the 
year ending 31st of December, 1863, and 
for each year thereafter : 
Bankers shall pay $500. 
Auctioneers, retail dealers, tobacconists, 
pedlers, cattle brokers, apothecaries, pho- 
tographers, and confectioners, f50, and 
two and a half per centum on the gross 
amount of sales made. 

Wholesale dealers in liquors, $200, and 
five per centum on gross amount of sales. 
Retail dealers in liquors, $100, and ten per 
centum on gross amount of sales. 

Wholesale dealers in groceries, goods, 
wares, merchandise, &c., $200, and two 
and a half per centum. 

Pawnbrokers, money and exchange bro- 
kers, $200. 

Distillers, $200, and twenty per centum. 
Brewers, $100, and two and a half per cen- 

Hotels, inns, taverns, and eating-houses 
first class, $500 ; second class, $300 ; third 
class, $200 ; fourth class, 100 ; fifth class, 
$30. Every house where food or refresh- 
ments are sold, and every boarding house 
where there shall be six boarders or more, 
shall be deemed an eating house under 

this act. 

Commercial brokers or commission mer- 
chants, $200, and two and a half per cen- 
tum. 

Theatres, $500, and five per centum on 
all receipts. Each circus, $100, and $10 
for each exhibition. Jugglers and other 
persons exhibiting shows, $50. 

Bowling alleys and billiard rooms, $40 
for each alley or table registered. 



Livery stable keepers, lawyers, physi- 
cians, surgeons, and dentists, $50. 

Butchers and bakers, $50, and one per 
centum. . 

6. Every person registered and taxed is 
required to make returns of the gross 
amount of sales from the passage of the act 
to the 30th of June, and every three months 
thereafter. 

7. A tax upon all salaries, except ot per- 
sons in the military or naval service, of one 
per cent, when not exceeding $1,500, and 
two per cent, upon an excess over that 
amount : Provided, That no taxes shall be 
imposed by virtue of this act on the salary 
of any person receiving a salary not ex- 
ceeding $1,000 per annum, or at a like rate 
for another period of time, longer or 
shorter. . 

8 Provides that the tax on annual in- 
comes between $500 and $1,500, shall be 
five per cent. ; between $1,500 and $3,000, 
five per cent, on the first $1,500 and ten 
per cent, on the excess ; between $3,000 
and $5,000, ten per cent. ; between $5,000 
and $10,000, twelve and a half per cent. ; 
over $10,000, fifteen per cent., subject to 
the following deductions : On incomes de- 
rived from rents of real estate, manufac- 
turing, and mining establishments, &c., a 
sum sufficient for necessary annual repairs ; 
on incomes from any mining or manufac- 
turing business, the rent, (if rented,) cost 
of labor actually hired, and raw material ; 
on incomes from navigating enterprises, 
the hire of the vessel, or allowance for 
wear and tear of the same, not exceeding 
ten per cent. ; on incomes derived from the 
sale of merchandise or any other property, 
the prime cost of transportation, salaries of 
clerks, and rent of buildings ; on incomes 
from any other occupation, the salaries of 
clerks, rent, cost of labor, material, &c. ; 
and in case of mutual insurance compa- 
nies, the amount of losses paid by them 
during the year. Incomes derived from 
other lources are subject to no deductions 
whatever. 

All joint stock companies and corpora- 
tions shall pay one tenth of the dividend 
and reserved fund annually. If the an- 
nual earnings shall give a profit of more 
than ten and less than twenty per cent, on 
capital stock, one eighth to be paid; if 
more than twenty i)er cent., one sixth. 
The tax to be collected on the 1st of Janu- 
ary next, and of each year thereafter. 

9. Relates to estimates and deductions, 
investigations, referees, &c. 

10. A tax of ten per cent, on all profits 
in 1862 by the purchase and sale of flour, 
corn, bacon, pork, oats, hay, rice, salt, iron 
or the manufactures of iron, sugar, mo- 
lasses made of cane, butter, woolen cloths, 
shoes, boots, blankets, and cotton cloths. 
Does not apply to regular retail business. 

11. Each farmer, after reserving for his 



156 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



own use fifty bushels sweet and fifty 
bushels Irish potatoes, one hundred bushels 
corn or fifty bushels wheat produced this 
year, shall pay and deliver to the Con- 
federate Government one tenth of the 
grain, potatoes, forage, sugar, molasses, cot- 
ton, wool, and tobacco produced. After 
reserving twenty bushels peas or beans he 
shall deliver one tenth thereof. 

12. Every farmer, planter, or grazier, one 
tenth of the hogs slaughtered by him, in 
cured bacon, at the rate of sixty pounds of 
bacon to one hundred pounds of pork ; one 
per cent, upon the value of all neat cattle, 
horses, mules, not used in cultivation, and 
asses, to be paid by the owners of the same ; 
beeves sold to be taxed as income. 

13. Gives in detail the duties of post 
quartermasters under the act. 

14. Relates to the duties of assessors and 
collectors. 

15. Makes trustees, guardians, &c., re- 
sponsible for taxes due from estates, &c., 
under their control. 

16. Exempts the income and moneys of 
hospitals, asylums churches, schools, and 
colleges from taxation under the act. 

17. Authorizes the Secretary of the Trea- 
sury to make all rules and regulations ne- 
cessary to the operation of the act. 

18. Provides that the act shall be in 
force for two years from the expiration of 
the present year, unless sooner repealed ; 
that the tax on naval stores, flour, wool, 
cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural pro- 
ducts of the growth of any year preceding 
1863, imposed in the first section, shall be le- 
vied and collected only for the present year. 

The tax act of Februar}' 17, 1864, levies, 
in addition to the above rates, the follow- 
ing, as stated in the Richmond Sentinel of 
February, 1864 : 

Sec. 1. Upon the value of real, personal, 
and mixed property, of every kind and de- 
scription, except the exemptions hereafter 
to be named, five per cent. ; the tax levied 
on property employed in agriculture to be 
credited by the value of property in kind. 

On gold and silver ware, plate, jewels, 
and watches, ten per cent. 

The tax to be levied on the value of 
property in 1860, except in the case of 
land, slaves, cotton, and tobacco, pur- 
chased since January 1st, 1862, upon which 
the tax shall be levied on the price paid. 

Sec. 2. A tax of five per cent, on the 
value of all shares in joint stock companies 
of any kind, whether incorporated or not. 
The shares to be valued at their market 
value at the time of assessment. 

Sec. 3. Upon the market value of gold 
and silver coin or bullion, five per cent. ; 
also the same upon moneys held abroad, or 
all bills of exchange drawn therefor. 

A tax of five per cent, on all solvent 
credits, and on all bank bills and papers 
used as currency, except non-interest-bear- 



ing Confederate Treasury notes, and not 
employed in a registered business taxed 
twenty-five per cent. 

Sec. 4. Profits in trade and business 
taxed as follows : 

On the purchase and sale of agricultural 
products and mercantile wares generally, 
from January 1, 1863, to Januarj^ 1, 1865, 
ten per cent, in addition to the tax under 
the act of April 24, 1863. 

The same on the purchase and sale of 
coin, exchange, stocks, notes, and credits 
of any kind, and any property not in- 
cluded in the foregoing. 

On the amount of profits exceeding 
twenty-five per cent, of any bank, banking 
company, or joint stock company of any de- 
scription, incorporated or not, twenty-five 
per cent, on such excess. 

Sec 5. The following are exempted 
from taxation. 

Five hundred dollars' worth of property 
for each head of a family, and a hundred 
dollars additional for each minor child ; 
and for each son in the army or navy, or 
who has fallen in the service, and a mem- 
ber of the family when he enlisted, the 
further sum of $500. 

One thousand dollars of the property 
of the widow or minor children of any 
oflacer, soldier, sailor, or marine, who has 
died in the service. 

A like amount of property of any offi- 
cer, soldier, sailor, or marine, engaged in 
the service, or who has been disabled 
therein, provided said property, exclusive 
of furniture, does not exceed in value $1,000. 

When property has been injured or de- 
stroyed by the enemy, or the owner unable 
temporarily to use or occupy it by reason 
of the presence or proximity of the enemy, 
the assessment may be reduced in propor- 
tion to the damage sustained by the owner, 
and the tax in the same ratio by the dis- 
trict collector. 

Sec. 6. The taxes on property for 1864 
to be assessed as on the day of the passage 
of this act, and collected the 1st of June 
next, with ninety days extension west of 
the Mississippi. The additional tax on 
incomes or profits for 1863, to be paid 
forthwith ; the tax on incomes, &c., for 1864, 
to be collected according to the acts of 1863. 

Sec. 7. Exempts from tax on income for 
1864, all pro])erty herein taxed ad valorem. 
The tax on Confederate bonds in no case 
to exceed the interest payable on the 
same; and said bonds exempt from tax 
when held by minors or lunatics, if the in- 
terest do not exceed one thousand dollars. 

THE TAX LAW. 

We learn that, according to the construc- 
tion of the recent tax law in the Treasury 
Department, tax payers will be required to 
state the articles and objects subjected to a 
specific or ad valorem tax, held, owned, or 



CONFEDERATE TAXES. 



157 



possessed by them on the 17th day of Febru- 
ary, 1864, the date of the act. 

The daily wages of detailed soldiers and 
other employes of the Government are not 
liable to taxation as income, although they 
may amount, in the aggregate, to the sum 
of $1,000 per annum. 

A tax additional to both the above was 
imporsed as follows, June 1, 1864 : 



A bill to provide supplies for the army, and 
to prescribe the mode of making im- 
pressments. 

Sec. 1. The Congress of the Confederate 
States of America do enact, Every person 
required to pay a tax in kind, under the 
provisions of the " Act to lay taxes for the 
common defense and carry on the Govern- 
ment of the Confederate States," approved 
April 24, 1863, and the act amendatory 
thereof, approved February 17, 1864, shall, 
in addition to the one tenth required by 
said acts to be paid as a tax in kind, de- 
liver to the Confederate Government, of 
the products of the present year and of the 
year 1865, one other tenth of the several 
products taxed in kind by the acts afore- 
said, which additional one tenth shall be 
ascertained, assessed and collected, in all 
respects, as is provided by law for the said 
tax in kind, and shall be paid for, on de- 
livery, by the Post-Quartermasters in the 
several districts at the assessed value there- 
of, except that payment for cotton and to- 
bacco shall be made by the agents of the 
Treasury Department appointed to receive 
the same. 

Sec. 2. The supplies necessary to the 
support of the producer and his family, and 
to carry on his ordinary business, shall be 
exempted from the contribution required 
by the preceding section, and from the ad- 
ditional impressments authorized by the 
act: Provided, however, That nothing here- 
in contained shall be construed to repeal 
or aifect the provisions of an act entitled 
" An act to authorize the impressment of 
meat for the use of the army, under certain 
circumstances,'' approved Feb. 17, 1864, 
and if the amount of any article or product 
so necessary cannot be agreed upon be- 
tween the assessor and the producer, it 
shall be ascertained and determined by 
disinterested freeholders of the vicinage, as 
is provided in cases of disagreement as to 
the estimates and assessments of tax in 
kind. If required by the assessor, such 
freeholder shall ascertain whether a pro- 
ducer, who is found unable to ftirnish the 
additional one tenth of any one product, 
cannot supply the deficiency by the de- 
livery of an equivalent in other products, 
and upon what terms such commutation 
shall be made. Any commutation thus 
awarded shall be enforced and collected, in 
all respects, as is provided for any other 
contribution required by this act. 



Sec. 3. The Secretary of War may, at 
his discretion, decline to assess, or, after 
assessment, may decline to collect the 
whole or any part of the additional one 
tenth herein provided for, in any district 
or locality ; and it shall be his duty 
promptly to give notice of any such de- 
termination, specifying, with reasonable 
certainty, the district or locality and the 
product, or the proportion thereof, as to 
which he so declines. 

Sec. 4. The products received for the 
contribution herein required, shall be dis- 
posed of and accounted for in the same 
manner as those received for the tax in 
kind ; and the Secretary of War may, 
whenever the exigencies of the public ser- 
vice will allow, authorize the sale of pro- 
ducts received from either source, to pub- 
lic officers or agents charged in any State 
with the duty of providing for the families 
of soldiers. Such sale shall be at the 
prices paid or assessed for the products 
sold, including the actual cost of collec- 
tions. 

Sec. 5. If, in addition to the tax in kind 
and the contribution herein required, the 
necessities of the army or the good of the 
service shall require other supplies of food 
or forage, or any other private property, 
and the same cannot be procured by con- 
tract, then impressments may be made of 
such supplies or other property, either for 
absolute ownership or for temporary use, 
as the public necessities may require. Such 
impressments shall be made in accordance 
with the provisions, and subject to the re- 
strictions of the existing impressment laws, 
except so far as is herein otherwise pro- 
vided. 

Sec. 6. The right and the duty of mak- 
ing impressments is hereby confided exclu- 
sively to the officers and agents charged in 
the several districts with the assessment 
and collection of the tax in kind and of 
the contribution herein required ; and all 
officers and soldiers in any department of 
the army are hereby expressly prohibited 
from undertaking in any manner to inter- 
fere with these officers and agents in any 
part of their duties in respect to the tax in 
kind, the contribution, or the impressment 
herein provided for: Provided, That this 
prohibition shall not be applicable to any 
district, county, or parish in which there 
shall be no officer or agent charged with 
the appointment and collection of the tax 
in kind. 

Sec. 7. Supplies or other property taken 
by impressment shall be paid for by the 
post quartermasters in the several districts, 
and shall be disposed of and accounted for 
by them as is required in respect to the tax 
in kind and the contribution herein re- 
quired ; and it shall be the duty of the 
post quartermasters to equalize and appor- 
tion the impressments within their dis- 



158 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



tricts, as far as practicable, so as to avoid 
oppressing any portion of the community. 

Sec. 8. If any one not authorized by law 
to collect the tax in kind or the contribu- 
tion herein required, or to make impress- 
ments, shall undertake, on any pretence of 
such authority, to seize or impress, or to 
collect or receive any such property, or 
shall, on any such pretence, actually obtain 
such property, he shall, upon conviction 
thereof, be punished by fine not exceeding 
five times the value of such property, and 
be imprisoned not exceeding five years, at 
the discretion of the court having jurisdic- 
tion. And it shall be the duty of all ofii- 
cers and agents charged with the assess- 
ment and collection of the tax in kind 
and of the contribution herein required, 
promptly to report, through the post quar- 
termasters in the several districts, any vio- 
lation or disregard of the provisions of this 
act by any ofiicer or soldier in the service 
of the Confederate States. 

Sec. 9. That it shall not be lawful to 
impress any sheep, milch cows, broodmares, 
stud horses, jacks, bulls, or other stock 
kept or necessary for raising horses, mules, 
or cattle. 

The following is the vote by which the 
bill passed the Senate : 

Yeas — Messrs. Caperton, Graham, 
Haynes, Jemison, Johnson (Ark.), John- 
son (Mo.), Mitchell, Orr, Walker, Watson 
—10. 

Nays — Messrs. Baker, Burnett, Henry, 
Hunter, Maxwell, Semmes, Sparrow — 7. 



Admitting AVest Virginia. 

An important political movement in the 
early years of the war was the separation 
of West Virginia from the mother State, 
which had seceded, and her admission in- 
to the Union. 

SECOND SESSION, THIRTY-SEVENTH CON- 
GRESS. 

In Senate, 1862, July 14.— The bill pro- 
viding for the admission of the State of 
West Virginia into the Union, passed — 
yeas 23, nays 17, as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Colla- 
mer, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, 
Harlan, Harris, Howe, Lane of Indiana, 
Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Rice, 
Sherman, Simmons, Ten Eyck, Wade, 
Wilkinson, Willey, Wilson of Massachu- 
aetts— 23. 

NAYS—Messrs. Bayard, Browning, Car- 
lile, Chandler, Cowan, Davis, Howard, 
Kennedy, King, McDougal, Powell, Sauls- 
bury, Stark, Sumner, Trumbull, Wilson of 
Missouri, Wright — 17. 

During the pendency of this bill, July 
14, 1862, Mr. Sumner moved to strike from 
the first section of the second article the 
words: "the children of all slaves born 



within Lhe limits of said State shall be free,"' 
and insert: 

Within the limits of the said State there 
shall be neither slavery nor involuntary 
servitude, otherwise than in punishment of 
crimes whereof the party shall be duly 
convicted. 

Which was rejected — yeas 11, naya 24, as 
follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Chandler, Clark, Grimes, 
King, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Sumner, 
Trumbull, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wilson, 
of Massachusetts—ll. 

NAYS—Messrs. Anthony, Bayard,BTovfTi- 
ing, Carlile, Collamer, Doolittle, Foot Fos- 
ter, Harris, Henderson, Howe, Kennedy, 
Lane of Indiana, Powell, Pice, Saulsbury, 
Sherman, Simmons, Stark, Ten Eyck, 
Wade, Wiley, Wilson of Missouri, Wrighi 
--24. 

Mr. Willey proposed to strike out all 
after the word "That" in the first section, 
and insert : 

That the State of West Virginia be, and 
is hereby, declared to be one of the United 
States of America, and admitted into the 
Union on an equal footing with the origi- 
nal States in all respects whatever, and un- 
til the next general census shall be entitled 
to three members in the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the United States : Provided 
always, That this act shall not take effect 
until after the proclamation of the Presi- 
dent of the United States hereinafter pro- 
vided for. 

Sec. 2. It being represented to Congress 
that since the convention of the 26th of 
November, 1861, that framed and proposed 
the constitution for the said State of West 
Virginia, the people thereof have expressed 
a wish to change the seventh section of the 
eleventh article of said constitution by 
striking out the same, and inserting the 
following in its place, namely, " The chil- 
dren of slaves born within the limits of 
this State after the 4th day of July, 1863, 
shall be free, and no slave shall be permit- 
ted to come into the State for permanent 
residence therein :" therefore, 

Be it further enacted, That whenever 
the people of West Virginia shall, through 
their said convention, and by a vote to be 
taken at an election to be held within the 
limits of the State at such time as the con- 
vention may provide, make and ratify the 
change aforesaid and properly certify the 
same under the hand of the president of 
the convention, it shall be lawful for the 
President of the United States to issue his 
proclamation stating the fact, and there- 
upon this act shall take effect and be in 
force from and after sixty days from the 
date of said proclamation. 

Mr Lane of Kansas moved to amend the 
amendment by inserting after the word 
"Heiein,' and before the word, "There- 
fore" the words: 



COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 



169 



And that all slaves within the said State 
who shall at the time aforesaid be under 
the age of ten years shall be free when 
they arrive at the age of twenty-one years ; 
and all slaves over ten and under twenty- 
one yeai-s shall be free when they arrive at 
the age of twenty-five years. 

Which was agreed to — yeas 25, nays 12, 
as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Colla- 
mer, Doolittle, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Har- 
lan, Harris, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of 
Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pome- 
roy, Sherman, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, 
Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wil- 
son, of Massachusetts — 25. 

Nays — Messrs. Browning, Carlile, Davis, 
Henderson, Kennedy^ McDougall, Powell, 
Saulsbury, Stark Willey, Wilson of Mis- 
souri, Wright — 12. 

The amendment as amended was then 
agreed to. 

A motion to postpone the bill to the first 
Monday of the next December was lost — 
yeas 17, nays 23. 

In House, July 16 — The bill was post- 
poned until the second Tuesday of the 
next December — yeas 63, nays 33. 

THIRD SESSION, THIRTY-SEVENTH CON- 
GRESS. 

1863, Dec. 10, the House passed the bill 
— yeas 96, nays 57. 

1863, April 20, the President issued a 
proclamation announcing the compliance, 
by West Virginia, of the conditions of ad- 
mission. 



COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 



Emancipation and its attendant agita- 
tions brought to the front a new class of 
political questions, which can best be 
grouped under the above caption. The 
following is a summary of the legislation : 

Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress. 

To Remove Disqualification of Color in Carrying the Mails. 

In Senate, 1862, April 11 -The Senate 
considered a bill "to remove all disquali- 
fication of color in carrying the mails of 
the United States." It directed that after 
the passage of the act no person, by reason 
of color, shall be disqualified from em- 
ployment in carrying the mails, and all 
acts and parts of acts establishing such dis- 
qualification, including especiallv the 
seventh section of the act of March 3, 1825, 
are hereby repealed. 

The vote in the Senate was, yeas 24, nays 
11, as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthonv, Browning, 
Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolit- 
tle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, 
Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Kansas, 
Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Simmons, 



Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson of 
Massachusetts — 24. 

Nays — Messrs. Davis, Henderson, Ken- 
nedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, Nesmithy 
Powell, Stark, Willey, Wilson of Missouri, 
Wright— 11.* 

In House, May 21 — It was considered in 
the House and laid on the table — yeas 83, 
nays 43. 

First Session, Thlrty-Elglitli Congress. 

1864, February 26^The Senate con- 
fsidered the bill — the question being on 
agreeing to a new section proposed by the 
Committee on Post Ofiices and Post Roads 
— as follows : 

Sec. 2. That in the courts of the United 
States there shall be no exclusion of any 
witness on account of color. 

Mr. Powell moved to amend by inserting 
after the word " States " the words : " in 
all cases for robbing or violating the mails 
of the United States." 

No further progress was made on the 
bill. 

NEGRO SUFFRAGE IN MONTANA TERRI- 
TORY. 

1864, March 18 — The House passed,with- 
out a division, a bill in the usual form, to 
provide a temporary government for the 
Territory of Montana. 

March 31 — The Senate considered it, 
when Mr. Wilkinson moved to strike from 
the second line of the fifth section, (defin- 
ing the qualifications of voters,) the words 
"white male inhabitant" and insert the 
words : " male citizen of the United States, 
and those who have declared their inten- 
tion to become such;" which was agreed 
to— yeas 22, nays 17, as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, 
Collamer,Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, 
Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, 
Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill, Pome- 
roy, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson — 
22. 

Nays— Messrs. Bvckalew, Carlile, Cowan, 
Davis, Harding, Henderson, Johnson, Lane 
of Indiana, Nesmith, Poioell, Riddle, Satils- 
hun/, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van 
Winkle. Willey— 17. 

The bill was then passed — yeas 29, nays 
8, (Messrs. Buckalew, Davis, Johnson. Powell, 
Riddle, Saulshury, Van Winkle, Willey. ) 

April 15 — The Senate adopted the report 
of the Committee of Conference on the 
Montana bill, which recommended the 
Senate to recede from their second amend- 
ment, and the House to agree to the first 
and third amendments of the Senate, (in- 
cluding the above.) 

April 15 — Mr. Beaman presented the re- 
port of the Committee of Conference on 
the Montana bill, a feature of which was 
that the House should recede from its dia* 

* Republicans in roman ; Democrats in italici. 



160 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



agreement to the Senate amendment strik- 
ing out the word " white " in the descrip- 
tion of those authorized to vote. 

Mr. Hobnan moved that the report be 
tabled ; which was lost by the casting vote 
of the Speaker — yeas 66, nays 66. 

Ui^on agreeing to the report the yeas 
were 54, nays 85. 

On motion to adhere to its amendments, 
and ask another Committee of Conference, 
Mr. Webster moved instructions : 

And that said committee be instructed 
to agree to no report that authorizes any 
other than free white male citizens, and 
those who have declared their intention to 
become such, to vote. 

Which was agreed to — yeas 75, nays 67. 

April 15 — The Senate declined the con- 
ference upon the terms proposed by the 
House resolution of that day. 

April 18— The House proposed a further 
free conference, to which, A}>ril 25, the 
Senate acceded. 

May 17 — In Senate, Mr. Morrill sub- 
mitted a report from the Conference Com- 
mittee who recommend that qualified 
voters shall be : 

All citizens of the United States, and 
those who have declared their intention to 
become such, and who are otherwise de- 
scribed and qualified under the fifth sec- 
tion of the act of Congress providing for a 
temporary government for the Territory of 
Idaho approved March 3, 1863. 

The report was concurred in — yeas 26, 
nays 13. 

May 20 — The above report was made by 
Mr. Webster in the House, and agreed to 
— yeas 102, nays 26. 

IN WASHINGTON CITY.* 

1864, May 6 — The Senate considered the 
bill for the registration of voters in the city 
of Washington, when 

Mr. Cowan moved to insert the word 
"white" in the first section, so as to con- 
fine the right of voting to white male 
citizens. 

May 12 — Mr. Morrill moved to amend 
the amendment by striking out the words — 

* In 1 S60 a vote was had in the State of New York on 
a proposition to permit nfttrro snffra£;e without a property 
qualification. Tlie result of the citv was — yeas 1,640, 
nays :!7,47 . In the State— yeas 197,505. nays .337,984. 
In I8fi4 a like propo.'ition was defeated — veas 85,406, nays 
224,336. 

In 1862, in .\ugust, a vote was, had in the State of Illi- 
nois, on several jjropositions relating to negroes and 
mulattoes, with this result : 

For excluding them from the State 171.893 

Against 71,:!06 

100,587 

Against granting them suffrage or right 

to office 21 ,920 

For 35,649 

176,271 

For the enactment of laws to prohibit 

them from going to, or voting in, the 

State 198,938 

Against 44,414 

154,524 

—from McPhtrton't Eiitory of the Great £e&eUioa. 



And shall have paid all sch^^i taxes and 
all taxes on personal property properly as- 
sessed against him, shall be entitled to 
vote for mayor, collector, register, members 
of the board of aldermen and board of 
common council, and assessor, and for 
every officer authorized to be elected at 
any election under any act or acts to which 
this is amendatory or supplementary, 
and inserting the words — 

And shall within the year next preced- 
ing the election have paid a tax, or been 
assessed with a part of the revenue of the 
District, county, or cities, therein, or been 
exempt from taxation having taxable 
estate, and who can read and write with 
facility, shall enjoy the privileges of an 
elector. 

May 26 — Mr. Sumner moved to amend 
the bill by adding this proviso : 

Provided, That there shall be no exclu- 
sion of any person from the registry on ac 
count of color. 

May 27 — Mr. Harlan moved to amend 
the amendment by making the word " per- 
son" read "persons," and adding the 
words — 

Who have borne arms in the military 
service of the United States, and have been 
honorably discharged therefrom. 

Wliich was agreed to yeas 26, nays 12, 
as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, 
Clark, Collamer, Conness, Dixon, Fessen- 
den. Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, 
Harris, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Lane 
of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, 
Ramsev, Sherman, Ten Evck, Trumbull, 
Wade, Willey, Wi Ison— 26." 

N.VYS — Messrs. Bvckaleu-, Carlile, Cow- 
an, Davis, Hendricks, McDongall, Fouell 
Richardson, Saulshury, Sumner, Van 
Winkle, Wilkinson— 12. 

May 28 — Mr. Sumner moved to add 
these words to the last proviso : 

And provided further, That all persons, 
without distinction of color, who shall, 
within the year next preceding the election, 
have paid a tax on any estate, or been as- 
sessed with a part of the revenue of said 
District, or been exempt from taxation 
having taxable estate, and who can read 
and write with facility, shall enjoy the 
privilege of an elector. But no ]ierson 
now entitled to vote in the said District, 
continuing to reside therein, shall be dis- 
franchised hereby. 

Which was rejected — yeas 8, nny.s 27, as 
follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Lane of 
Kansas, Morgan, Pomeroy, Eamsey, Sum- 
ner, Wilkinson — 8. 

Nays — Messrs. Buckaleiv, Carlile, Colla- 
mer, Cowan, Paris, Dixon, Fessenden, 
Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Har- 
ris, Hendricks, Hicks, Johnson, Lane of 
Indiana, McDougall, Morrill, Powell, Sauls- 



COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 



161 



bury, Slierinau, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van 
Winkle, Willey, Wilson— 27. 

The other proposition of Mr. Sumner, 
amended on motion of Mr. Harlan, was 
then rejected — yeas 18, nays 20, as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, 
Clark, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Hale, Harlan, 
Howard, Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, 
Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sumner, 
Wilkinson, Wilson — 18. 

Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Co- 
/wan, Davis, Grimes, Harris, Hendricks, 
Hicks, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, McDou- 
gall, Morrill, Nesmith, Poivell, Richardson, 
Saidshurrj, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van 
Winkle, Willey— 20'. 

The bill then passed the Senate, and 
afterward the House, without amendment. 

Tliird Session, TUlrty-Seventh Congress. 

Excluding Colored Persons from Cars. 

In Senate — 1863, February 27 — Pending 
a supplement to the charter of the Wash- 
ington and Alexandria Railroad Company, 
Mr. Sumner offered this proviso to the 
first seel ion: 

That no person shall be excluded from 
the cars on account of color. 

Which was agreed to — ^yeas 19, nays 18, 
as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Arnold, Chandler, Clark, 
Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Harris, Howard, 
King, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomerov, 
Sumner, Ten Eyck. Trumbull, Wade, Wil- 
kinson, Wilmot, Wilson, of Massachusetts 
—19. 

Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Car- 
lile, Cowan, Davis, Henderson, Hicks, 
Howe, Kennedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, 
McDougall , Powell, Richardson, Saiilshwy, 
Turpie, Willey, ^r?7A-o?i of Missouri— 18. 

March 2. — The House concurred in the 
amendment without debate, under the pre- 
vious question. 

First Session, Tlilrty-Elglitli. Congress. 

In Senate— 1864, February 10 — Mr. 
Sumner offered the following : 

Resolved, That the Committee on tne 
District of Columbia be directed to con- 
sider the expediency of further providing 
by law against the exclusion of colored 
persons from the equal enjoyment of all 
railroad privileges in the District of Colum- 
bia. 

Which was agreed to — yeas 30, nays 10. 

February 24 — Mr. Willey, from the 
Committee on the District of Columbia, 
made this report, and the committee were 
discharged. 

The Committee on the District of Co- 
lum')ia, who Avere required by resolution 
of the Senate, passed February 8, 1S64, 
" 1 > consider the expediency of further 
providing by law against the exclusion of 
colored persons from the equal enjoyment 
of all railroad privileges in the District of 

11 



Columbia," have had the matter thus re- 
ferred to them under consideration, and 
beg leave to report : 

The act entitled " An act to incorporate 
the Washington and Georgetown Railroad 
Company," approved May 17, 1862, makes 
no distinction as to passengers over said 
road on account of the color of the pas- 
sengers, and that in the opinion of the 
committee colored persons are entitled to 
all the privileges of said road which 
other persons have, and to all remedies for 
any denial or breach of such privileges 
which belongs to any person. 

The committee therefore ask to be dis- 
charged from the further consideration of 
the premises. 

March 17 — The Senate considered the 
bill to incorporate the Metropolitan Rail- 
road Company, in the District of Columbia, 
the pending question being an amendment, 
offered by Mr. Sumner, to add to the four- 
teenth section the words : 

Provided, That there shall be no regula- 
tion excluding any person from any car ob 
account of color. 

Which was agreed to — yeas 19, nays 17, 
as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Clark, 
Conness, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, 
Harlan, Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, 
Morrill, Pomerov, Ramsev, Sumner, Wade, 
Wilkinson, Wilson— 19. " 

Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Davis, 
Doolittle, Harding, Harris, Hendricks, 
Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Powell, Riddle, 
Saulsbury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, 
Van Winkle, AVilley— 17. 

The bill then passed the Senate. 

June 19 — The House refused to strike 
out the proviso last adopted in the Senate 
— yeas 60, nays 76. 

And the bill passed the House and was 
approved by the President. 

Second Session, Tlilrty-Se-v-entli Congress. 

Colored Persoiis as Witnesses, 

In Senate — Pending the confiscation bill, 
June 28, 1862. 

Mr. Sumner moved these words as an 
addition to the 14th section : 

And in all the proceedings under this 
act there shall be no exclusion of any wit- 
ness on account of color. 

Which was rejected — yeas 14, nays 25, 
as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Chandler, Grimes, Har- 
lan, Howard, King, Lane of Kansas, Mor- 
rill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, 
Wilkinson, Wilmot — 14. 

Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, 
Carlile, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Davis, 
Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, 
Harris, Henderson, Lane of Indiana, Nes- 
mith, Pearce, Powell, Sherman, Simmons, 
Stark, Ten Eyck, Willey, Wilson of Mis- 
souri, Wright — 25. 



lt>2 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Pending the consideration of the supple- 
ment to the emancipation bill for the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, 

1862, July 7 — Mr. Sumner moved a new 
section : 

That in all the judicial proceedings in 
the District of Columbia there shall be no 
exclusion of any witness on account of 
color. 

Which was adopted — yeas 25, nays 11. 

The bill then passed — yeas 29, nays 6 ; 
(Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Kennedy, Powell, 
Wilson, of Missouri, Wright.) 

July 9 — The bill passed the House — 
yeas 69, nays 36. There was no separate 
vote on the above proposition. 

Pending the consideration in the Senate 
of the House bill in relation to the com- 
petency of witnesses in trials of equity and 
admiralty, 

1862, July 15 — Mr. Sumner offered this 
proviso to the first section : 

Provided, That there shall be no exclu- 
sion of any witness on account of color. 

Which was rejected — yeas 14, nays 23. 

First Session, Tliirty-Elglitli Congress. 

1864, June 25 — Pending the civil appro- 
priation bill, in Committee of the Whole, 
Mr. Sumner offered this proviso : 

Provided, That in the courts of the 
United States there shall be no exclusion 
of any witness on account of color. 

Mr. Buckaiew moved to add : 

Nor in civil actions because he is a party 
to or interested in the issue tried. 

Which was agreed to ; and the amend- 
ment as amended was agreed to — yeas 22, 
nays 16. 

The Senate subsequently concurred in 
this amendment — yeas 29, nays 10. 

IN HOUSE. 

June 29 — The question being on agree- 
ing to the amendment, 

Mr. Mallory moved to add this proviso 
to the section amended in the Senate : 

Provided, That negro testimony shall 
only be taken in'the United States courts 
in those States the laws of which authorize 
such testimony. 

Which was rejected — yeas 47, nays (56. 

The amendment of the Senate was then 
agreed to — yeas 67, nays 48. 

COLORED SCHOOLS. 

_ June 8. — The House passed a bill to pro- 
vide for the public instruction of youth in 
Washington city, with an amendment pro- 
viding for separate schools for the colored 
children, by setting apart such a propor- 
tion of the entire school fund as the num- 
ber of colored children between the ages of 
six and seventeen bear to tlie whole num- 
ber of children in the District. The bill, 
with amendments, passed both Houses 
■vrithout a division. 



On all of these questions of color, the 
Democrats invariably, on test votes, were 
found against any concession of rights to 
the negro. These were frequently aided 
by some Republicans, more conservative 
than their colleagues, or representing closer 
districts where political prejudices would 
affect their return to their seats. It will 
be observed that on nearly all these ques- 
tions Senator Charles Sumner took thi 
lead. He was at that time pre-eniinentl\ 
the Moses of the colored man, and led him 
from one right to another through Sena- 
torial difficulties, which by the way, were 
never as strong as that in the House, where 
Thaddeus Stevens was the boldest cham- 
pion of " the rights of the black man." In 
the field, rather in the direction of what 
should be done Avith the " contrabands " 
and escaped slaves, the Secretary of War, 
General Cameron, was their most radical 
friend, and his instructions were so out- 
spoken that Lincoln had to modify them. 
As early as December 1, 1861, General 
Cameron wrote : 

" While it is plain that the slave prop- 
erty of the South is justly subjected to all 
the consequences of this rebellious war, 
and that the Government would be untrue 
to its trust in not employing all the rights 
and powers of war to bring it to a speedy 
close, the details of the plan for doing so, 
like all other military measures, must, in 
a great degree, be left to be determined by 
particular exigencies. The disposition of 
other property belonging to the rebels that 
becomes subject to our arms is governed by 
the circumstances of the case. The Gov- 
ernment has no power to hold slaves, none 
to restrain a slave of his liberty, or to ex- 
act his service. It has a right, however, 
to use the voluntary service of slaves lib- 
orated by war from their rebel masters, like 
any other property of the rebels, in what- 
ever mode may be most efficient for (he de- 
fence of the Government, the prosecution 
of the war, and the suppression of rebel- 
lion. It is clearly a right of the govern- 
ment to arm slaves when it may become 
necessary as it is to take gunpowder from 
the enemy. Whether it is expedient to do 
so is purely a military question. The right 
is unquestionable by the laws of war. The 
expediency must be determined by circum- 
stances, keeping in view the great object 
of overcoming the rebels, re-establishing 
the laws, and restoring peace to the na- 
tion. 

" It is vain and idle for the Government 
to carry on this war, or hope to maintain 
its existence against rebellious force, with- 
out enjoying all the rights and powers of 
war. As has been said, the right to de- 
iirive the rel)els of their property in slaves 
and slave labor is as clear and absolute as 
the right to take forage from the field, or 
cotton from the warehouse, or powder and 



COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 



168 



arms from the magazine. To leave the 
enemy in the possession of such property 
as forage and cotton and military stores, 
and the means of constantly reproducing 
them, would be madness. It is, therefore, 
equal madness to leave them in peaceful 
and secure possession of slave property, 
more valuable and efficient to them for war 
than forage, cotton and military stores. 
Such policy would be national suicide. 
What to do with that species of property 
is a question that time and circumstances 
will solve, and need not be anticipated 
further than to repeat that they cannot be 
held by the Government as slaves. It would 
be useless to keep them as prisoners of war ; 
and self-preservation, the highest duty of 
a Government, or of individuals, demands 
that they should be disposed of or em- 
ployed in the most effective manner that 
will tend most speedily to suppress the in- 
surrection and restore the authority of the 
Government. If it shall be found that the 
men who have been helil by the rebels as 
slaves are capable of bearing arms and per- 
forming efficient military service, it is the 
right, and may become the duty, of this 
Government to arm and equip them, and 
employ their services against the rebels, 
under proper military regulations, disci- 
pline and command. 

" But in whatever manner they may be 
used by the Government, it is plain that, 
once liberated by the rebellious act of their 
masters, they should never again be re- 
stored to bondage. By the master's trea- 
son and rebellion he forfeits all right to 
the labor and service of his slave ; and the 
slave of the rebellious master, by his ser- 
vice to the Government, becomes justly en- 
titled to freedom and protection. 

"The disposition to be made of the 
slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, 
can be safely left to the wisdam and pat- 
riotism of Congress. The representatives 
of the people will unquestionably secure 
to the loyal slaveholders every right to 
which they are entitled under the Consti- 
tution of the country." 

[Subsequent events proved the wisdom 
of this policy, and it was eventually adopt- 
ed by an Administration which proclaimed 
its policy " to move not ahead but with the 
people."] 

President Lincoln and his Cabinet mod- 
ified the above language so as to make it 
read: 

" It is already a grave question what 
shall be dme with those slaves who were 
abandoned by their owners on the advance 
of our tro?ps into southern territory, as at 
Beaufort district, in South Carolina. The 
number left within our control at that 
point is very considerable, and similar 
cases will probably occur. What shall be 
done with them ? Can we afford to send 
them forward to their masters, to be by 



them armed against us, or used in pro- 
ducing supplies to sustain the rebellion ? 
Their labor may be useful to us; withheld 
from the enemy it lessens his military re- 
sources, and withholding them has no ten- 
dency to induce the horrors of Insurrec- 
tion, even in the rebel communities. They 
constitute a military resource, andj being 
such, that they should not be turned over 
to the enemy is too plain to discus.**. Why 
deprive him of supplies by a blockade, and 
voluntarily give him men to produce 
them ? 

" The disposition to be made of the 
slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, 
can be safely left to the wisdom and pat- 
riotism of Congress. The Representatives 
of the people will unquestionably secure to 
the loyal slaveholders every right to which 
they are entitled under the Constitution of 
the country." 

Secretary Cameron was at all times in 
favor of " carrying the war into Africa," 
and it was this stern view of the situation 
which eventually led him to sanction 
measures which brought him into plainer 
differences with the Administration. Lin- 
coln took offense at the printing of his re- 
port before submitting it to him. Aa a re- 
sult he resigned and went to Russia aa 
Minister, on his return being again elected 
to the United States Senate — a place which 
he filled until the winter of 1877, when he 
resigned, and his son, J. Donald Cameron, 
was elected to the vacancy, and re-elected 
for the term ending in 1885. General B, 
F. Butler was the author of the " contra- 
band " idea. A year later the views of the 
Administration became more radical on 
questions of color, and July 22, 1862, Sec- 
retary Stanton ordered al) Generals in 
command " to seize and use any property, 
real or personal, which may be necessary 
or convenient for their several commands, 
for supplies, or lor other military purposes ; 
and that while property may be destroyed 
for proper military objects, none shall be 
destroyed in wantonness or malice. 

" Second. That military and naval com- 
manders shall employ as laborers, within 
and from said States, so many persona of 
African descent as can be advantageously 
used for military or naval purposes, giving 
them reasonable wages for their labor. 

" Third. That, as to both property, and 
persons of African descent, accounts shall 
be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail 
to show quantities andi^mounts, and from 
whom both property and such persona 
shall have come, as a basis upon which 
compensation can be made in proper cases ; 
and the several departments of this Gov- 
ernment shall attend to and perform their 
appropriate i)arts towards the execution of 
these orders." 

The manner and language employed by 
General McClellan in promulgating thia 



164 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



order to the Army of the Potomac, led to 
his political differences with the Adminis- 
tration, and in the end caased him to be 
the Democratic candidate for President in 
1864, against Lincoln. His language is 
peculiar and some of it worthy of presenta- 
tion as of political importance. He said : 

" Inhabitants, especially women and 
children, remaining peaceably at their 
hom©*, must not be molested; and wher- 
ever commanding officers find families 
peculiarly exposed in their persons or 
property to marauding from this army, they 
will, as heretofore, so far as they can do 
with safety and without detriment to the 
sen'ice, post guards for their protection. 

" In protecting private property, no refer- 
ence is intended to persons held to service 
or labor by reason of African descent. 
Such persons will be regarded by this 
army, as they heretofore have been, as oc- 
cupying simply a peculiar legal status 
under State laws, which condition the mili- 
tarj' authorities of the United States are 
not required to regard at all in districts 
where militarj' operations are made neces- 
sary by the rebellious action of the State 
governments. 

"Persons subject to suspicion of hostile 
puii:)Oses, residing or being near our forces, 
will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and 
detention, until the cause or necessity is 
removed. All such arrested parties will 
be sent, a.s usual, to the Provost Marshal 
General, with a statement of the facts in 
each case. 

"The general commanding takes this 
occasion to remind the officers and soldiers 
of this army that we are engaged in sup- 
porting the Constitution and the laws of 
the United States and suppressing rebel- 
lion against their authority ; that we are 
not engaged in a war of rapine, revenge, 
or subjugation ; that this is not a contest 
against populations, but against armed 
forces and political organizations; that it 
is a struggle carried on with the United 
States, and should be conducted by us upon 
the highest i)rinciples known to Christian 
civilization." 

At this time such were the prejudices of 
Union soldiers against negroes, because of 
growing jiolitical agitation in the North, 
that many would loudly jeer them when 
seen within the lines. The feeling was 
even greater in the ranks of civilians, and 
yet Congress moved along, step bv step. 
The 37th abolished slavery in the District 
of Columbia ; prohibited it in all the terri- 
tories; confirmed the freedom of the slaves 
owned by those in arms against the govern- 
ment; authorized the employment of 
colored men in fortifications, their enlist- 
ment, etc. ; and enacted an additional 
article of war, which prohibited any officer 
from returning or aiding the return of any 
fugitive alave. These were rapid strides, 



but not as rapid as were demanded by the 
more radical wing of the Republican party. 
We have shown that most of them were 
opposed by the Democrats, not solidly sure 
Avhere they were plainly political, but this 
party became less solid as the war ad- 
vanced. 

Senator Wilson was the author of the 
bill to abolish slavery in the District of 
Columbia. It excited much debate, and 
the range of the speeches covered the en- 
tire question of slavery. Those from the 
Border States opposed it (a few Eepublicans 
and all Democrats) but some of the Demo- 
crats of the North supported it. The vote 
in the Senate was 29 for to 6 against. In 
the House Frank P. Blair, Jr., advocated 
colonization in connection with the bill, 
but his idea met with little favor. Crit- 
tenden, WicklifTe and Vallandigham were 
prominent in opposition. Its most promi- 
nent advocates were Stevens of Pennsyl- 
vania, and Bingham of Ohio. The vote 
was 92 for to 38 against. 

The bill of Arnold, of Illinois, " to ren- 
der freedom national and slavery sectional," 
the leading idea in the platform of the 
convention which nominated Lincoln, pro- 
hibited slavery in " all the Territories of 
the United States then existing, or there- 
after to be formed or acquired in any way." 
It was vehemently opposed, but passed 
with some modifications by 58 ayes to 50 
noes, and it also passed the Senate. 

In the Spring of 1862 General David 
Hunter brought the question of the enlist- 
ment of colored troops to a direct issue by 
raising a regiment of them. On the 9th of 
June following, Mr. Wickliffe of Ken- 
tucky, succeeded in getting the House to 
ado])t a resolution of inquiry. Corres- 
pondence followed with General Hunter. 
He confessed the fact, stated that " he found 
his authority in the instructions of Secre- 
tary Cameron, and said that he hoped by 
fall to enroll about fifty thousand of these 
hardy and devoted soldiers." When this 
reply was read in the House it was greeted 
with shouts of laughter from the Republi- 
cans, and signs of anger from the others. 
A great debate followed on the amendment 
to the bill providing for the calling out of 
the militia, clothing the President with full 
power to enlist colored troops, and to pro- 
claim "he, his mother, and wife and chil- 
dren forever free," after such enlistment. 
Preston King, of New York, was the author 
of this amendment. Davis, of Kentucky, 
and Carlisle of West Virginia, were promi- 
nent Senators in opposition ; while Ten 
Eyck, of New Jersey, Sherman of Ohio, 
and Browning of Illinois sought to modify 
it. Garrett Davis said in opposition : 

" Do you expect us to give our sanc- 
tion and approval to these things ? No, no I 
We would regard their authors as our worst 
enemies ; and there is no foreign despot- 



COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 



165 



is.il Lu-tt could come to our rescue, that we 
would uot fondly embrace, before we would 
Bubmit to any such condition of things." 

Senator Fessonden of Maine, in advo- 
cacy of t'.ie amendment, said : 

" I tell the President from my place here 
as a Senator, and I tell the generals of our 
army, they must reverse their practices 
and course of proceeding on this subject. 
* * * Treat your enemies as enemies, as 
the worst of enemies, and avail yourselves 
like men of every power which God has 
placed in your hands, to accomplish your 
purpose, within the rules of civilized war- 
fare." 

The bill passed, so modified, as to give 
freedom to all who should perform military 
service, but restricting liberty to the fami- 
lies of such only as belonged to rebel mas- 
ters. It passed the House July l(3th, 1862, 
and receive! the sanction of the President, 
who said : — "And the promise made must 
be kept!" General Hu-.iter for his part in 
beginning colored enlistments, was out- 
lawed by the Confederate Congress. Hunter 
followed with an order freeing the slaves 
in South Carolina. 

In January, 1853, pursuant to a sugges- 
tion in the annual report of Secretary 
Stanton, who was by this time as radical 
as his predecessor in office, the House 
passed a bill authorizing the President to 
enroll into the land and naval service such 
number of volunteers of African descent 
as he might deem useful to suppress the 
rebellion, and for .such term as he might 
prescribe, not exceeding five years. The 
slaves of loyal citizens in the Border 
States were excluded from the provisions 
of this bill. In the Senate an adverse re- 
port was made on the ground that the 
President already possessed these powers. 

In January, 1863, Senator Wilson, who 
was by this time chairman of the Military 
Committee of the Senate, secured the pas- 
sage of a bill which authorized a draft for 
the National forces from the ranks of all 
male citizens, and those of foreign birth 
who had declared their intentions, etc. 
The bill contained the usual exemp- 
tions. 

CONFEDERATE USE OF COLORED MEN. 

In June, 1861, the rebel Legislature of 
Tennessee passed this enlistment bill, 
which became a law : 

Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the General 
Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That 
from and after the passage of this act the 
Governor shall be, and he is hereby, 
authorized, at his discretion, to receive 
into the military service of the State all 
male free persons of color between the ages 
of fifteen and fifty, or such numbers as 
may be necessary, who may be sound in 
mind and body, and capable of actual ser- 
vice. 



2. That such free persons of color shall 
receive, each, eight dollars per month, aa 
pay, and such persons shall be entitled to 
draw, each, one ration i)er day^ and shall 
be entitled to a yearly allowance each for 
clothing. 

3. That, in order to carry out tlie provi- 
sions of this act, it shall be the duty of the 
sheriffs of the several counties in this 
State to collect accurate information a.s to 
the number and condition, witli the names 
of free persons of color, subject to the pro- 
visions of this act, and shall, as it is prac- 
ticable, repoit the same in writing to the 
Governor. 

4. That a failure or refasal of the 
sheriffs, or any one or more of them, to 
perform the duties required, shall bo 
deemed an offence, and on convictioH 
thereof shall be punished as a misde- 
meanor. 

5. That in the event a sufficient number 
of free persons of color to meet the wants 
of the State shall not tender their services, 
the Governor is empowered, through the 
sheriffs of the different counties, to press 
such persons until the requisite number is 
obtained. 

6. That when any mess of volunteers 
shall keep a servant to wait on the mem- 
bers of the mess, each servant shall be al- 
lowed one ration. 

This act to take effect from and after its 
passage. 

W. C. Whitthorne, 
Speaker of the House of Hepresentativea. 

B. L. Stovall, 

Speaker of the Senate. 
Passed June 28, 1861. 

1862, November 2 — Governor Joseph E. 
Brown, of Georgia, issued a call announc- 
ing that if a .sufficient supply of negroes be 
not tendered within ten day3, General \ 
Mercer will, in pursuance of authority 
given him, proceed to impress, and asking 
of every planter of Georgia a tender of one 
fifth of his negroes to complete the fortifi- 
cations around Savannah. ThiB one fifth 
is estimated at 15,000. 

1863. The Governor of South Carolina 
in July, issued a proclamation for 3.000 
negroes to work on the fortifications, the 
need for them being pressing." 

THE changing SENTIMENT OF CONGRHBS. 

In the Rebel House of Representatives, 
December 29th, Mr. Dargan, of Alabama, 
introduced a bill to receive into the mili- 
tary service all that portion of population 
in Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and 
Florida, known as "Creoles.'' 

Mr. Dargan supported the bill in some 
remarks. He said the Creoles were a 
mixed-blooded race. Under the treaty <)f 
Paris in 1803, and the treaty of Spain in 
1810, they were recognized as fi-eemen. 



166 



amp:rican politics. 



Many of thorn owned large estates, and 
were intelligent men. They were as much 
devoted to our cause as any class of men in 
the Bouth, and were even anxious to go 
iuato service. They had applied to him to 
be received into service, and he had ap- 
plied to Mr. Randolph, then Secretary of 
War. Mr, Randolph decided against the 
appliciitiou, on the ground that it might 
lurnish to tho enemy a pretext of arming our 
siavi-s against us. Some time after this 
hi', was again applied to by them, and he 
went to the present Secretary of War, Mr. 
Seddou, and laid the matter before him. 
Mr. Seddou refused to entertain the 
proposition, on the ground that it did not 
come up lieff)rc him through the ndlitary 
authorities. To obviate this objection, 
Gen. Mauiy, at Mobile, soon afterwards 
represented their wishes to the War De- 
partment. Mr. Seddou refused the offer of 
their services, on the ground that it would 
be incompatible with the position we occu- 
pied before the world ; that it could not be 
done. 

Mr. l^argan said he difiered with the 
Secretnvy of War. He cared not for " the 
world." He cared no more for their 
opinions than they did for ours. He was 
anxiou- to bring into service every free 
man, be he who he may, willing to strike 
for our c;iuse. He saw no objection to 
employing C-reoks ; they would form a 
potent element in our army. In his dis- 
trict alone a brigade of them could be 
raised. The crisis had been brought upon 
us by the enemy, and he believed the time 
would yet come when the question would 
not be the Union or no Union, but 
whether Southern men should be permitted 
to live at all. In resisting subjugation by 
such a barbarous foe he was for employing 
all our available force. He would go 
furthrr and say that he was for arming and 
pvtthitj the slaves into tnilitai'i/ service. He 
tnas ill furor ctJcn of emlpoying them as a 
milHitni on/t in the defence of the country. 

18(;4." The Mayor of Charleston, Charles 
Macbeth, summons all slaveholders within 
the city to furnish to the military authori- 
ties forthwith, one-fourth of all their male 
slaves between the ages of fifteen and fifty, 
to labor upon the fortifications. The penalty 
announced, in csise of failure to comply 
with this requisition is a fine of $200 for 
every slave not forthcoming. Compensa- 
tion is allowed at the rate of $400 a year. 

All free male persons of color between 
the ages of fifteen and fifty are required to 
give themselves up for the same purpose. 
Those not complying will be imprisoned, 
and set to work upon the fortifications 
along the coast. To free negroes no other 
eompensation than rations is allowed. 



copy of " An act to increase the efficiency 
of the army by the employment of free 
negroes .-nd slaves in certain capacities/' 
lately passed by the Rebel Congress. The 
negroes are to perform " such duties as the 
Secretary of War or Commanding General 
may prescribe.'' The first section is as 
follows : 

The Congress of the Confederate States of 
America do enact, That all male free ne- 
groes, and other free persons of color, not 
including those who are free under the 
treaty of Paris, of 1803, or under the treaty 
of Spain, of 1819, resident in the Confed- 
erate States, between the ages of eighteen 
and filty years, shall be held liable to per- 
form such duties with the army, or in con- 
nection with the militarj' delences of the 
country, in the way of work upon the 
fortifications, or in government works for 
the production or preparation of materials 
of war, or in military hospitals, as the Sec- 
retary of War or the Commanding General 
of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, 
from time to time, prescribe; and while 
engaged in the performances of such duties 
shall receive rations and clothing and 
compensation at the rate of eleven dollars 
a month, under such rules and regulations 
as the said Secretary may establish: Pro- 
vided, That the Secretary of War or the 
Commanding General of the Trans-Missis- 
sippi Department, w'ith the approval of the 
President, may exempt from the opera- 
tions of this act such free negroes as the 
interests of the country may require should 
be exempted, or such as he may think 
proper to exempt on the ground of justice, 
equity or necessity. 

The third section provides that when 
the Secretary of War shall be unable to 
procure the services of slaves in any mili- 
taiy department, then he is authorized to 
impress the services of as many male 
slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as 
may be required, from time to time, to dis- 
charge the duties indicated in the first sec- 
tion of the act. 

The owner of the slave is to be paid for 
his services ; or, if he be killed or escape 
to the enemy," the owner shall receive his 
full value. 

Governor Smith, of Virginia, has made 
a call for five thousand male slaves to work 
on the batteries, to be drawn from fifty 
counties. The call for this force has been 
made by the President under a resolution 
of Congress. 

"confederate" legislation upon ne- 
gro PRISONERS AND THEIR WHITE 
OFFICERS WHEN CAPTURED.* 

1863, May 1 — An act was approved de- 
claring that the commissioned officers of 



NEGROES IN THE ARMY. 



*T)eceiuber 23, 1862 — Jeffereon Davis issued a procl»- 
_^ . , I !• 1 i_ re • 1 I mation of outlawry ag:ainBt Major General B. F. ButlM; 

The Kicnmond press publish the Oinciai the last two clauses of which are: 



COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 



167 



the anemy ought not to be delivered to the 
authorities of the respective States, (as 
suo-Kested in Davis's message ;) but ail cap- 
tives taken by the Confederate forces ought 
to be dealt with and disposed of by the 
Confederate Government. 

President Lincoln's emancipation pro- 
clamations of September 22, 1862 and 
.hiRiiry 1, 1863, were resolved to be in- 
,• )nslstL-nt with the usages of war among 
.uvilized nations, and should be re- 
pressed by retaliation ; and the President 
is authorized to cause full and complete 
retaliation for everv such violation, in such 
manner and to such extent as he may think 

proper. . 

Every white commissioned otticer com- 
manding negroes or mulattoes in arms 
ao-ainst the Confederate States shall be 
deemed as inciting servile insurrection, 
and shall, if captured, be put to death, or 
be otherwise punished, at the discretion ot 
the court. . 

Every person charged with an ollence 
made punishable under the act shall be 
tried bv the military court of the army or 
corps of troops capturing him ; and, after 
conviction, the President may commute the 
punishment in such manner and on such 
terms as he mai/ deem proper. 

All negroes and mulattoes who shall be 
eno-aged m war or taken in arms agaiu'^' 
the Confederate States, or shall give aid or 
comfort to the enemies of the Confederate 
States, shall, when captured in the Con- 
federate States, be delivered to the author- 
ities of the State or States in which they 
shall be captured, to be dealt with accord- 
ing to the present or future laws of such 
State or States. 



Passage of tlxe Thirteentli Amendment. 

The first amendment to the Constitution 
growing out of the war, and one of its di- 
rect results, was that of abolishing slavery. 
It was first introduced to the House De- 
cember 14th, 1863, by James M. Ashley of 
Ohio. Similar measures were introduced 
bv James M. Wilson, Senators Henderson, 
Sumner and others. On the 10th of Feb- 
ruaiy. Senator Trumbull reported Hen- 
derson's joint resolution amended as fol- 
lows : 

" That the following article be proposed 
to the Legislature 5 of the several States, as 
an amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, which, when ratified by 
three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be 



Thinl That all negro slaves captureJ in arms lie at 
once aiiiven-a over to tlio executive authorition of tlio 
respective Stat>-» to which viiey b.;long, to be dealt with 
according to the laws of said States. 

Fourth. That the lil<e orders ho executed m all cases 
with rospe-t to all (Mniniissiom-d offleers ot the I lilted 
States wUi-n founl servinac in comiwiiy with said shives 
iu insunecti.>ii against the authorities of the ditl.Tent 
States of thia Confederacy. 



valid to all intents and purposes as a part 
of the said Constitution, namely : 

" Art. 13, Sec. 1. Neither slavery nor 
involuntary servitude except as a punish- 
ment for crime, whereof the party shall 
have been duly convicted, shall exist with- 
in the United States, or any place subject 
to their jurisdiction. 

Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to 
enforce this article by appropriate legisla- 
tion.'' . - 
The Senate began the consideration ot 
the question March 28th, Senator Trumbull 
opening the debate in favor of the amend- 
ment. He predicted thtit within a year 
the necessary number of States would rat- 
ify it. Wilson of Massachusetts made a 
long and able speech in favor. Davis of 
Kentucky and Saulsbury of Delaware led 
the opposition, but Reverdy Johnson, an 
independent Democratic Senator from 
Maryland, surprised all by his bold sup- 
port'of the measure. Among other things 
he said : 

" I think history will bear me out m the 
statement, that if the men by whom that 
Constitution was framed, and the people 
by whom it was adopted, had anticipated 
the times in which we live, they would 
have provided by constitutional enactment, 
that that evil and that sin should in soine 
coraparativelv unremote day be removed. 
Without recurring to authority, the writ- 
ings public or private of the men of that 
day, it is sufficient for my purpose to state 
what the tacts will justify me in saying, 
that every man of them who largely par- 
ticipated in the deliberations of the Con- 
vention by which the Constitution was 
adopted, earnestly desired, not only upon 
grounds of political economy, not only up- • 
on reasons material in their character, but 
upon trrounds of morality and religion, 
that sooner or later the institution should 
terminate." 

Senator McDougall of California, op- 
posed the amendment. Harhui of Iowa, 
Hale of New Htnnpshire, and Sumner, 
made characteristic speeches in favor. 
Saulsbury advocated the divine right of 
slaverv. It passed April 8th, by 38 ayes to 
6 noes', the latter comi)rising Davis and 
Powell of Kentucky ; McDougall of Cali- 
fornia ; Hendricks of Indiana; Saulsbury 
and Riddle of Delaware. 

Arnold of Illinois, was the first to se- 
cure the adoption in the House (Feb. 15, 
1864,) of a resolution to abolish slavery ; 
but the Constitutional amendment required 
a two-thirds vote, and this it was difficu t 
to obtain, though all the power of the Ad- 
ministration was bent to that purpose, ihe 
discussion began May 31st ; the vote was 
reached June 15th, but it then fiuled ot 
the required two-thirds— 93 for to b5 
against, 23 not voting. Its more pro- 
nounced advocates were Arnold, Ashley, 



1G8 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Brooiuall, Stevens, and Kelly of Pennsyl- 
vania; Farnsworth and Ingersoll of Illi- 
nois, and many others. Its ablest oppo- 
nents were Holman, Wood, Mallory, Cox 
and Pendleton— the latter rallying nearly 
all of the Democrats against it. Its Dem- 
ocratic friends were McAllister and Bailey 
of Pennsylvania ; Cobb of Wisconsin ; 
Griswold and Odell of New York. Before 
the vote was announced Ashley changed 
his vote so as to move a reconsideration and 
keep control of the question. At the next 
session it was passed, receiving every Re- 
publican and 16 Democratic votes, 8 Dem- 
ocrats purposely refraining, so that it would 
surely pass. 



Admission of Representatives 
trom. Louisiana. 

The capture of New Orleans by Admiral 
Farragut, led to the enrollment of 60,000 
citizens of Louisiana as citizens of the 
United States. The President thereupon 
appointed a Military Governor for the en- 
tire State, and this Governor ordered an 
election for members of Congress under 
the old State constitution. This was held 
Dec. 3, 1862, when Messrs. Flanders and 
Hahn were returned, neither receiving 
3,000 votes. They received certificates, pre- 
sented them, and thus opened up a new 
and grave political question. The Deino- 
crats opposed their admission on grounds 
so well stated by Voorhees of Indiana, that 
we quote them : 

" Understand this principle. If the 
Southern Confederacy is a foreign power, 
an independent nationality to-day, and you 
have conquered back the territory of Lou- 
isiana, you may then substitute a new sys- 
tem of laws in the place of the laws of that 
State. You may then supplant her civil in- 
stitutions by institutions made anew for her 
by the proper authority of this Government 
— not by the executive — but by the legisla- 
tive branch of the Government, assisted by 
the Executive simply to the extent of sign- 
ing his name to the bills of legislation. If 
the Chairman of the Committee of Ways 
and Means, (Mr. Stevens) is correct; if the 
gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Conway) is 
correct, and this assumed power in the 
South is a power of the earth, and stands 
to-day upon equal terms of nationality 
with ourselves, and reconquer back State 
by State its territory by the power of arms, 
then we may govern them independently 
of their local laws. But if the theory we 
have been proceeding upon here, that this 
Union is unbroken ; that no States have 
sundered the bonds that bind us together ; 
that no successful disunion has yet taken 
place, — if that theory is still to prevail in 
these halls, then this cannot be done. You 
ure as much bound to uphold the laws of 
liouisiana in all their extent and in all 



their parts, as you are to uphold the laws 
of Pennsylvania or New York, or any 
other State whose civil policy has not been 
disturbed." 

Michael Hahn, one of the Representa- 
tives elect, closed a very effective speech, 
which secured the personal good will of 
the House in favor of his admission, in 
these words: 

"And even, sir, within the limits of thr 
dreary and desolated region of the rebel 
lion itself, despair, which has already tak- 
en hold of the people, will gain additional 
power and strength, at the reception of the 
news that Louisiana sends a message of 
peace, good-will, and hearty fellowship to 
the Union. This intelligence will sound 
more joyful to patriot ears than all the 
oft repeated tidings of ' Union victories.' 
And of all victories, this will be the most 
glorious, useful and solid, for it speaks of re- 
organization, soon to become the great and 
difficult problem with which our statesmen 
will have to familiarize themselves, and 
when this shall have commenced, we will 
be able to realize that God, in his infinite 
mercy has looked down upon our misfor- 
tunes, and in a spirit of paternal love and 
pity, has addressed us in the language as- 
cribed to him by our own gifted Longfel- 
low: 

" I am weary of your quarrels, 
Weary of your wars and bloodshed, 
Weary of your praj ers for vengeance, 
Of your wranglings and dissensions; 
All your strength is in your Vnion, 
All your danger is in dl'^rord. 
Therefore, be at peace, henceforward, 
And as brothers live together." 

Mr. Speaker, Louisiana — ever loyal, hon- 
orable Louisiana — seeks no greater bles- 
sing in the future, than to remain a part of 
this great and glorious Union. She has 
stood by you in the darkest hours of the 
rebellion ; and she intends to stand by you. 
Sir, raise your eyes to the gorgeous ceil- 
ings which ornament this Hall, and look 
upon her fair and lovely escutcheon. Care- 
fully read the patriotic words which sur- 
round her affectionate pelican family, and 
you will find there inscribed, 'Jiidice, 
Union, Confidence.'' Those words have 
with us no idle meaning; and would to 
God that other members of this Union, 
could properly appreciate our motto, our 
motives and our position ! " 

The debate attracted much attention, 
because of the novelty of a question upon 
which, it has since been contended, would 
have turned a different plan of reconstruct- 
ing the rebellious States if the I'rcsident's 
plans had not been destroyed by his assas- 
sination. Dawes, of Massachusetts, was 
the Chairman of the Committee on Elec- 
tions, and he closed the debate in favor of 
admission. The vote stood 92 for to 44 
against, almost a strict party test, the 
Democrats voting no. 



RECONSTRUCTION 



169 



RECONSTRUCTION. 

In the House as early as Dec. 15, 1863, 
Henry Winter Davis moved that so much 
of the President's message as relates to 
the duty of the United IStates to guaranty 
a Republican form of government to the 
States in which the governments recog- 
nized by the United States have been ab- 
rogated or overthrown, be referred to a 
select committee of nine to report the bills 
necessary and proper for carrying into ex- 
ecution the foregoing guarautee,\vas passed, 
and on May 4th, 18(3 i, the House adopted 
the first reconstruction bill by 74 yeas to 
66 nays — a strict party vote.* The Senate 
passed it by yeas 18, nays 14 — Doolittle, 
Henderson, Lane of Indiana, Ten Eyck, 
Trumbull, and Van Winkle voting with 
the Democrats against it. 

The bill authorizes the President to ap- 

Eoint in Ciich of the States declared in re- 
ellion, a Provisional Governor, jwith the 
pay and emoluments of a brigadier ; to be 
charged with the civil administration until 
a State government therein shall be recog- 
nized. As soon as the military resistance 
to the United States shall have been sup- 
pressed, and the people sufficiently re- 
turned to their obedience to the Constitu- 
tion and laws, the Governor shall direct 
the marshal of the United States to enroll 
all the white male citizens of the United 
States, resident in the State in their re- 
spective counties, and whenever a majority 
of them take the oath of allegiance, the 
loyal people of the State shall be entitled 
to elect delegates to a convention to act 
upon the re-establishment of a State gov- 
ernment — the proclamation to contain de- 
tails prescribed. Qualified voters in the 
army may vote in their camps. No person 
who has held or exercised any civil, mili- 
tarj'. State, or Confederate office, under the 
rebel occupation, and who has voluntarily 
borne arms against the United States, shall 
vote or be eligible as a delegate. The 
convention is required to insert in the con- 
stitution provisions — 

1st. No person who has held or exercised 
any civil or military office, (except offices 
merely ministerial and military officekbe- 
lowa colonel,) State or Confederate, under 
the usurping power, shall vote for, or be 
a member of tlae legislature or governor. 

2d. Involuntary servitude is forever pro- 
hibited, and the freedom of all persons is 
guarantied in said State. 

3d. No debt. State or Confederate, cre- 
ated by or under the sanction of the usurp- 
ing power, shall be recognized or paid by 
the State. 

Upon the adoption of the constitution by 
the convention, and its ratification by the 
electors of the State, the Provisional Gov- 

* McPherson's History, page 317. 



ernor shall so certify to the President, who, 
after obtaining the assent of Congress, 
shall, by proclamation, recognize the gov- 
ernment as established, and none other, as 
the constitutional government of the State ; 
and from the date of such recognition, and 
not before. Senators and Representatives 
and electors for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent may be elected in such State. Until 
re-organization the Provisional Governor 
shall enforce the laws of the Union and of 
the State before the rebellion. 

The remaining sections are as follows : 

Sec. 12. That all persons held to invol- 
untary servitude or labor in the States 
aforesaid are hereby emancipated and dis- 
charged therefrom, and they and their pos- 
terity shall be forever free. And if any 
such persons or their posterity shall be re- 
strained of liberty, under pretence of any 
claim to such service or labor, the courtis 
of the United States shall, on habeas cor- 
pus^ discharge them. 

Sec. 13. That if any person declared free 
by this act, or any law of the United States, 
or any proclamation of the President, be 
restrained of liberty, with intent to be held 
in or reduced to involuntary servitude or 
labor, the person convicted before a court 
of competent jurisdiction of such act shall 
be punished by fine of not less than $1,500, 
and be imprisoned not less than five, nor 
more than twenty years. 

Sec. 14. That every person who shall 
hereafter hold or exercise any office, civil 
or military, except offices merely minis- 
terial and military offices below the grade 
of colonel, in the rebel service. State or 
Confederate, is hereby declared not to be 
a citizen of the United States. 



Lincoln's Proclamation on Reconstrnction 

President Lincoln failed to sign the above 
bill because it reached him less than one 
hour before final adjournment, and there- 
upon issued a proclamation which closed 
as follows : 

" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, 
President of the United States, do pro- 
claim, declare, and make known, that, 
while I am (as I was in December last, 
when bt proclamation I propounded a plan 
for restoration) unnrepared, ])y a formal 
approval of this bill, to be inflexibly com- 
mitted to any single plan of restoration ; 
and, .while I am also unprepared to declare 
that the free State constitutions and gov- 
ernments already adopted and installed in 
Arkansas and Louisianti shall be set aside 
and held for nought, thereby repelling and 
discouraging the loyal citizens who have 
set up the same as to further effort, or to 
declare a constitutional competency in 
Congress to abolish slavery in States, but 
am at the same time sincerf»lv hoping and 



170 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



expecting that a constitutional amendment 
abolishing slavery throughout the nation 
may be adopted, nevertheless I am fully 
satisfied with the system for restoration 
contained in the bill as one very proper 
plan for the loyal people of any State 
choosing to adopt it, and that I am, and at 
all times shall be, prepared to give the Ex- 
ecutive aid and assistance to any such peo- 
ple, so soon as the military resistance to 
the United States shall have been sup- 
pressed in any such State, and the people 
thereof shall have sufficiently returned to 
their obedience to the Constitution and 
laws of the United States, in which cases 
Military Governors will be apiwinted, with 
directions to proceed according to the bill." 



Admission of Arkansas. 

On the 10th of June, 18G4, introduced a 
joint resolution for the recognition of the 
free State government of Arkansas. A 
new State government had then been or- 
ganized, with Isaac Murphy, Governor, 
who was reported to have received nearly 
16,000 votes at a called election. The 
other State officers are : 

Lieutenant Governor, C. C. Bliss ; Secre- 
tary of State, R. J. T. White ; Auditor, J. 
B. Berry ; Treasurer, E. D. Ayers ; Attor- 
ney General, C. T. .Jordan; Judges of the 
Supreme Court, T. D. W. Yowley, C. A. 
Harper, E. Baker. 

The Legislature also elected Senators, 
but neither Senators nor Representatives 
obtained their seats. Trumbull, from the 
Senate Judiciary Committee, made a long 
report touching the admission of the Sen- 
ators, which closed as follows: 

"When the rebellion in Arkansas shall 
have been so far suppressed that the loy- 
al inhabitants thereof shall be free to re- 
establish their State government upon a 
republican ibundation, or to recognize the 
one already set up, and by the aid and not 
in subordination to the military to main- 
tain the same, they will then, and not be- 
fore, in the opinion of your committee, be 
entitled to a representation in Congress, 
and to participate in the administration of 
the Federal Government. Believing that 
such a state of things did not at the time 
the claimants were elected, and does not 
now, exist in the State of Arkansas, the 
committee recommend for adoption the 
following resolution : 

" Resolved, That William M. Fishback 
and Elisha Baxter are not entitled to seats 
as Senators from the State of Arkansas." 

1864, June 29— The resolution of the 
Committee on the Judiciary was adopted 
— yeas 27, nays 6. 

President Lincoln was known to favor 
the immediate admission of Arkansas and 
Liouisiana, but the refusal of the Senate to 



admit the Arkansas Senators raised an is- 
sue which partially divided the Republi- 
cans in both Houses, some of whom fa- 
vored forcible reconstruction through the 
aid of Military Governors and the machin- 
ery of new State governments, while others 
opposed. The views of those opposed to 
the President's policy are well stated in a 
paper signed by Benjamin F. Wade and 
Henry Winter Davis, published in the New 
York Tribune, August 5th, 1864. From 
this we take the more pithy extracts : 

The President, by preventing this bill 
from becoming a law, holds the electoral 
votes of the rebel States at the dictation of 
his personal ambition. 

If those votes turn the balance in his 
favor, is it to be supposed that his compe- 
titor, defeated by such means, will ac- 
quiesce ? 

If the rebel majority assert their su- 
premacy in those States, and send votes 
which elect an enemy of the Government, 
will we not re]}Q\ his claims ? 

And is not civil war for the Presidency 
inaugurated by the votes of rebel States? 

Seriously impressed with these dangers, 
Congress, " the jyi-oper constitutional au- 
thority," formally declared that there are 
no State governments in the rebel States, 
and provided for their erection at a proper 
time ; and both the Senate and the House 
of Representatives rejected the Senators 
and Representatives chosen under the au- 
thority of what the President calls the 
free constitution and government of Ar- 
kansas. 

The President's proclamation "holds for 
naught " this judgment, and discards the 
authority of the Supreme Court, and strides 
headlong toward the anarchy his pro- 
clamation of the 8th of December inaugu- 
rated. 

If electors for President be allowed to 
be chosen in either of those States, a sinis- 
ter light will be cast on the motives which 
induced the President to " hold for naught " 
the will of Congress rather than his gov- 
ernment in Louisiana and Arkansas. 

That judgment of Congress which the 
President defies was the exercise of an 
authority exclusively vested in Congress 
by the Constitution to determine what is 
the established government in a State, and 
in its own nature and by the highest judi- 
cial authority binding on all other depart- 
ments of the Government. * * * * 

A more studied outrage on the legisla- 
tive authority of the people has never been 
perpetrated. 

Congress passed a bill ; the President rt- - 
fused to ai)i)rove it, and then by proclam:.- 
tion puts as much of it in force as he sec s 
fit, and proposes to execute those parts by 
officers unknown to the laws of the United 
States and not subject to the confirmation 
of the Senate ! 



EECONSTKUCTION. 



171 



The bill directed the appointment of 
Provisional Governors by and with the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate. 

The President, after defeating the law, 
proposes to apjioint without law^,- and with- 
out the advice and consent of the Senate, 
Militartj Governors for the rebel States ! 

He has already exercised this dictatorial 
usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated 
the bill to prevent its limitation. * * * 
' The President has greatly presumed on 
the forbearance which the supporters of 
his Administration have so long practiced, 
in view of the arduous conflict in which 
we are engaged, and the reckless ferocity 
of our political opponents. 

But he must understand that our sup- 
port is of a cause and not of a man ; that 
the authority of Congress is paramount 
and must be respected ; that the whole 
body of the Union men of Congress will 
not submit to be impeached by him of 
rash and unconstitutional legislation ; and 
if he wishes our support, he must confine 
himself to his executive duties — ^to obey 
and execute, not make the laws — to sup- 
press by arms armed rebellion, and leave 
political reorganization to Congress. 

If the supporters of the Government 
fail to insist on this, they become responsi- 
ble for the usurpations which they fail to 
rebuke, and are justly liable to the indig- 
nation of the people whose rights and 
security, committed to their keeping, they 
sacrifice. 

Let them consider the remedy for these 
usurpations, and, having found it, fear- 
lessly execute it. 

The question, as presented in 1864, now 
passed temporarily from public considera- 
tion because of greater interest in the 
closing events of the war and the Presi- 
dential succession. The passage of the 
14th or anti -slavery amendment by the 
States also intervened. This was ofiicially 
announced on the 18th of December 1865, 
by Mr. Seward, 27 of the then 36 States 
having ratified, as follows : Illinois, Rhode 
Island, Michigan, Maryland, New York, 
West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachu- 
setts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Mis- 
souri, Nevada. Indiana, Louisiana, Minne- 
sota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Ar- 
kansas, Connecticut, New Hampshire, 
South Carolina, Alabama, North Carolina, 
and Georgia. 



TEXT OF THE RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES. 



14:tli Coustltntlonal Amendment. 

Jtmt Resolution propo^mj an Amendment to the Constitu- 
tion of the United Slates. 

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the United States of 
America, in Congress assembled, (two- 
thirds of both houses concurring,) That 



the following article be proposed to the 
Legislatures of the several States as an 
amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, which, when ratified by 
three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be 
valid as part of the Constitution, namely : 
[Here follows the 14th amendment. See 
Book IV.] 

Reconstruction Act of Thirty-Ninth Con- 
gress. 

An Act. to provide for the more efficient government of the 
rebel States. 

Whereas no legal State governments or 
adequate protection for life or property now 
exists iu the rebel States of Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 
Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, 
Texas, and Arkansas; and whereas it is 
necessary that peace and good order 
should be enforced in said States until 
loyal and republican State governments 
can be legally established : Therefore 

Be it enacted, &c.. That said rebel States 
shall be divided into military districts and 
made subject to the military authority of 
the United States, as hereinafter prescribed, 
and for that purpose Virginia shall consti- 
tute the first district ; North Carolina and 
South Carolina the second district ; Geor- 
gia, Alabama, and Florida the third dis- 
trict ; Mississippi and Arkansas the fourth 
district ; and Louisiana and Texas the fifth 
district. 

Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the 
President to assign to the command of 
each of said districts an ofiicer of the army, 
not below the rank of brigadier general, 
and to detail a sufficient military force to 
enable such officer to perform his duties 
and enforce his authority within the dis- 
trict to which he is assigned. 

Sec. 3. That it shall be the duty of each 
officer assigned as aforesaid to protect all 
persons in their rights of person and 
property, to suppress insurrection, disor- 
der, and violence, and to punisli, or cause 
to be punished, all distur'jers of the public 
peace and criminals, and to this end ne 
may allow local civil tribunals to take 
jurisdiction of and to try offenders, or, 
when in his judgment it may be necessary 
for the trial of offenders, he shall have 
power to organize military commissions 
or tribunals for that purpose ; and all in- 
terference under color of State authority 
with the exercise of military authority un- 
der this act shall be null and void. 

Sec. 4. That all persons put under mili- 
tary arrest by virtue of this act shall be 
tried without unnecessary delaj', and no 
cruel or unusual punishment shall be in- 
flicted ; and no sentence of any military' 
commission or tribunal hereby authorized, 
aflfecting the life or liberty of any person, 
shall be executed until it is approved by 
the officer in command of the distriit, .nid 



172 



AMERICAN I'OLITICS. 



the laws and regulations for the govern- 
ment of the army shall not be affected by 
this act, except in so far as they conflict 
with its provisions : Provided, Tliat no 
sentence of death under the provisions of 
this act shall be carried into effect without 
the approval of the President. 

Sec. 5. That when the people of any one 
of said rebel States shall have formed a 
constitution of government in conformity 
with the Constitution of the United States 
in all respects, framed by a convention of 
delegates elected by the male citizens of 
said State twenty-one years old and up- 
ward, of Avhatever race, color, or previous 
condition, who have been resident in said 
State for one year previous to the day of 
such election, except such as may be dis- 
franchised for particiinition in the rebel- 
lion, or for felony at common law, and 
when such constitution shall provide that 
the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by 
all such persons as have the qualifications 
herein stated for electors of delegates, and 
when such constitution shall be ratified by 
a majority of the persons voting on the 
question of ratification who are qualified as 
electors for delegates, and when such con- 
stitution shall have been submitted to 
Congress for examination and approval, 
and Congress shall have approved the 
same, and when said State, by a vote of its 
legislature elected under said constitution, 
shall have adopted the amendment to the 
Constitution of the United States, proposed 
by the Thirty-ninth Congress, and known 
as article fourteen, and when said article 
shall have become a part of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, said State shall 
be declared entitled to representation in 
Congress, and Senators and Representa- 
tives shall be admitted therefrom on their 
taking the oaths prescribed by law, and 
then and thereafter the preceding sections 
of this act shall be inoperative in said 
State : Provided, That no person excluded 
from the privilege of holding office by said 
proposed amendment to the Constitution 
of the United States shall be eligible to 
election as a member of the convention to 
frame a constitution for any of said rebel 
States, nor shall any such person vote for 
members of such convention. 

Sec. 6. That until the people of said rebel 
States shall be by law admitted to repre- 
sentation in the Congress of the United 
States, any . civil governments which may 
exist therein shall be deemed provisional 
only, and in all respects subject to the 
paramount authority of the United States 
at any time to abolish, modify, control, or 
supersede the same ; and in all elections to 
any office under such provisional govern- 
ments all per-ons shall be entitled to vote, 
and none others, who are entitled to vote 
under the pi'ovisions of the fifth section of 
this act ; and no person shall be eligible to 



any office under any such provisional gov- 
ernments who would be disqualified from 
holding office under the provisions of the 
third article of said constitutional amend- 
ment. 

Passed March 2, 1867. 



Supplemental Keconstractlon Act ot Vot- 
tietli Congress. 

Ax Act supplementary to an act entitled 
"An act to provide for the more efficient' 
government of the rebel States," passed 
March second, eighteen hundred and 
sixty-seven, and to facilitate restora- 
tion. 

Be it enacted, itv.. That before the first 
day of SeiDteniber, eighteen hundred and 
sixty-seven, the commanding general in 
each district defined by an act entitled 
" An act to j^rovide for the more efficient 
government of the rebel States," passed 
March second, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
seven, shall cause a registration to be 
made of the male citizens of the United 
States, twenty-one years of age and up- 
wards, resident in each county or parish 
in the State or States included in his dis- 
trict, which registration shall include only 
those persons who are qualified to vote for 
delegates by the act aforesaid, and who 
shall have taken and subscribed the fol- 
lowing oath or afiirmation : " I, , 

do solemnly swear, (or afiirm,) in the 
presence of Almighty God, that I am a 

citizen of the State of ; that I have 

resided in said State for months 

next preceding this day, and now reside in 

the county of , or the parish of 

-, in said State, (as the case maybe ;) 



that I am twenty-one years old ; that I 
have not been disfranchised for participa- 
tion in any rebellion or civil war against 
the United States, nor for felony commited 
against the laws of any State or of the 
United States; that I have never been a 
member of any State legislature, nor held 
any executive or judicial office in any 
State and afterwards engaged in insurrec- 
tion or rebellion against the United States, 
or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
thereof; that I have ncA'er taken an oath 
as a member of Congress of the United 
States, or as an officer of the United States, 
or as a member of any State legislature, or 
as an executive or judicial officer of any 
State, to support the Constitution of the 
United States, and afterwards engaged in 
insurrection or rebellion against the 
United States or given aid or comfort to 
the enemies thereof; that I will faithfully 
support the Constitution and obey the 
laws of the United States, and will, to the 
best of my ability, encourage others so to 
do, so help me God;" which oath or affirm- 
ation maybe administered by any register- 
injr officer. 



RECONSTRUCTION. 



173 



Sec. 2. That after the completion of the 
registration hereby provided for in any 
State, at such time and places therein as 
the commanding general shall appoint and 
direct, of which at least thirty days' public 
notice shall be given, an election shall be 
Iield of delegates to a convention for the 
purpose of establishing a constitution and 
civil government . for such State loyal to 
the Union, said convention in each State, 
.except Virginia, to consist of the same 
number of members as the most numerous 
branch of the State legislature of such 
State in the year eighteen hundred and 
sixty, to be apportioned among the several 
districts, counties, or parishes of such 
State by the commanding general, giving 
to each representation in the ratio of voters 
or registered as aforesaid, as nearly as may 
be. The convention in Virginia shall con- 
sist of the same number of members as 
represented the territory now constituting 
Virginia in the most numerous branch of 
the legislature of said State in the year 
eighteen hundred and sixty, to be ap- 
pointed as aforesaid. 

Skc. 3. That at said election the regis- 
tered voters of each State shall vote for or 
against a convention to form a constitution 
therefor under this act. Those voting in 
favor of such a convention shall have 
written or printed on the ballots by which 
they vote for delegates, as aforesaid, the 
words " For a convention," and those vot- 
ing against such a convention shall have 
written or printed on such ballots the 
words " Against a convention." The per- 
son appointed to sui)erintend said election, 
and to make return of the votes given 
thereat, as herein provided, shall count 
and make return of the votes given for and 
against a convention ; and the command- 
ing general to whom the same shall have 
been returned shall ascertain and declare 
the total vote in each State for and against 
a convention. If a majority of the votes 
given on that question shall be for a con- 
vention, then such convention shall be held 
as hereinafter provided; but if a majority 
of said votes shall be against aconventiou, 
then no such convention shall be held un- 
der this act : Provided, That such con- 
vention shall not be held unless a majority 
of all such registered voters shall have 
voted on the question of holding such i-on- 
vention. 

Sec. 4. That the commanding general of 
each district shall appoint as many boards 
of registration as may be necessary, con- 
sisting of three loyal officers or persons, to 
make and complete the registration, su- 

Eerintend the election, and make return to 
im of the votes, list-; of voters, and of the 
persons elected as delegates by a plurality 
of the votes cast at said election ; and upon 
receiving said returns he shall open the 
same, ascertain the persons elected as dele- 



gates according to the returns of the offi- 
cers who conducted said election, and 
make proclamation thereof; and if a ma- 
jority of the votes given on that question 
shall be for a convention, the commanding 
general, within sixty days from the date of 
election, shall notify the delegates to as- 
semble in convention, at a time and place 
to be mentioned in the notification, and 
said convention, when organized, shall pro- 
ceed to frame a constitution and civil gov- 
ernment according to the provisions of this 
act and the act to which it is supplement- 
ary ; and when the same shall have been 
so framed, said constitution shall be sub- 
mitted by the convention for ratification to 
the persons registered under the provisions 
of this act at an election to be conducted 
by the officers or persons appointed or to 
be appointed by the commanding general, 
as hereinbefore provided, and to be held 
after the expiration of thirty days from the 
date of notice thereof, to be given by said 
convention ; and the returns thereof shall 
be made to the commanding general of the 
district. 

Sec. 5. That if, according to said re- 
turns, the constitution shall be ratified by 
a majority of the votes of the registered 
electors qualified as herein specified, cast 
at said election, (^at least one-half of all the 
registered voters voting upon the question 
of such ratification,) the president of the 
convention shall transmit a copy of the 
same, duly certified, to the President of 
the United States, who shall forthwith 
transmit the same to Congress, if then in 
session, and if not in session, then imme- 
diately upon its next assembling; and if it 
shall, moreover, appear to Congress that 
the election was one at which all the reg- 
istered and (jualified electors in the State 
had an opportunity to vote freely and with- 
out restraint, fear, or the influence of fraud; 
and if the Congress shall be satisfied that 
such constitution meets the approval of a 
majority of all the qualified electors in the 
State, and if the said constitution shall be 
declared by Congress to be in conformity 
with the provisions of the act to which this 
is supplementary, and the other provisions 
of said act shall liave been complied with, 
and the said constitution shall be approved 
by Congress, the State shall be declared 
entitled to representation, and Senators 
and Representatives shall be admitted 
therefrom as therein provided. 

Sec. 6. That all elections in the States 
mentioned in the said " Act to provide for 
the more efficient government of the rebel 
States," shall, during the operation of said 
act, be by ballot; and all officers making 
the said registration of voters and conduct- 
ing said elections shall, before entering 
upon the discharge of their duties, take 
and subscribe the oath prescribed by the 
act approved July second, eighteen hun- 



174 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



dred and sixty-two, entitled " An act to 
prescribe an oath of office : * Provided, That 
if any person shall knowingly and falsely 
take and subscribe any oath in this act 
prescribed, such jierson so offending and 
being thereof duly convicted, shall be sub- 
ject to the pains, penalties, and disabilities 
which by law are provided for the punish- 
ment of the crime of wilful and corrupt 
perjury. 

Sec. 7. That all expenses incurred by 
the several commanding generals, or by 
virtue of any orders issued, or appoint- 
ments made, by them, under or by virtue 
of this act, shall be paid out of any moneys 
in the treasury not otherwise appropriated. 

Sec. 8. That the convention for each 
State shall prescribe the fees, salary, and 
compensation to be paid to all delegates 
and other officers and agents herein au- 
thorized or necessary to carry into effect 
the purposes of this act not herein other- 
wise provided for, and shall provide for 
the levy and collection of such taxes on 
the property in such State as may be ne- 
cessary to pay the same. 

Sec. 9. That the word article, in the 
sixth section of the act to which this is 
supplementary, shall be construed to mean 
section. 

Passed March 23, 1867. 



Votes of State Legislatures on tlie Four- 
teentlx Constitutional Amendmeut.f 

LOYAL STATES. 
Ratified — TwenUj-one Slates. 

Maine — Senate, January 16, 1867, yeas 

* This act is in tbese words : 

Be it eiiactffd, <f-c.. That hereafter every person elected 
or appuinted to any office of" lionor or profit under the 
government of the United Stateu, either in the civil, mili- 
tary, or naval departments of the public service, except- 
ing the President of tlie United Stutes, shall, before en- 
tering upon tlie duties of such office, and before being 
entitled to any of the salary or other emohinients there- 
of, take and subscribe the following oath i>r affirmation: 
" I, A B, do solemnly swear 'or aftirm) tliat I have never 
voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I 
have been a citizen thereof; that T liave voluntarily 
given no aid, countenance counsel, or encouragement to 
persons engaged in armed liostility thereto; that I have 
never sought nor accejited ncjr atti-mpted to exercise (he 
funrtions of any office whiitcvcr. under any authority or 
pretended authority, in hostility to the United States; 
that I have nut yielded a voluntary support to any pre- 
tended government, authority, power, or constitution 
within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto; 
and I do further swear or affiinO that, to the best of my 
knowledge and ability, I will support and defend the 
Constitution of the United States, .against all enemies, 
foreign and domestic; that T will hear true faith iind al- 
legiance to the same ; that I t.ake this obligation freely, 
without any mental reservation or ]iurpose of evasion, 
and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties 
of the office on wliich I am about to enter; so help me 
God ;" whieh said oath, so taken and signed, shall be 
preserved among the files of the Court, House of Con- 
gress, or Department to which the said office may apper- 
tain. And any (lerson who slall falsely take the said 
oath shall be guilty of perjury, and on conviction, in ad- 
dition to the penalties now prescribed for that offen'^e, 
shall be deprived of his office, and rendered incaiiable 
forever after, of holding any office or place under the 
United St.ites. 

+ Compiled by Hon. Edward McPherson in his Hand 
Book of PoUticB for 1868. 



31, navs ; House, January 11, 1867, yeat 
126, nays 12. 

AV(r Hampshire — Senate, July 6, 1866, 
yeas 9, navs 3 ; House, June 28, 1866, veas 
207, nays 112. 

Vermont — SENATE, October 23, 1866, 
yeas 28, nays ; House, October 30, 

1866, yeas 199, nays 11. 
Massachusetts — ^SENATE, March 20, 1867, 

yeas 27, nays 6 ; House, March 14, 1867, 
yeas 120, nays 20. 

Rhode Island — Senate, February 5, 

1867, yeas 26, nays 2 ; House, February 7, 
1867, yeas 60, nays 9 

Coaaecticut — SENATE, June 25, 1866, 
yeas 11, nays 6; House, June 29, 1866, 
yeas 131, nays 92. 

New York — SENATE, January 3, 1867, 
yeas 23, nays 3 ; House, January 10, 1867, 
yeas 76, nays 40. 

Neic /e/wey— Senate, September 11, 1866, 
veas 11, nays 10; House, September 11, 

1866, yeas 34, nays 24. 

Pennsylvania — Senate, January 17, 

1867, yeas 20, nays 9 ; House, February 6, 
1867, yeas 58, nays 29. 

West Virginia — Senate, January 15, 
1867, yeas 15, nays 3 ; House, January 16, 
1867, yeas 43, nays 11. 

Ohio — Senate, January 3, 1867, yeas 21, 
nays 12; House, January 4, 1867, yeas 64, 
nays 25. 

Tennessee — Senate, July 11, 1866, yeas 
15, nays 6 ; House, July 12, 1866, yeas 
43, nays 11. 

Indiana — Senate, January 16, 1867, 
yeas 29, nays 18 ; House, January 23, 
1867, yeas — , nays — . 

Illinois — Senate, January 10, 1867, 
yeas 17, nays 7 ; House, January 15, 1867, 
yeas 59, nays 25. 

Michigan — SeNATE, 1867, yeas 25, 

navs 1 ; House, 1867, yeas 77, navs 

15." 

Missouri — Senate, January 5, 1867, 
yeas 26, nays 6 ; House, January 8, 1867, 
yeas 85, nays 34. 

Minnesota — Senate, January 16, 1867, 
yeas 16, nays 5 ; House, January 15, 1867, 
yeas 40, nays 6. 

A'ansas -Senate, January 11, 1867, 
unanimously; House, January 10, 1867, 
yeas, 75, nays 7. 

Wisconsin — Senate, January 23, 1867, 
veas 22, nays 10; House, February 7, 
1867, yeas 72, nays 12. 

Oregon — * Senate, , 1866, yeas 13, 

nays 7; House, September 19, 1866, yeas 
25. nays 22. 

Nevada — * Senate, January 22, 1867, 
yeas 14, nays 2 ; House, January 11, 1867, 
yeas 34, nays 4. 

! Rejected— Three Slates. 

j DeZajoare— Senate, ; HOUSB, 

' February 7, 1867, yeas 6, nays 15. 

1 *Unoffici»l. 



GENERAL McCLELLAN'S LETTERS. 



175 



Mari/l a nd—iiii.N ATE, March 23, 1867, 
yeas 4, nays 13 ; House, March 23, 1867, 
yea^ 12, nays 45. 

Kentucky/— Sei>! ATE, January 8, 1867, 
yeas 7, nays 24 ; House, January 8, 1867, 
yeas 26, nays 62. 

Not acted — Three St'^tes. 

Iowa, California, Nebraska. 

INSURRECTIONARY STATES. 

Rejected — Ten State*. 

Virginia — Sen^ate, January 9, 1867, 
unanimously ; House, January 9, 1867, 1 
for amendment. 

North Carolina — Senate, December 13, 
1836, veas 1, nays 41 ; House, December 
13, 18(56, yeas 10, nays 93. 

South Carolina — Senate ; 

House, December 20, 1866, yeas 1, nays 95. 

(?(?orgrn?— Senate, November 9, 1866, 
yeas 0, nays 36 ; HousE, November 9, 1866, 
yeas 2, nays 131. 

Florida — Senate, December 3, 1866, 
yeas 0, nays 20 ; House, December 1, 1866, 
yeas 0, nays 49. 

Alabama — Senate, December 7, 1866, 
yeas 2, nays 27 ; House, December 7, 
1866, yeas 8, nays 69. 

Mississippi — Senate, January 30, 1867, 
yeas 0, nays 27 ; House, January 25, 1867, 
yeas 0, nays 88. 

Louisiana SENATE, February 5, 1867, 
unanimously ; House, February 6, 1867, 
unanimously. 

Texas — Senate, ; House, Oc- 
tober 13, 1866, yeas 5, nays 67. 

Arkansas — Senate, December 15, 1866, 
yeas 1, nays 24 ; House, December 17, 
1868, yeas 2, nays 68. 

The passage of the 14th Amendment and 
of tlie Reconstruction Acts, was followed 
by Presi dential proclamations dated August 
20, 1866, declaring the insurrection at an 
end in Texas, and civil authority existing 
throughout the whole of the United 
States. 
. presidential election of 1864. 

The Republican National Convention 
met at Baltimore, June 7th, 1864, and re- 
nominated President Lincoln unanimous- 
ly, save the vote of Missouri, which was 
cast for Gen. Grant. Hannibal Hamlin, 
the old Vice-President, was not re-nomi- 
nated, because of a desire to give part of 
the ticket to the Union men of the South, 
who pressed Senator Andrew Johnson of 
Tennessee. " Parson " Brownlow made a 
strong appeal in his behalf, and by his elo- 
quence captured a majority of the Con- 
vention. 

The Democratic National Convention 
met at Chicago, August 29th, 1864, and 
nominated General George B. McClellan, 
of New .Jersey, for President, and George 
H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. 
General McClellan was made available for 
the Democratic nomination through cer- 



tain political letters which he had written 
on points of difference between himself and 
the Lincoln administration. Two of these 
letters are sufficient to show his own and 
the views of the party which nominated 
him, in the canvass which followed : 



Gen. McClellan 's Letters. 

On Political AdminUtration, July 7, 1862. 

Heahquarters Army of the Potomac, 
Camp near Harrison's Landing, Va., Ji.ly 7, 1802. 

Mr. President : — You have been fully 
inibrmed that the rebel army is in the 
front, with the purpose of overwhelming 
us by attacking our positions or reducing 
us by blocking our river communications. 
I cannot but regard our condition as criti- 
cal, and I earnestly desire, in view of pos- 
sible contingencies, to lay before your ex- 
cellency, for your private consideration, 
my general vievvs concerning the existing 
state of the rebellion, although they do 
not strictly relate to the situation of this 
army, or strictly come within the scope of 
my official duties. These views amount to 
convictions, and are deeply impressed upon 
my mind and heart. Our cause must never 
be abandoned; it is the cause of free in- 
stitutions and self-government. The Con- 
stitution and the Union must be i>reserved, 
whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, 
and blood. If secession is successful, other 
dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the 
future. Let neither military disaster, polit- 
ical faction, nor foreign war shake your 
settled purpose to enforce the equ:d opera- 
tion of the laws of the United States upon 
the people of every State. 

The time has come when the govern- 
ment must determine upon a civil and 
military policy, covering the whole ground 
of our national trouble. 

The responsibility of determining, de- 
claring, and supporting such civil and mil- 
itary policy, and of directing the whole 
course of national affairs in regard to the 
rebellion, must now be assumed and exer- 
cised by you, or our cause will be lost. The 
Constitution gives you power, even for the 
present terrible exigency. 

This rebellion has assumed the charac- 
ter of a war ; as such it should be regarded, 
and it should be conducted upon the high- 
est principles known to Christian civiliza- 
tion. It should not be a war looking to 
the subjugation of the people of any State, 
in any event. It should not be at all a 
war upon population, but against armed 
forces and political organizations. Neither 
confiscation of property, political execu- 
tions of persons, territorial organization of 
States, or forcible al)olition of slavery, 
should be contemplated for a moment. 

In prosecuting the war, all private 
property and unarmed persons should be 
strictly ])rotected, subject only to the ne- 
cessity of military operations ; all private 



176 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



property taken for military use sliuuld be 
paid or receipted for; pillage and waste 
should be treated as high crimes ; all uu- 
necessary trespass sternly prohibited, and 
oflfensive demeanor by the military towards 
citizens promptly rebuked. Military ar- 
rests should not be tolerated, except in 
places where active hostilities exist; and 
oaths, not required by enactments, consti- 
tutionally made, should be neither de- 
manded nor received. 

Military government should be confined 
to the preservation of public order and the 
protection of political right. Military 
power should not be allowed to interfere 
with the relations of servitude, either by 
supporting or impairing the authority of 
the master, except for repressing disorder, 
as in other cases. Slaves, contraband under 
the act of Congress, seeking military pro- 
tection, should receive it. The right of 
the government to appropriate permanent- 
ly to its own service claims to slave labor 
should be asserted, and the the right of the 
owner to compensation therefor should be 
recognized. This principle might be ex- 
tended, upon grounds of military necessity 
and security, to all the slaves of a particu- 
lar State, thus working manumission in 
such State ; and in Missouri, perhaps in 
Western Virginia also, and possibly even 
in Maryland, the expediency of such a 
measure is only a question of time. A 
system of policy thus constitutional, and 
pervaded by the influences of Christianity 
and freedom, would receive the support of 
almost all truly loyal men, would deeply 
impress the rebel masses and all foreign 
nations, and it might be humbly hoped 
that it would commend itself to the favor 
of the Almighty. 

Unless the principles governing the 
future conduct of our struggle shall be 
made known and approved, the effort to 
obtain requisite forces will be almost hope- 
less. A declaration of radical views, es- 
pecially upon slavery, will rapidly disin- 
tegi'ate our present armies. The policy of 
the government must be supported by con- 
centrations of military power. The na- 
tional forces should not be dispersed in 
expeditions, posts of occupation, and nu- 
merous armies, but should be mainly col- 
lected into masses, and brought to bear 
upon the armies of the Confederate States. 
Those armies thoroughly defeated, the 
political structure which they support 
would soon cease to exist. 

In carrying out any system of policy 
which you may Ibrm, you will require a 
commander-in-chief of the army, one who 
possesses your confidence, understands 
your views, and who is competent to exe- 
cute your orders, by directing the military 
forces of the nation to the accomplishment 
of the objects by you proposed. I do not 
ask that place for myself. I am willing to 



serve you in such position as you may as- 
sign me, and I will do so as faithfully as 
ever subordinate served superior. 

I may be on the brink of eternity ; and 
as I hope forgiveness from my Maker, I 
have written this letter with sincerity to- 
wards you and from love for my country. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
George B. McClellan, 
Major- General Commanding. 
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President. 



IN FAVOR OF THE ELECTION OF GEORGE 
W. WOODWARD AS GOVERNOR OF 
PENNSYLVANIA. 
Okange, New Jersey, October 12, 1863. 

Dear Sir : — My attention has been 
called to an article in the Philadelphia 
Freas, asserting that I had written to the 
managers of a Democratic meeting at 
Allentown, disapproving the objects of the 
meeting, and that if I voted or s]K)ke it 
would be in favor of Governor Curtin, and 
I am informed that similar assertions have 
been made throughout the State. 

It has been my earnest endeavor hereto- 
fore to avoid participation in parly politics. 
1 had determined to adhere to this course, 
but it is obvious that I cannot longer 
maintain silence under suth misrepresen- 
tations. I therefore request you to deny 
that I have written any such letter, or 
entertained any such views as those at- 
tributed to me in the Philadelphia Press, 
and I desire to state clearly and distinctly, 
that having ^ome days ago had a full con- 
versation with Judge Woodward, I find 
that our views agree, and I regard his flec- 
tion as Governor of Pennsylvania called 
for by the interests of the nation. 

I understand Judge Woodward to be in 
favor of the prosecution oi the war with all 
the means at the commai:d of the loyal 
States, until the military I'cwer of the re- 
bellion is des^troyed. I understand him to 
be of the opinion that while the war is 
urged with all possible decision and 
energy, the policy directing it should be 
in consonance with the principles of 
humanity and civilization, working no in- 
jury to private rights and properly not 
demanded by military necessity and recog- 
nized by military law among civilized na- 
tions. 

And, finally, I understand him to agree 
with me in tlie opinion that the sole great 
objects of this war are the restoration of 
the unity of the nation, the preservation of 
the Constitution, and the supremacy of 
the laws of the country. Believing our 
opinions entirely agree, upon these ] oints, 
I would, were it in my power, give to 
Judge Woodward my voice and vote. 

I am, very respectfully, yours, 

George B. "McClellaw. 
Hon. Charles J. Biddle. 



LINCOLN'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 



177 



The views of Mr. Lincoln were well 
known ; they were i'elt in the general con- 
duct of the war. The Republicans adopted 
as one of their maxims the words of their 
candidate, *' that it was dangerous to swap 
horses while crossing a stream." The cam- 
paign was exciting, and was watched by 
both armies with interest and anxiety. In 
this election, by virtue of an act of Con- 
gress, the soldiers in the field were per- 
mitted to vote, and a large majority of 
every branch of the service sustained the 
Administration, though two years before 
General McClellan had been the idol of 
the Army of the Potomac. Lincoln and 
Johnson received 212 electoral votes, 
against 21 for McClellan and Pendleton, 



Lincoln's Second Administration. 

In President Lincoln's second inaugural 
address, delivered on the 4th of March, 
1865, he spoke the following words, since 
oft quoted as typical of the kindly disposi- 
tion of the man believed by his party to be 
the greatest President since Washington: 
" With malice toward none, with charity 
for all, with firmness in the right, as God 
gives us to see the right, let us strive on to 
finish the work we are in, to bind up the 
Nation's wounds, to care for him who shall 
have borne the battle, and for his widow 
and orphans — to do all which may achieve 
a just and lasting peace among ourselves 
and with all nations." 

Lincoln could well afibrd to show that 
generosity which never comes more prop- 
erly than from the hands of the victor. 
His policy was about to end in a great 
triumph. In less than five weeks later on 
General Lee had surrendered the main 
army of the South to General Grant at 
Appomattox, on terras at once magnani- 
mous and so briefly stated that they won 
the admiration of both armies, for the 
rebels had been permitted to retain their 
horses and side arms, and to go at once to 
their homes, not to be disturbed by United 
States authority so long as they observed 
their paroles and the laws in force where 
they resided. Lee's surrender was rapidly 
followed by that of all Southern troops. 

Next came a grave political work — the 
actual reconstruction of the States lately in 
rebellion. This work gave renewed fresh- 
ness to the leading political issues incident 
to the war, and likewise gave rise to new 
issues. It was claimed at once that Lin- 
coln had a reconstruction policy of his 
own, because of his anxiety for the prompt 
admission of Louisiana and Arkansas, but 
it hud certainly never taken definite shape, 
nor was there time to get such a policy in 
shape, between the surrender of Lee and 
his own assassination. On the night of 
the 15th of April, six days after the sur- 
render, J.Wilkes Booth shot him while 

12 



sitting in a box in Ford's theatre. The 
nation stood appalled at the deed. No 
man was ever more sincerely rtiourned in 
all sections and by all classes. The South- 
ern leaders thought that this rash act had 
lost to them a life which had never been 
harsh, and while firm, was ever generous. 
The North had looked upon him as ''Father 
Abraham," and all who viewed the result 
of the shooting from sectional or partisan . 
standpoints, thought his policy of "keep- 
ing with the people," would have shielded . 
every proper interest. No public man ever ■ 
felt less " pride of opinion" than Lincoln, 
and we do believe, had he lived, that he • 
would have shaped events, as he did dur- 
ing the war, to the best interests of the ■ 
victors, but without unnecessary agitation? 
or harshness. All attempts of writers to ■■ 
evolve from his proclamation a reconstruc- - 
tion policy, applicable to peace, have been ; 
vain and impotent. He had none whichi 
would not have changed with changing 
circumstances. A " policy " in an execu- • 
tive office is too often but another name fon 
executive egotism, and Lincoln was almos-t 
absolutely free from that weakness. 

On the morning of Mr. Lincoln's death, , 
indeed within the same hour (and very 
properly so under the circumstances), the 
Vice President Andrew Johns(m was in- 
augurated as President. The excitement 
was painfully high, and the new President, 
in speeches, interviews and proclamations 
if possible added to it. From evidence 
in the Bureau of Military Justice he 
thought the assassination of Lincoln, and 
the attempted assassination of Secretary 
Seward had been procured by Jefferson 
Davis, Clement C. Clay, Jacob Thompson, 
Geo. N. Saunders, Beverly Tucker, Wm. C. 
Cleary, and " other rebels and traitors 
harbored in Canada." The evidence, how- 
ever, fully drawn out in the trial of the co- 
conspirators of J. Wilkes Booth, showed 
that the scheme was hair-brained, and 
from iio responsible political source. The 
proclamation, however, gave keenness to 
the search for the fugitive Davis, and he 
was soon captured while making his way 
through Georgia to the Florida coast with 
the intention of escaping from the country. 
He was imprisoned in Fortress Monroe, 
and an indictment for treason was found 
against him, but he remained a close pris- 
oner for nearly two years, until times when 
political policies had been changed or 
modified. Horace Greeley was one of his 
bondsmen. By this time tkere was grave 
doubt whether he could be legally con- 
victed, * " now that the charge of inciting 
Wilkes Booth's crime had been tacitly 
abandoned. Mr. Webster (in his Bunker 
Hill oration) had only given clearer ex- 
pression to the American doctrine, that, 

* From Greeley's Becollectiom of a Busy Life, page 413. 



178 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



after a revolt has levied a regular army, 
and fought therewith a pitched battle, its 
champions, even though utterly defeated, 
cannot be tried and convicted as traitors. 
This may be an extreme statement; but 
surely a rebellion which has for years main- 
tained great armies, levied taxes and con- 
scriptions, negotiated loans, fought scores 
of sanguinary battles with alternate suc- 
cesses and reverses, and exchanged tens of 
thousands of prisoners of war, can hardly fail 
to have achieved thereby the position and 
the rights of a lawful belligerent." This 
view, as then presented by Greeley, was 
accepted by President Johnson, who from 
intemperate denunciation had become the 
friend of his old friends in the South. 
Greeley's view was not generally accepted 
by the" North, though most of the leading 
men of both parties hoped the responsi- 
bility of a trial would be avoided by the 
escape and flight of the prisoner. But he 
was confident by this time, and sought a 
trial. He was never tried, and the best 
reiison for the fact is given in Judge Un- 
derwood's testimony before a Congressional 
Committee (and the Judge was a Republi- 
can) "that no conviction was possible, ex- 
cept by packing a jury." 



Andretr Joliiison. 

On the 29th of April, 18G5, President 
Johnson issued a proclamation renioving 
all restrictions upon internal, domestic and 
coastwise and commercial intercourse in 
all Southern States east of the Mississippi ; 
the blockade was removed May 22, and on 
May 29 a proclamation of amnesty was 
issued, with fourteen classes excepted 
therefrom, and the requirement of an 
" iron-clad oath " from those accepting its 
provisions. Proclamations rapidly fol- 
lowed in shaping the lately rebellious 
States to the conditions of peace and re- 
storation to the Union. These States were 
required to hold conventions, repeal seces- 
sion ordinances, accept the abolition of 
slavery, repudiate Southern war debts, pro- 
vide for Congressional representation, and 
elect new State Officers and Legislatures. 
The several constitutional amendments 
were of course to be ratified by the vote of the 
people. These conditions were eventually 
all complied with, some of the States being 
more tardy than others. The irreconcila- 
bles charged upon the Military officers, 
the Freedmen's Bureau, and the stern ap- 
plication of the reconstruction acts, these 
results, and many of them showed a politi- 
cal hostility wliich, after the election of 
the new Legislatures, took shape in what 
were in the North at the time denounced as 

"the black codes." 
These were passed by all of the eleven 
States in the rebellion. The codes varied 



in severity, according to the views of the 
Legislatures, and for a time they seriously 
interfered with the recognition of the 
States, the Republicans charging that the 
design was to restore slavery under new 
forms. In South Carolina Gen'l Sickles 
issued military orders, as late as January 
17, 1866, against the enforcement of such 
laws. 

To assure the rights, of the frecdmen 
the 14th amendment of the Constitution 
was passed by Congress, June 18th, 1866. 
President Johnson opposed it, refused to 
sign, but said he would submit it to the 
several States. This was done, and it was 
accepted bv the required three-fourths, 
January 28th, 1S68. This had the eflect 
to do away with many of the "black 
codes," and the States which desired re- 
admission to the Union had to finally give 
them up. Since reconstruction, and the 
political ousting of what were called the 
"carpet bag governments," some of the 
States, notably Georgia, has passed class 
laws, which treat colored criminals dilTer- 
ently from white, under what are now 
known as the " conduct laws." Terms of 
sentence are served out, in any part of the 
State, under the control of public and 
private contractors, and " vagrants " are 
subjected to sentences which it is believed 
would be less extended under a system of 
confinement. 



Joliiisoii's Policy. 

While President Johnson's policy did 
not materially check reconstruction, it en- 
couraged Southern politicians to political 
eftbrt, and with their well known tact they 
were not long in gaining the ascendancy 
in nearly every State. This ascendancy 
excited the fears and jealousies of the 
North, and the Republicans announced as 
their object and platform "that all the re- 
sults of the war " should be secured before 
Southern reconstruction and representa- 
tion in Congress should be completed. On 
this they were almost solidly united in 
Congress, but Horace Greeley trained an 
independent sentiment which favored com- 
plete amnesty to the South. President 
Johnson sought to utilize this sentiment, 
and to divide the Republican party 
through his policy, which now looked to 
the same ends. He had said to a delega- 
tion introduced by Gov. Oliver P. Morton, 
April 21, 1865: 

" Your slavery is dead, but I did not 
murder it. As Macbeth said to Banquo's 
bloody ghost: ^ 

' Never shake thy Ror^- locks at me ; 
Thou canst not say I did it.' 

" Slavery is dead, and you must pardon 
me if I do not mourn over its dead body ; 
you can bury it out of sight. In restoring 



IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 



179 



the State, leave out that disturbing and 
dangerous element, and use only those 
parts of the machinery which will move in 
harmony. 

" But in calling a convention to restore 
the State, who shall restore and re-estab- 
lish it? Shall the man who gave his in- 
fluence and his means to destroy the 
Government? Is he to participate in the( 
great work of reorganization? Shall he 
who brought this misery upon the State be 
permitted to control its destinies ? If this 
be so, then all this precious blood of our 
brave soldiers and officers so freely poured 
out will have been wantonly spilled. All 
the glorious victories won by our noble ar- 
mies will go for nought, and all the battle- 
fields which have been sown with dead 
heroes during the rebellion will have been 
made memorable in vain." 

In a speech at ^Vashington, Feb. 22nd, 
1866, Johnson said : 

" The Government has stretched forth 
its strong arm, and with its physical power 
it has put down treason in the field. That 
is, the section of country that arrayed itself 
against the Government has been con- 
quered by the force of the Government itself. 
Now, what had we said to those people? 
We said, 'No compromise; we can settle 
this question with the South in eight and 
forty hours.' 

'• I have said it again and again, and I 
repeat it now, 'disband your armies, ac- 
knowledge the supremacy of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, give obedience 
to the law, and the whole question is set- 
tled.' 

" What has been done since ? Their ar- 
mies have been disbanded. They come 
now to meet us in a spirit of magnanimity 
and say, ' We were mistaken ; we made 
the effort to carry out the doctrine of se- 
cession and dissolve this Union, and hav- 
ing traced this thing to its logical and 
physical results, we now acknowledge the 
flag of our country, and promise obedience 
to the Constitution and the supremacy of 
the law.' 

" I say, then, when you comply with the 
Constitution, when you yield to the law, 
when you acknowledge allegiance to the 
Government — I say let the door of the 
Union be opened, and the relation be re- 
stored to those that had erred and had 
strayed from the fold of our fathers." 

It is not partisanship to say that John- 
eon's views had undergone a change. He 
did not admit this in his speeches, but the 
fact wiis accepted in all sections, and the 
leaders of parties took position accordingly 
— nearly all of the Republicans against 
him, nearly all of the Democrats for him. 
So radical had this difference become that 
he vetoed nearly all of the political bills 
passed by the Republicans from 1866 until 
the end of his administration, but such was 



the Republican preponderance in both 
Houses of Congress that they passed them 
over his head by the necessary two-thirtls 
vote. He vetoed the several Freedmen's 
Bureau Bills, the Civil Rights Bill, that 
for the admission of Nebraska and Colo- 
rado, the Bill to permit Colored Suftrage 
in the District of Columbia, one of the 
Reconstruction Bills, and finally made a 
direct issue with the powers of Congress by 
his veto of the Civil Tenure Bill, March 2, 
1867, the substance of which is shown in 
the third section, as follows : 

Sec. 3. That the President shall have 
power to fill all vacancies which may hap- 
pen during the recess of the Senate, by rea- 
son of death or resignation, by granting 
commissions which shall expire at the end 
of their next session theredfter. And if 
no appointment, by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate, shall be made 
to such office so vacant or temporarily 
filled as aforesaid during such next session 
of the Senate, such office shall remain in 
abeyance without any salary, fees, or 
emoluments attached thereto, until the 
same shall be filled by appointment 
thereto, by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate ; and during such time 
all the powers and duties belonging to such 
office shall be exercised by such other offi- 
cer as may by law exercise such powers and 
duties in case of a vacancy in such office. 

The bill originally passed the Senate by 
22 to 10 — all of the nays Democrats save 
Van Winkle and Willey. It passed the 
House by 112 to 41 — all of the yeas Re- 
publicans ; all of the nays Democrats save 
Hawkins, Latham and Whaley. The 
Senate passed it over the veto by 35 to 11 
— a strict party vote ; the House by 138 to 
40 — a strict party vote, except Latham 
(Rep.) who voted nay. 

The refusal of the President to enforce 
this act, and his attempted removal of 
Secretary Stanton from the Cabinet when 
against the wish of the Senate, led to the 
effort to impeach him. Stanton resisted 
the President, and General Grant took an 
active part in sustaining the War Secre- 
tary. He in fact publicly advised him to 
"stick," and his attitude showed that in 
the great political battle which must fol- 
low, they would surely have the support of 
the army and its great commander. 



Impeaclmneiit Trial of Andre^v Jolinson. 

* The events which led to the impeach- 
ment of President Johnson, may be briefly 
stated as follows : On the 21st of Febru- 
ary, 1868, the President issued an order to 
Mr. Stanton, removing him from office as 
Secretary of War, and another to General 
Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of the 

* From the Century of Independence by John Sully, 
Bostun. 



180 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



Army, appointing him Secretary of War 
od interim, directing the one to surrender 
and the other to receive, all the books, pa- 
pel's, and pubHc property belonging to the 
War Department. As these orders fill an 
important place in the history of the im- 
peachment, we give them here. The or- 
der to Mr. Stanton reads : 

" By virtue of the power and authority 
vested in me as President by the Constitu- 
tion and laws of the United States, you are 
hereby removed from office as Secretary 
for the Department of War, and your 
functions as such will terminate upon the 
receipt of this communication. You will 
transfer to Brevet Major-General Lorenzo 
Thomas, Adjutant-General of the Army, 
who has this day been authorized and em- 
])Owered to a6t as Secretary of War ad 
interim, all records, books, papers, and other 
public property now in your custody and 
charge." 

The order to General Thomas reads : 

"The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton having 
been this day removed from office as Secre- 
tary for the Department of War, you are 
hereby authorized and empowered to act 
as Secretary of War ad interim., and will 
immediately enter upon the discharge of 
the duties pertaining to that office. Mr. 
Stanton has been instructed to transfer to 
you all the records, books, and other public 
property now in his custody and charge." 

These orders having been officially com- 
municated to the Senate, that body, after 
an earnest debate, passed the following 
resolution : 

" Resolved, by the Senate of the United 
States, That under the Constitution and 
laws of the United States the President 
has no power to remove the Secretary of 
War and designate any other officer toper- 
form the duties of that office." 

The President, upon the 24th, sent a 
message to the Senate, arguing at length 
that not only under the Constitution, but 
also under the laws as now existing, he had 
the right of removing Mr. Stanton and 
appointing another to fill his place. The 
point of his argument is: That by a special 
proviso in the Tenure-of-Office Bill the va- 
rious Secretaries of Departments " shall 
hold their offices respectively for and dur- 
ing the term of the President by whom 
they may have been appointed, and for one 
month thereafter, subject to removal by 
and with the advice or the Senate." The 
President affirms that Mr. Stanton was ap- 
pointed not by him, but by his predeces- 
sor, Mr. Lincoln, and held office only by 
the sufferance, not the appointment, of the 
present Executive; and that therefore his 
tenure is, by the express reading of the 
law excepted from the general provision, 
that every person duly appointed to office, 
" by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate," etc., shall be " entitled to hold 



office until a successor shall have been in 
like manner ajDpointed and duly qualified, 
except as herein otherwise provided." The 
essential point of the President's argument, 
therefore, is that, as Mr. Stanton was not 
appointed by him, he had, under the Ten- 
ure-of-Office Bill, the right at any time to 
remove him ; the same right which hisown 
successor would have, no matter whether 
the incumbent had, by sufferance, not by 
appointment of the existing Executive, 
held the office for weeks or even years. 
" If," says the President, " my successor 
would have the power to remove Mr. Stan- 
ton, after permitting him to remain a peri- 
od of two weeks, because he was not ap- 
pointed by him, I who have tolerated Mr. 
Stanton for more than two years, certainly 
have the same right to remove him, upon 
the same ground, namely that he was not 
appointed by me but by my predecessor." 

In the meantime General Thomas pre- 
sented himself at the War Department and 
demanded to be placed in the position to 
which he had been assigned by the Pres- 
ident. Mr. Stanton refused to surrender 
his post, and ordered General Thomas to 
proceed to the apartment which belonged 
to him as Adjutant-General. This order 
was not obeyed, |ind so the two claimants 
to the Secretaryship of War held their 
ground. A sort of legal by-play then en- 
sued. Mr. Stanton entered a formal com- 
plaint before Judge Carter, Chief Justice 
of the Supreme Court of the District of 
Columbia, charging that General Thomas 
had illegally exercised and attempted to 
exercise the duties of Secretary of War; 
and had threatened to " forcibly remove the 
complainant from the buildings and apart- 
ments of the Secretary of War in the War 
Department, and forcibly take possession 
and control thereof under his pretended 
appointment by the President of the 
United States as Secretary of War ad in- 
terim ; " and praying that he might be ar- 
rested and held to answer this charge. 
General Thomas was accordingly arrested, 
and held to bail in the sum of $15,000 to 
appear before the court on the 24th. Ap- 
pearing on that day he was discharged 
from custody and bail ; whereupon he en- 
tered an action against Mr. Stanton for 
false imprisonment, laying his damages at 
$150,000. 

On the 22d of February the House 
Committee on Reconstruction, through its 
Chairman, Mr. Stevens, presented a brief 
report, merely stating the fact of the at- 
tempted removal by the President of Mr. 
Stanton, and closing as follows: 

" Upon the evidence collected by the 
Committee, which is hereafter presented, 
and in virtue of the powers with which 
they have been invested by tli£^ House, 
they are of the opinion that Andrew John- 
son, President of the United States, should 



IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 



181 



be impeached of high crimes and misde- 
meanors. They, therefore, recommend to 
the House the adoiJtion of the following 
resolution : 

" Resolred, That Andrew Johnson, Pres- 
ident of the United States be impeached of 
high crimes and misdemeanors." 

After earnest debate, the question on the 
resolution was adopted, on the 24:th, by a 
vote of 12G to 47. A committee of two 
members — Stevens and Bingham — were to 
• notify the Senate of the action of the 
House; and another committee of seven — 
Boutwell, Stevens, Bingham, Wilson, Lo- 
gan, Julian, and Ward — to prepare the 
articles of impeachment. On the 25th 
(February) Mr. Stevens thus announced 
to the Sen'ite tlie action which had been 
taken by the House : 

" In obedience to the order of the House 
of Representatives we have appeared be- 
fore you, and in the name of the House of 
Representatives and of all the people of 
the United States, we do imneach Andrew 
Johnson, President of the United States, 
of high crimes and misdemeanors in office. 
And we further inform the Senate that the 
House of Representatives will in due time 
exhibit particular articles of impeachment 
against him, to make good the sam.e; and 
in their name we demand that the Senate 
take due order for the appearance of the 
said Andrew Johnson to answer to the 
said impeachment." 

The Senate thereupon, by a unanimous 
vote, resolved that this message from the 
House should be referred to a select Com- 
mittee of Seven, to be appointed by the 
chair, to consider the same and report 
thereon. The Committee subsequently 
made a report laying down the rules of 
procedure to be observed on the trial. 

On the 29th of February the Committee 
of the House appointed for that purpose 
presented the articles of impeachment 
which they h'ld drawn up. These, with 
slight modification, were accepted on the 
2d of March. They comprise nine articles, 
eight of which are based upon the action 
of the President in ordering the removal 
of Mr. Stanton, and the appointment of 
General Thomas as Secretary of War. The 
general title to the imoeachment is : 

" Articles exhibited by the House of 
Representatives of the United States, in 
the name of themselves and all the people 
of the United States, against Andrew 
Johnson, President of the United States, 
as maintenance and support of their im- 
peachment against him for high crimes 
and misdemeanors in office." 

Each of the articles commences with a 
preamble to the effijct that the President, 
" unmindful of the highduties of his office, 
of his oath of office, and of the require- 
ments of the Constitution that he should 
take care that the laws be faithfully exe- 



cuted, did unlawfully and in vnolation of the 
laws and Constitution of the United States, 
perform the several acts specified in the 
articles respectively ; " closing with the de- 
claration: "Whereby the said Andrew 
Johnson, President of the United States, 
did then and there commit and was guilty 
of a high misdemeanor in office." The 
phraseology is somewhat varied. In some 
cases the otiense is designated as a "mis- 
demeanor," in others as a " crime." The 
whole closes thus : 

" And the House of Representatives, by 
protestation, saving to themselves the lib- 
erty of exhibiting at any time hereafter 
any further articles or other accusation or 
impeachment against the said Andrew 
Johnson, President of the United States, 
and also of replying to his answers which 
he shall make to the articles herein pre- 
ferred against him, and of offijring proof 
to the same and every part thereof, and to 
all and every other article, accusation, or 
impeachment which shall be exhibited by 
them as the case shall require, do demand 
that the said Andrew Johnson may be put 
to answer the high crimes and misdemean* 
ors in office herein charged against him, 
and that such proceedings, examinations, 
trials, and judgments may be thereupon 
had and given as may be agreeable to law 
and justice." 

The following is a summary in brief of 
the points in the articles of impeachment, 
legal and technical phraseology being omit- 
ted : 

Article 1. Unlawfully ordering the re- 
moval of Mr. Stanton as Secretary of War, 
in violation of the provisions of the Tenure 
of-Office Act. — Article 2. Unlawfully ap- 
pointing General Lorenzo Thomas as Sec- 
retary of War ad interim. — ylri'tcZe 3 is sub- 
stantially the same as Article 2, with the 
addition that there was at the time of the 
appointment of General Thomas no va- 
cancy in the office of Secretary of AVar. — 
Article 4 charges the President with " con- 
spiring with one Lorenzo Thomas and other 
persons, to the House of Representatives 
unknown," to prevent, by intimidation and 
threats, JNIr. Stanton, the legally-appointed 
Secretary of War, from holding that office. 
— Article 5 charges the President with con- 
spiring with General Thomas and others 
to hinder the execution of the Tenure-of- 
Office Act ; and, in pursuance of this con- 
spiracy, attempting to prevent Mr. Stanton 
from acting as Secretary of War. — Article G 
charges that the President conspired with 
General Thomas and others to take forcible 
possession of the War Department. — Arti- 
cle 7 repeats the charge, in other terms, 
that the President conspired with General 
Thomas and others to hinder the execution 
of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and to pre- 
vent Mr. Stanton from executing the office 
of Secretary of War. — Article 8 again 



182 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



charges the President with conspiring with 
General Tiiomas and others to take posses- 
sion of the property in the War Depart- 
ment. — Article 9 cliarges that the President 
called before him General Emory, Avho was 
in command of the forces in the Depart- 
ment of Washington, and declared to him 
that a law, passed on the 30th of June, 
1867, directing that " all orders and in- 
structions relating to military operations, 
issued by the President or Secretary ol 
AVar, shall be issued through the General 
of the Army, and, in case of his inability, 
through the next in rank," was unconsti- 
tutional, and not binding upon General 
Emory ; the intent being to induce General 
Emory to violate the law, and to obey or- 
ders issued directly from the President. 

The foregoing articles of impeachment 
were ado2:)ted on the 2d of March, the 
votes upon each slightly varying, the aver- 
age being 125 ayes to 40 nays. The ques- 
tion then came up of appointment of man- 
agers on the part of the House to conduct 
the impeachment before the Senate. Upon 
this question the Democratic members did 
not vote ; 118 votes were cast, 60 being 
necessary to a choice. The following was 
the result, the number of votes cast for 
each elected manager being given : Stevens 
of Penn., 105; Butler, of Mas?., 108; Bing- 
ham, of Ohio, 114; Boutwell, of Mass., 
113; Wilson, of Iowa, 112; Williams, ol 
Pe.in., 107 ; Logan, of 111., 106. The fore- 
going seven Representatives were, there- 
fore, duly chosen as Managers of the Bill 
of Impeachment. The great body of the 
Democratic members of the House entered 
a formal protest against the whole course 
of proceedings involved in the impeach- 
ment of the President. They claimed to 
rej^rcsent " directly or in principle more 
than one-half of the people of the United 
States." This protest was signed by forty- 
five Representatives. 

On the 3d the Board of Managers pre- 
sented two additional articles of im])each- 
ment, which were adopted by the House. 
The first charges, in substance, that 

" The President, unmindful of the liigh 
duties of his office and of the harmony 
and courtesies which ought to be main- 
tained betvr'cen the executive and legisla- 
tive branches of the Government of the 
United States, designing to set aside the 
rightful authority and powers of Congress, 
did attempt to bring into disgrace the Con- 
gress of the United States and the several 
branches thereof, to impair and destroy the 
regard and respect of all the good people 
of the United States for the Congress and 
legislative power thereof, and to excite the 
odium and resentment of all the good 
people of the United States against Con- 
gress and the laws by it enacted ; and in 
pursuance of his said design openly and 
publicly, and before divers assemblages 



convened in divers parts thereof to meet 
and receive said Andrew Johnson as the 
Chief Magistrate of the United States, did 
on the 18th day of August, in the year of 
our Lord 1866, and on divers other days 
and times, as well before as afterward, 
make and deliver with a loud voice certain 
intemperate, intiammatory, and scandalous 
harangues, and did therein utter loud 
threats and bitter menaces as well against 
Congress as the laws of the United States 
duly enacted thereby." 

To this article are appended copious ex- 
tracts from speeches of Mr. Johnson. The 
second article is substantiallv as follows : 

" The President did, on the 18th day of 
August, 186G, at the City of Washington, 
by public speech, declare and affirm in 
substance that the Thirty-ninth Congress 
of the United States was not a Congress 
of the United States, authorized by the 
Constitution to exercise legislative power 
under the same, but, on the contrary, was 
a Congress of only a part of the States, 
thereby denying and intending to deny 
that the legislation of said Congress was 
valid or obligatory upon him, except in so 
far as he saw fit to approve the same, and 
did devise and contrive means by which he 
might prevent Edwin M. Stanton from 
forthwith resuming the lunctions of the 
office of Secretary for the Dejjartment of 
War; and, also, by further unlawfully de- 
vising and contriving means to prevent the 
execution of an act entitled 'An act mak- 
ing appropriations for the f-iijiport of the 
army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 
1868, and for other purposes,' approved 
March 2, 1867 ; and also to prevent the 
execution of an act entitled 'An act to 
provide for the more efficient government 
of the rebel States,' passed March 2, 1867, 
did commit and Avas guilty of a high mis- 
demeanor in office." 

On the 4th of March the Senate notified 
the House that they were ready to receive 
the Managers of the Impeachment. They 
appeared, and the articles were formallv 
read. The Senate had meanwhile adopted 
the rules of procedure. Chief Justice Chase 
sent a communication to the Senate to the 
effect that this body, when acting upon an 
impeachment, was a Court presided over by 
the Chief Justice, and that all orders and 
rules should be framed by the Court. On 
the 5th the Court was formally organized. 
An exception was taken to the eligibility 
of Mr. Wade as a member of the Court, on 
the ground that he was a party interested, 
since, in the event of the impeachment be- 
ing sustained, he, as President of the Senate, 
would become Acting President of the 
United States. This objection was with- 
drawn, and Mr. Wade was sworn as a mem- 
ber of the Court. On the 7th the summons 
for the President to appear was formally 
served upon him. On the 13th the Court 



IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 



183 



n'as again formally reopened. The Presi- 
deut appeared by his counsel, Hon. Henry 
Stanbery, of Ohio ; Hon. Wm. M. Evarts, 
of New York ; Hon. Wm. S. Groesbeck, of 
Ohio ; Hon. Benjamin II. Curtis, of Massa- 
chusetts; Hon. Tlxon>as A. 11. Nelson, of 
Tennessee, who asked for forty days to pre- 
]>are an answer to the indictment. This 
was refused, and ten days granted ; it be- 
ing ordered that the proceedings should 
reopen on the 23d. Upon that day the 
President appeared by his counsel, and 
presented his answer to the articles of im- 
peachment. This reply was in substance 
as follows: 

The first eight articles in the Bill of Im- 
peachment, as briefly summed up in our 
last record, are based upon the action of 
the President in ordering the removal of 
Mr. Stanton, and the temporary appoint- 
ment of General Thomas as Secretary of 
War. The gist of them is contained in the 
first article, charging the unlawful removal 
of Mr. Stanton ; for, this failing, the others 
would fail also. To this article a con- 
siderable part of the President's answer 
is devoted. It is mainly an amplifica- 
tion of the points put forth in the Mes- 
sage of February 24th, in which he gave 
his reasons for his orders. The President 
cites the laws by which this department of 
the administration was created, and the 
rules laid down for the duties pertaining t > 
it ; prominent among which are : that the 
Secretary shall " conduct the business of 
the department in such manner as the 
President of the United States shall from 
time to time order and instruct; " and that 
he should " hold the office during the plea- 
sure of the President ; " and that Congress 
had no legal right to deprive the President 
of the power to remove the Secretary. He 
wa^, however, aware that the design of the 
Tenure-of-Ollice Bill was to vest this power 
of removal, in certain cases, jointly in the 
Executive and the Senate ; and that, while 
believing this act to be unconstitutional, 
yet it having been passed over his veto by 
the requisite majority of two-thirds, he con- 
sidered it to be ills duty to ascertain in how 
far the case of Mr. Stanton came within the 

Erovisions of this law ; after consideration, 
e came to the conclusion that the case did 
not come within the prohibitions of the 
law, and that, by that law he still had the 
right of re;noving Mr. Stanton ; but that, 
wishing to have the case decided by the Su- 
preme Court, he, on the 12th of August, 
issued the order merely suspending, not 
removing, Mr. Stanton, a power expreslv 
granted by the Tenure-of-Office Act, and 
appointed General Grant Secretary of War 
ad interim. The President then recites 
the subsequent action in the case of Mr. 
Stanton ; and, as he avers, still believing 
that he had the constitutional power to re- 
move him from office, issued the order of 



' February 21st, for such removal, designing 
to thus bring the matter before the Su- 
preme Court. He then proceeds formally 
to deny that at this time Mr. Stanton was 
in lawful possession of the office of Secre- 
tary of War ; and that, consequently, the 
order for his removal was in violation of the 
Tenure-of-Office Act; and that it was in 
violation of the Constitution or of any law ; 
or that it constituted any official crime or 
misdemeanor. 

In regard to the seven succeeding arti- 
cles of impeachment the President, while 
admitting the facts of the order appointing 
General Thomas as Secretary of War ad 
interim, denies all and every of the crimi- 
nal charges therein set forth. So of the 
ninth article, charging an eifort to induce 
General Emory to violate the law, the 
President denies all such intent, and calls 
attention to the fact that while, for urgent 
reasons, he signed the bill prescribing that 
orders to the army should be issued only 
through the General, he at the same time 
declared it to be, in his judgment, unconsti- 
tutional ; and affirms that in his interview 
with General Emory he said no more than 
he had before officially said to Congress — • 
that is, that the law was unconstitutional. 

As to the tenth article, the first of the 
supplementary ones, the President, while 
admitting that he made certain public 
speeches at the times and places specified, 
does not admit that the passages cited are 
i'air reports of his remarks ; denies that he 
has ever been unmindful of the courtesies 
which ought to be maintained between 
the executive and legislative departments ; 
but he claims the perfect right at all times 
to express his views as to all public matters. 

The reply to the eleventh article, the 
second supplementary one, is to the same 
general purport, denying that he ever af- 
firmed that the Thirty-ninth Congress was 
not a valid Congress of the United States, 
and its acts obligatory only as they were 
approved by him ; and denying that he 
had, as charged in the article, contrived 
unlawful means for preventing Mr. Stanton 
from resuming the functions of Secretary 
of War, or for preventing the execution of 
the act making appropriations for the sup- 
port of the array, or that to provide for the 
more efficient government of the rebel 
States. In his answer to this article the 
President refers to his reply to the first ar- 
ticle, in which he sets forth at length all 
the steps, and the reasons therefor, relating 
to the removal of Mr. Stanton. In brief, 
the answer of the President to the articles 
of impeachment is a general denial of each 
and every criminal act charged in the ar- 
ticles of impeachment. 

The counsel for the President then asked 
for a delay of thirty days after the replication 
of the managers of the impeachment should 
have been rendered, before the trial should 



184 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



formally proceed. This was refused, and 
the managers of the impeachment stated 
that their replication would be presented 
the next day : it was that, 

" The Senate will commence the trial of 
the President upon the articles of impeach- 
ment exhibited against him on Monday, 
the 30th day of March, and proceed there- 
in with all "dispatch under the rules of the 
Senate, sitting upon the trial of an im- 
peachment." 

The replication of the House of Repre- 
sentatives was a simple denial of each and 
every averment in the answer of the Pres- 
ident, closing thus : 

" The House of Representatives . . . . do 
say that the said Andrew Johnson, Presi- 
dent of the United States, is guilty of the 
high crimes and misdemeanors mentioned 
in the said articles, and that the said House 
of Representatives are ready to prove the 
same." 

The trial began, as appointed, on March 
30. There being twenty-seven States rep- 
resented, there were fifty-four Senators, 
who constituted the Court, presided over 
by Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, of 
Ohio. Senators : California, Cole, Con- 
ness ; Connecticut, Dixon, Ferry; Dehacare, 
Bayard, Saulsbury ; Indiana, Hendricks, 
lulovton; Illinois, Trumbull, Yates ; Iowa, 
Grimes, Harlan ; Kansas, Pomeroy, Ross ; 
Kentucky, Davis, McCreery ; Maine, Fes- 
senden, Morrill (LotM.) ; Maryland, John- 
son, Vickcrs ; Massachusetts, ^nmrniv, Wil- 
son; jl/it'A/_i!/rt7t, Chandler, Howard ; Minne- 
sota, Norton, Ramsay ; Missouri, Drake, 
Henderson ; Nebraska, Thayer, Tipton ; 
Nevada, Nye, Stewart; Neio Hamj)shirc, 
Cragin, Patterson (J. W.) ; New Jersey, 
Cattell, Frelinghuysen ; New York, Conk- 
lin, Morgan; Ohio, Sherman, Wade ; Ore- 
gon, Corbett, Williams ; Pennsylvania, 
13uckalew, Cameron; Rhode Island, An- 
thony, Sprague ; re^nesA'Cf, Fowler, Patter- 
son (David); Vermont, Edmunds, Merrill, 
( J. S.) ; West Virginia, Van Winkle, Wil- 
ley; Wisconsin, Doolittle, Howe. 

Managers for the Prosecution: Messrs. 
Bingham, Boutwell, Butler, Logan, Ste- 
vens, Williams, Wilson. 

Counsel for the President. Messrs. Cur- 
tis, Evarts, Groesbeck, Nelson, Stanbery. 

The following was the order of proce- 
dure: The Senate Convened at 11 or 12 
o'clock, and was called to order by the 
president of that body, who, after prayer, 
would leave the chair, which was immedi- 
ately assumed by the Chief Justice, who 
wore his official robes. The prosecution 
was mainly conducted by Mr. Butler, who 
examined the witnesses, and, in conjunc- 
tion with the others, argued the points of 
law which came up. The defense, during 
the early part of the trial, was mainly con- 
ducted by Mr. Stanbery, who had resigned 
the office of Attorney-General for this pur- 



pose, but, being taken suddenly ill, Mr. 
Evarts took his place. According to the 
rule at first adopted, the trial was to be 
opened by one counsel on each side, and 
summed up by two on each side ; but this 
rule was subsequently modified so as to al- 
low as many of the managers and counsel 
as chose to sum up, either orally or by 
filing written arguments. 

THE PROSECUTION. 

The whole of the first day (March 30) 
was occupied by the opening speech of Mr, 
Butler. After touching upon the import- 
ance of the case, and the wisdom of the 
framers of the Constitution in providing for 
its possible occurrence, he laid down the fol- 
lowing [iroposition, supporting it by a copi- 
ous array of authorities and precedents : 

" We define, therefore, an impeachable 
high crime or misdemeanor to be one, in 
its nature or consequences, subversive of 
some fundamental or essential principle of 
government, or highly prejudicial to the 
public interest, and this may consist of a 
violation of the Constitution, of law, of an 
official oath, or of duty, by an act com- 
mitted or omitted, or, without violating a 
positive law, by the abuse of discretionary 
powers from improper motives, or for any 
imjiroper purpose." 

He then proceeded to discuss the nature 
and functions of the tribunal before which 
the trial is held. He asked : " Is this pro- 
ceeding a trial, as that term is understood, 
so far as relates to the rights and duties of 
a court and jury upon an indictment for 
crime ? Is it not rather more in the nature 
of an inquest?" The Constitution, he 
urged, " seems to have determined it to be 
the latter, because, under its provisions, 
the right to retain and hold office is the 
only subject to be finally adjudicated ; all 
yireliminary inquiry being carried on solely 
to determine that question, and that alone." 
He then proceeded to argue that this body 
nov.' sitting to determine the accusation, is 
the Senate of the United States, and not a 
court. This question is of consequence, 
he argued, because, in the latter case, it 
would be bound by the rules and prece- 
dents of common law-statutes ; the mem- 
bers of the court would be liable to chal- 
lenge on many grounds ; and the accused 
might claim that he could only be convicted 
when the evidence makes the fact clear be- 
yond reasonable doubt, instead of by a pre- 
ponderance of the evidence. The fact that 
in this case the Chief Justice presides, it 
was argued, does not constitute the Senate 
thus acting a court, for in all cases of im- 
peachment, save that of the President, its 
regular presiding officer presides. Moreo- 
ver, the procedures have no analogy to 
those of an ordinary court of justice. The 
accused merely receives a notice of the 
case pending against him. He is not re- 



IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 



185 



quired to appear personally, and the case 
will go on without his presence. Mr. 
Butler thus summed up his position in this 
regard : 

" A constitutional tribunal solely, you 
are bound by no law, either statute or com- 
mon, which may limit your constitutional 
prerogative. You consult no precedents 
save those of the law and cust(mi of par- 
liamentary bodies. You are a law unto 
yourselves, bound only by the natural 
principles of equity and justice, and that 
salus pnpuli suprema est lex." 

Mr. Butler then proceeded to consider 
the articles of impeachment. The first 
eight, he says, "set out, in several distinct 
forms, the acts of the President in remov- 
ing Mr. Stanton and appointing General 
Thomas, ditferi ng, in legal effect, in the 
purposes for which, and the intent with 
which, either or both of the acts were 
done, and the legal duties and rights in- 
fringed, and the Acts of Congress violated 
in so doing." In respect to all of these 
articles, Mr. Butler says, referring to his 
former definition of what constituted an 
impeachable high crime: 

" All the articles allege these acts to be 
in contravention of his oath of office, and 
in disregard of the duties thereof. If they 
are so, however, the President might have 
the power to do them under the law. Still, 
beinj: so done, they are acts of official mis- 
conduct, and, as we have seen, impeacha- 
ble. The President has the legal power to 
do many acts which, if done in disi"egard 
of his duty, or for improper purpo>es, then 
the exercise of that power is an official 
misdemeanor. For example, he has the 
power of pardon ; if exercised, in a given 
case, for a corrupt motive, as for the pay- 
ment of money, or wantonly pardoning all 
criminals, it would be a misdemeanor." 

Mr. Butler affirmed that every fact 
charged in the first article, and substan- 
tially in the seven following, is admitted 
in the reply of the President; and also 
that the general intent to set aside the 
Tenure-of-Office Act is therein admitted 
and justified. He then proceeded to dis- 
cuss the whole question of the power of 
the President for removals from office, and 
especially his claim that this power was 
imposed upon the President by the Consti- 
tution, and that it could not be taken from 
him, or be vested jointly in him and the 
Senate, partly or in whole. This, Mr. 
Butler affirmed, was the real question at 
issue before the Senate and the American 
people. He said : 

" His the President, under the Constitu- 
tion, the more than royal prerogative at 
will to remove fi'om office, or to suspend 
from office, all executive officers of the 
United States, either civil, military or 
naval, and to fill the vacancies, without 
any restraint whatever, or possibility of re- 



straint, by the Senate or by Congress, 
through laws duly enacted ? The House 
of Representatives, in behalf of the people, 
join issue by affirming that the exercise of 
such powers is a high misdemeanor in 
office. If the affirmative is maintained by 
the respondent, then, so far as the first 
eight articles are concerned — unless such 
corrupt purposes are shown as will of 
themselves make the exercise of a legal 
power a crime — the respondent must go, 
and ought to go, quit and free. 

This point as to the legal right of the 
President to make removals from office, 
which constitutes the real burden of the 
articles of impeachment, -was argued at 
length. Mr. Butler assumed that the Sen- 
ate, by whom, in conjunction with the 
House, the Tenure-of-Office Act had been 
passed over the veto of the President, 
would maintain the law to be constitu- 
tional. The turning point was whether 
the special case of the removal of Mr.- 
Stanton came within the provisions of this 
law. This rested upon the proviso of that 
law, that — 

" The Secretaries shall hold their office 
during the term of the President by whom 
they may have been appointed, and for 
one month thereafter, subject to removal 
]>y and with the advice and conssnt of the 
Senate." 

The extended argument upon this point, 
made by Mr. Butler, was to the effect that 
Mr. Stanton having been appointed by Mr. 
Lincoln, whose term of office reached to 
the 4th of j\Lirch, 1860, that of Mr. Stanton 
existed until a month later, unless he was 
previously removed by the concurrent ac- 
tion of the President and Senate. The 
point of the argument is, that Mr. Johnson 
is merely serving out the balance of the 
term of Mr. Linc(iln, cut short by his as- 
sassination, so that the Cabinet officers ap- 
pointed b}^ Mr. Lincoln held their places, 
by this very pnn'iso, during that term and 
for a month thereafter ; for, he argued, if 
Mr. Johnson was not merely serving out 
the balance of Mr. Lincoln's term, then he 
is entitled to the office of President for four 
full years, that being the period for which 
a President is elected. If, continues the • 
argument, Mr. Stanton's commission was 
vacated by the Tenure-of-Oflice Act, it 
ceased on "the 4th of April, 1865 ; or, if the 
act had no retroactive effect, still, if IMr. 
Stanton held his office merely under his 
commission from Mr. Lincoln, then his 
functions would have ceased upon the 
passage of the bill, March 2, 1867 ; and, 
consequently, Mr. Johnson, in " employ- 
ing "him after that date as Secretary of 
War, was guilty of a high misdemeanor, 
which would give ground for a new arti- 
cle of impeachment. 

After justifying the course of Mr. Stan- 
ton in holding on to the secretaryship in 



18G 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



opposition to the wish of the President, 
on the ground that " to desert it now 
woukl he to imitate the treachery of his 
accidental chief," Mr. Butler proceeded to 
discuss the reasons assigned by the Presi- 
dent in his answer to the articles of im- 
peachment for the attempt to remove Mr. 
Stanton. These, in substance, were, that 
the President believed the Tenure-of-Of- 
fice Act was unconstitutional, and, there- 
fore, void and of no etfect, and that he 
had the right to remove him and appoint 
another person in his place. Mr. Butler 
urged that, in all of these proceedings, the 
President ]irofessed to act upon the as- 
sumption that the act was valid, and that 
his action was in accordance with its pro- 
visions. He then went on to charge that 
the appointment of General Thomas as 
Secretary of War ad interim, was a sepa- 
rate violation of law. By the act of Feb- 
ruary 20, 1863, which repealed all previous 
laws inconsistent with it, the President 
was authorized, in case of the " death, 
resignation, absence from the seat of Gov- 
ernment, or sickness of the head of an 
executive department," or in any other 
case where these officers could not perform 
their respective duties, to appoint the head 
of any other executive department to ful- 
fil the duties of the office " until a succes- 
sor be appointed, or until such absence or 
disability shall cease." Now, urged Mr. 
Butler, at the time of the appointment of 
General Thomas as Sectary of War ad 
interim, Mr. Stanton "had neither died 
nor resigned, was not sick nor absent," 
and, consequently, General Thomas, not 
being the head of a department, but only 
of a bureau of one of them, was not eligi- 
ble to this appointment, and that, there- 
fore, his appointment was illegal and void. 

The ninth article of impeachment, 
wherein the President is charged with en- 
deavoring to induce General Emory to 
take orders directly from himself, is dealt 
with in a rather slight manner. Mr. But- 
ler says, "If the transaction set forth in 
this article stood alone, we might well ad- 
mit that doubts might arise as to the suffi- 
ciency of the proof;" but, he adds, " the 
surroundings are so pointed and signifi- 
cant as to leave no doubt in the mind of 
an impartial man as to the intents and 
purposes of the President" — these intents 
being, according to Mr. Butler, " to induce 
General Emory to take orders directly 
from himself, and thus to hinder the exe- 
cution of the Civil Tenure Act, and to 
prevent Mr. Stanton from holding his 
office of Secretary of War." 

As to the tenth article of impeachment, 
based upon various speeches of the Presi- 
dent, Mr. Butler undertook to show that 
the reports of these speeches, as given in 
the article, were substantially correct; 
and accepted the issue made thereupon as 



to whether they are " decent and becom- 
ing the President of the United States, 
and do not tend to bring the office into 
ridicule and disgrace." 

After having commented upon the 
eleventh and closing article, which charges 
the President with having denied the au- 
thority of the Thirty-ninth Congress, ex- 
cept so far as its acts were approved by 
him, Mr. Butler summed up the purport 
of the articles of impeachment in these 
words : 

" The acts set out in the first eight arti- 
cles are but the culmination of a series of 
wrongs, malfeasances, and usuri)ation3 
committed by the respondent, and, there- 
fore, need to be examined in the light of 
his precedent and concomitant acts to 
grasp their scope and design. The last 
three articles presented show the perver- 
sity and malignity with which he acted, 
so that the man as he is known may be 
clearly spread upon record, to be seen and 

known of all men hereafter 

We have presented the facts in the con- 
stitutional manner ; we have brought the 
criminal to your bar, and demand judg- 
ment for his so great crimes." 

The remainder of Monday, and a por- 
tion of the following day, were devoted to 
the presentation of documentary evidence 
as to the proceedings involved in the order 
for the removal of Mr. Stanton and the 
appointment of General Thomas. The 
prosecution then introduced witnesses to 
testify to the interviews between Mr. 
Stanton and General. Thomas. They then 
brought forward a witness to show that 
General Thomas had avowed his deter- 
mination to take forcible possession of the 
War Office. To this Mr. Stanbery, for the 
defense, objected. The Chief Justice de- 
cided the testimony to be admissible. 
Thereupon Senator Drake took exception 
to the ruling, on the ground that this ques- 
tion should be decided by the Senate — not 
by the presiding officer. The Chief Jus- 
tice averred that, in his judgment, it was 
his duty to decide, in the first instance, 
upon any question of evidence, and then, 
if any Senator desired, to submit the deci- 
sion to the Senate. Upon this objection 
and appeal arose the first conflict in the 
Senate as to the powers of its presiding 
officer. Mr. Butler argued at length in 
favor of the exception. Although, in this 
case, the decision was in favor of the 
prosecution, he objected to the power of 
the presiding officer to make it. This 
point was argued at length by the mana- 
gers for the impeachment, who denied the 
right of the Chief Justice to make such 
decision. It was then moved that the 
Senate retire for private consultation on 
this point. There was a tie vote — 25 ayes 
and 25 nays. — The Chief Justice gave his 
casting vote in favor of the motion for 



IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 



187 



consultation. The Senate, by a vote of 31 
to 19, sustuined the Chief Justice, deciding 
that " the presiding officer may rule on all 
questions of evidence and on incidental 
questions, which decision will stand as the 
judgment of the Senate for decision, or he 
may, at his option in the first instance, 
submit any such question to a vote of the 
members of the Senate." In the further 
progress of the trial the Chief Justice, in 
most important cases, submitted the ques- 
tion directly to the Senate, without him- 
self giving any decision. Next morning 
(April 1) Mr. Sumner offered a resolution 
to the effect that the Chief Justice, in giv- 
ing a casting vote, "acted without author- 
ity of the Constition of the United States." 
This was negatived by a vote of 27 to 21, 
thus deciding that the presiding officer 
had the right to give a casting vote. 
The witness (Mr. Burleigh, delegate from 
Dakotah,) who had been called to prove 
declarations of General Thomas, was then 
asked whether, at an interview between 
them, General Thomas had said anything 
as " to the means by which he intended to 
obtain, or was directed by the President to 
obtain, posession of the War Department." 
To this question Mr. Stanbery objected, on 
the ground that any statements made by 
General Thomas could not be used as evi- 
dence against the President. Messrs. But- 
ler and Bingham argued that the testi- 
mony was admissible, on the ground that 
there was, as charged, a conspiracy be- 
tween the President and General Thomas, 
and that the acts of one conspirator were 
binding upon the other; and, also, that in 
these acts General Thomas was the agent 
.of the President. The Senate, by 39 to 11, 
decided that the question was admissible. 
Mr. Burleigh thereupon testified sub- 
stantially that General Thomas informed 
him that he had been directed by the Pres- 
ident to take possession of the War De- 
partment ; that he was bound to obey his 
superior officer ; that, if Mr. Stanton ob- 
jected, he should use force, and if he bolt- 
ed the doors they would be broken down. 
The witness was then asked whether he 
had heard General Thomas make any 
statement to the clerks of the War Office, 
to the effect that, when he came into con- 
trol, he would relax or rescind the rules of 
Mr. Stant )n. To this question objection 
was made by the counsel of the President 
on the ground of irrelevancy. The Chief 
Justice was of opinion that the question 
was not admissible, but, if any Senator de- 
manded, he would .submit to the Senate 
whether it should be asked. The demand 
having been made, the Senate, by a vote 
of 28 to 22, allowed the question to be put, 
whereupon Mr. Burleigh testified that 
General Thomas, in his presence, called 
before him the heads of the divisions, and 
told them that the rules laid down by Mr. 



Stanton were arbitrary, and that he should 
relax them — that he should not hold them 
strictly to their letters of instruction, but 
should consider them as gentlemen who 
would do their duty — that they could come 
in or go out when they chose. Mr. Bur- 
leigh further testified that, subsequently, 
General Thomas had said to him that the 
only thing which prevented him from tak- 
ing possession of the War Department was 
his arrest by the United States marshal. 
Other witnesses were called to prove the 
declarations of General Thomas. Mr. 
Wilkeson testified that General Thomas 
said to him that he should demand possess- 
ion of the War Department, and, in case 
Mr. Stanton should refuse to give it up, he 
should call upon General Grant for a suf- 
ficient force to enable him to do so, and he 
did not see how this could be refused. 
Mr. Karsener, of Delaware, testified that 
he saw General Thomas at the President's 
house, told him that Delaware, of which 
State General Thomas is a citizen, expect- 
ed him to stand firm ; to which General 
Thomas replied that he was standing firm, 
that he would not disappoint his friends, 
but, that, in a few days, he would " kick 
that fellow out," meaning, as the witness 
supposed, i\Ir. Stanton. 

Thursday, April 2d. — Various witnesses 
were introduced to testify to the occur- 
rences when General Thomas demanded 
])ossession of the War Department. After 
this General Emory was called to testify 
to the transactions which form the ground 
of the ninth article of impeachment. His 
testimony was to the effect that the Presi- 
dent, on the 22d of February, requested 
him to call ; that, upon so doing, the Pres- 
ident asked respecting any changes that 
had been made in the disposition of the 
troops around Washington ; that he in- 
formed the President that no important 
changes had been made, and that none 
could be made without an order from Gen- 
eral Grant, as provided for in an order 
founded upon a law sanctioned by the 
President. The President said that this 
law was unconstitutional. Emory replied 
that the President had approved of it. and 
that it was not the prerogative of the officers 
of the army to decide upon the constitu- 
tionality of a law, and inthatopinion he was 
justified by the opinion of eminent counsel, 
and thereupon the conversation ended. 

The prosecution then endeavored to in- 
troduce testimony as to the appointment 
of Mr. Edmund Cooper, the Private Sec- 
retary of the President, as Assistant Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, in support of the 
eighth and eleventh articles of impeach- 
ment, which charge the President Avith an 
unlawful attempt to control rhe disposition 
of certain public funds. This testimony, 
by a vote of 27 to 22, was ruled out. 

The prosecution now, in support of the 



188 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



tenth and eleventh articles of impeach- 
ment, charging the President with endeav- 
oring to " set aside the rightl'ui authority 
of Congreis," offered a telegraphic dis- 
patch from the President to Mr. Parsons, 
at that time (January 17, 1867) Provisional 
Governor of Alabama, of which the follow- 
ing is the essential part: 

" I do not believe the people of the 
■whole country will sustain any set of in- 
dividuals in the attempt to change the 
whole character of our Government by en- 
abling acts in this way. I believe, on the 
contrary, that they will eventually uphold 
all who have patriotism and courage to 
stand by the Constitution, and who place 
their confidence in the people. There should 
be no faltering on the part of those who 
are honest in their determination to sustain 
the several coordinate departments of the 
Government in accordance with its origi- 
nal design." The introduction of this was 
objected to by the counsel for the Presi- 
dent, but admitted by the Senate, the vote 
being 27 to 17. 

The whole Friday, and a great part of 
Saturday, (April 3d and 4th,) were occu- 
pied in the examination of the persons 
who reported the various speeches of the 
President which form the basis of the tenth 
article, the result being that the reports 
were shown to be either substantially or 
verbally accurate. Then, after some tes- 
timony relating to the forms in which 
commissions to ofBce were made out, the 
managers announced that the case for the 
prosecution was substantially closed. The 
counsel for the President thereupon asked 
that three working days should be granted 
them to prepare for the defense. This, 
after some discussion, was granted by the 
Senate by a vote of 36 to 9, and the trial 
was adjourn'ed to Thursday. April 9th. 

THE DEFENSE. 

The opening speech for the defense, oc- 
cupying the whole of Thursday, and a 
part of Friday, was made by Mr. Curtis. 
Reserving, for a time, a rejoinder to Mr. 
Butler's argument as to the functions of 
the Senate when sitting as a Court of Im- 
peachment, Mr. Curtis proceeded to a con- 
sideration of the articles of impeachment, 
in their order, his purpose being " to ascer- 
tain, in the first place, what the substantial 
allegations in each of them are, what is the 
legal proof and effect of these allegations, 
and what proof is necessary to be adduced 
in order to sustain them." The speech is 
substantially an elaboration of and argu- 
ment for the points embraced in the an- 
swer of the President. The main stress of 
the argument related to the first article, 
which, as stated by Mr. Curtis, when 
stripped of all technical language, amounts 
exactly to these things: 

" First. That the order set out in the ar- 



ticle for the removal of Mr. Stanton, if 
executed, would have been a violation of 
the Tenure-of-Office Act. 

" Second. That it was a violation of the 
Tenure-of-Ofhce Act. 

" Third. That it was an intentional vio- 
lation of the Tenure-of-OfRce Act. 

"Fuia-fh. That it was in violation of the 
Constitution of the United States. 

"Fifth. That it was intended by the 
President to be so. 

" Or, to draw all these into one sentence, 
which I hope may be intelligible and clear 
enough, I suppose the substance of this 
first article is that the order for the remo- 
val of Mr. Stanton was, and was intended 
to be, a violation of the Constitution of 
the United States. These are the allega- 
tions which it is necessary for the honor- 
able managers to make out in order to 
support that article." 

Mr. Curtis proceeded to argue that the 
case of Mr. Stanton did not come within 
the provisions of the Teiiure-of- Office Act, 
being expressly excepted by the proviso 
thai Cabinet officers should hold their 
places during the term of the President by 
whom they were appointed, and for one 
month thereafter, unless removed by the 
consent of the Senate. Mr. Stanton was 
appointed by Mr. Lincoln, whose term of 
oftae came to an end by his death. He 
argued at length against the proposition 
that Mr. Johnson was merely serving out 
the remainder of Mr. Lincoln's term. The 
object of this exception, he said, was evi- 
dent. The Cabinet officers were to be 
"the immediate confidential assistants of 
the President, for whose acts he was to be 
responsible, and in whom he was expected 
to repose the gravest honor, trust, and con- 
fidence ; therefore it was that this act has 
connected the tenure of office of these offi- 
cers with that of the President by whom 
they were appointed." Mr. Curtis gave a 
new interpretation to that clause in the 
Constitution which prescribes that the 
President " may require tlie opinion, in 
writing, of the principal officer in each of 
the executive departments upon any sub- 
ject relating to the duties of their several 
offices." He understood that the word 
"their" included the President, so that he 
might call upon Cabinet officers for advice 
" relating to the duties of the oflice of these 
principal (/fficers, or relating to the duties 
of the President himself," This, at least, 
he affirmed, had been the practical inter- 
pretation put upon this clause from the 
beginning. To confirm his position as to 
the intent of the Tenure-of-Office Act in 
this respect, Mr. Curtis quoted from 
speeches made in both houses at the time 
when the act was passed. Thus, Senator 
Sherman said that the act, as passed — 

" Would not prevent the present Presi- 
dent from removing the Secretary of War, 



IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 



189 



the Secretary of the Navy, or the Secretary 
of Sta te ; and, if I supposed that either of 
these gentlemen was so wanting in man- 
hood, in honor, as to hold his j)lace after 
the politest intimation from the President 
of the United States that his services were 
no longer needed, I certainly, as a Senator, 
would consent to his removal at any time, 
and so would we all." 

Mr. Curtis proceeded to argue that there 
was really no removal of Mr. Stanton; he 
still held his place, and so there was " no 
case of removal within the statute, and, 
therefore, no case of violation by removal." 
But, if the Senate should hold that the or- 
der for removal was, in effect, a removal, 
then, unless the Tenure-of-Office Act gave 
Mr. Stantoit a tenure of office, this removal 
would not have been contrary to the pro- 
visions of this act. He proceeded to argue 
that there was room for grave doubt 
whether Mr. Stanton's case came within 
the provisions of the Tenure-of-Office Act, 
and that the President, upon due conside- 
ration, and having taken the best advice 
within his power, considering that it did 
not, and acting accordingly, did not, even 
if he was mistaken, commit an act " so wil- 
ful and wrong that it can be justly and 
properly, and for the purposes of this 
prosecution, termed a high misdemeanor." 
He argued at length that the view of the 
President was the correct one, and that 
" the Senate had nothing whatever to do 
with the removal of Mr. Stanton, whether 
the Senate was in session or not." 

Mr. Curtis then went on to urge that the 
President, being sworn to take care that the 
laws be faithfully executed, must carry out 
any law, even though passed over his vetc, 
except in cases where a law which he be- 
lieved to be unconstitutional has cut off a 
power confided to him, and in regard to 
which he alone could make an issue which 
would bring the matter before a court, so 
as to cause "a judicial decision to come 
between the two branches of the Govern- 
ment, to see which of them is right." This, 
said he, is what the President has done. 
This argument, in effect, was an answer to 
the first eight articles of impeachment. 

The ninth article, charging the Presi- 
dent with endeavoring to induce General 
Emory to violate the law by receiving or- 
ders directly from him, was very briefly 
touched upon, it being maintained that, as 
shown by the evidence, " the reason why 
the President sent for General Emory was 
not that he might endeavor to seduce that 
distinguished officer from his allegiance to 
the laws and Constitution of his country, 
but because he wished to obtain informa- 
tion about military movements which 
might require his personal attention." 

As to the tenth article, based upon the 
President's speeches, it was averred th it 
they were in no way in violation of the 



Constitution, or of any law existing at the 
time when they were made, and were not 
therefore, impeachable offenses. 

The rei)ly to the eleventh article was very 
brief. The managers had " compounded it 
of the materials which they had previously 
worked up into others," and it " contained 
nothing new that needed notice." Mr. 
Curtis concluded his speech by saying that 
— " This trial is and will be the most con- 
spicuous instance that has ever been, or 
even can be expected to be found, of 
American justice or of American injustice ; 
of that justice which is the great policy of 
all civilized States; of that injustice which 
is certain to be condemned, which makes 
even the wisest man mad, and which, in 
the fixed and unalterable order of God's 
providence, is sure to return and plague 
the inventor." 

At the close of this opening speech for 
the defense. General Lorenzo Thomas was 
brought forward as a witness. His testi- 
mony, elicited upon examination and cross- 
examination, was to the effect that, having 
received the order appointing him Secre- 
tary of War ad interim, he presented it to 
Mr. Stanton, who asked, "Do you wish 
me to vacate the office at once, or will you 
give me time to get my private property 
together?" to which Thomas replied, "Act 
your pleasure." Afterward Stanton said, 
" I don't know whether I will obey your 
instructions." Subsequently Thomas said 
that he should issue orders as Secretary of 
War. Stanton said he should not do so, 
and afterward gave him a written direc- 
tion, not to issue any order except as Ad- 
jutant-General. During the examination 
of General Thomas a question came up 
which, in many ways, recurred upon the 
trial. He was asked to tell what occurred 
at an interview between himself and the 
President. Objection was made by Mr. 
Butler, and the point was argued. The 
question was submitted to the Senate, 
which decided, by a vote of 42 to 10, that 
it was admissible. The testimony of Gen- 
eral Thomas, from this point, took a wide 
range, and, being mainly given in response 
to questions of counsel, was, apparently, 
somewhat contradictory. The substance 
was that he was recognized by the Presi- 
dent as Secretary of War ; that, since the 
impeachment, he had acted as such only 
in attending Cabinet meetings, but had 
given no orders ; that, when he reported to 
the President that Mr. Stanton would not 
vacate the War Department, the President 
directed him to "take possession of the 
office;" that, without orders from the 
President, he had intended to do this by 
force, if necessary; that, finding that this 
course might involve bloodshed, he had 
abandoned this purpose, but that, after 
this, he had, in several cases, affirmed his 
purpose to do so, but that these declara- 



100 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



tions were " merely boast and brag." On 
tlie Ibllowing day General Thomas was re- 
called as a witness, to enable him to cor- 
rect certain points in his testimony. The 
first was the date of an unimportant trans- 
action ; he had given it as taking place on 
the 21st of February, whereas it should 
have been the 2 2d. The second was that i 
the words of the President were that he 
should " take charge," not " take posses- ! 
siou " of the War Department. In expla- 
nation of the fact that he had repeatedly 
sworn to the words " take possession," he 
said that these were " put into his mouth." 
Finally, General Thomas, in reply to a di- 
rect question from Mr. Butler, said that 
his testimony on these points was "all 
wrong." 

Lieutenant-General Sherman was then 
called as a witness. After some unim- 
portant questions, he was asked in refer- 
ence to an interview between himself and 
the President which took place on the 14th 
of January: "At that interview what 
conversation took place between the Presi- 
dent and you in reference to Mr. Stan- 
ton?" To this question objection was 
made by Mr. Butler, and the point was 
elaborately argued. The Chief Justice 
decided that the question was admissible 
within the vote of the Senate of the pre- 
vious day ; the question then was as to the 
admissibility of evidence as to a conversa- 
tion between the President and General 
Thomas ; the present question was as to a 
conversation between the President and 
General Sherman. " Both questions," said 
the Chief Justice, " are asked for the pur- 
pose of procuring the intent of the Presi- 
dent to remove Mr. Stanton." The ques- 
tion being submitted to the Senate, it was 
decided, by a vote of 28 to 23, that it 
should not be admitted. The examina- 
tion of General Sherman was continued, 
the question of the conversation aforesaid 
being frequently brought forward, and as 
often ruled out by the Senate. The only 
important fact elicited was that the Presi- 
dent had twice, on the 25th and 30th of 
January, tendered to General Sherman the 
office of Secretary of War ad interim. 

On Monday, April 13th, after transac- 
tions of minor importance, the general 
matter of the conversations between the 
President and General Sherman again 
came up, upon a qiiestion propounded by 
Senator Johnson — " When the President 
tendered to you the office of Secretary 
of War ad interim, did he, at the very 
time of making such tender, state to you 
what his purpose in so doing was ? " This 
was admitted by the Senate, by a vote of 
26 to 22, Senator Johnson then added to 
his question, " If he did, what did he state 
his purpose was?" This was admitted by 
a vote of 25 to 26. The testimony of Gen- 
eral Sherman, relating to several inter- 



views, was to the effect that the President 
said that the relations between himself and 
Mr. Stanton were such that he could not 
execute the otlice of President without 
making provision to appoint a Secretary 
of War ad interim, and he oflered that 
office to him (General Sherman), but did 
not state that his purpose was to bring the 
matter directly into the courts. Sherman 
said that, if Mr. Stanton Avould retire, he 
might, although against his own wishes, 
undertake to administer the office ad 
interim, but asked what Avould be done in 
case Mr. Stanton would not yield. To 
this the President replied, " He will 
make no opposition ; you present the or- 
der, and he will retire. I know him bet- 
ter than you do; he is cowardly." General 
Sherman asked time for reflection, and 
then gave a written answer, declining to 
accept the appointment, but stated that 
his reasons were mostly of a personal na- 
ture. 

On the 14th the Senate adjourned, on 
account of the sudden illness of Mr. Stan- 
bery. It re-assembled on the 15th, but 
the proceedings touched wholly upon for- 
mal points of procedure and the introduc- 
tion of unimportant documentary evidence. 
On the IGth Mr. Sumner moved that all 
evidence not trivial or obviously irrelevant 
shall be admitted, the Senate to judge of 
its value. This was negatived by a vote 
of 23 to 11. 

The 17th was mainly taken up by testi- 
mony as to the reliability of the reports of 
the President's speeches. Mr. Welles, Sec- 
retary of the Navy, was then called to tes- 
tify to certain proceedings in Cabinet 
Council at the time of the appointment of 
General Thomas. This was objected to. 
The Chief Justice decided that it was ad- 
missible, and his decision was sustained by 
a vote of 26 to 23. The defense then en- 
deavored to introduce several members of 
the Cabinet, to show that, at meetings pre- 
vious to the removal of Mr. Stanton, it 
was considered whether it was not desira- 
ble to obtain a judicial determination of 
the unconstitutionality of the Tenure-of- 
Office Act, This question was raised in 
several shapes, and its admission, after 
thorough argument on both sides, as often 
refused, in the last instance by a decisive 
vote of 30 to 19, The defense considered 
this testimony of the utmost importance, 
as going to show that the President had 
acted upon the counsel of his constitu- 
tional advisers, while the prosecution 
claimed that he could not plead in justifi- 
cation of a violation of the law that he 
had been advised by his Cabinet, or any 
one else, that the law was unconstitutional. 
His duty was to execute Hhe laws, and, if 
he failed to do this, or violated them, he 
did so at his own risk of the consequences. 
With the refusal of this testimony, the 



GRANT. 



191 



case, except the final summings up and the 
verdict of the Senate, was virtually closed. 

The case had been so fully set forth in 
the opening speeches of Messrs. Butler and 
Curtis, and in the arguments which came 
up upon points of testimony, that there 
remained little for the other counsel except 
to restate what had before been said. 

After the evidence had been closed the 
case was summed up, on the part of the 
managers by Messrs. Boutwell, Williams. 
Stevens, and Hingham in oral arguments, 
and Mr. Logan, who filed a written argu- 
ment, a:id on the part of the President by 
Messrs. Nelson, Groesbeck, Stanbery, and 
Evarts. Many of these speeches were dis- 
tinguished by great brilliancy and power, 
but, as no new points were presented, we 
omit any summary. 

The Court decided to take a vote upon 
the articles on Tuesday, the 12th of May, 
at 12 o'clock, M. A secret session was 
held on Monday, during which several 
Senators made short speeches, giving the 
grounds upon which they expected to cast 
their votes. On Tuesday the Court agreed 
to postpone the vote until Saturday, the 
16th. Upon that day, at 12 o'clock, a vote 
was taken upon the eleventh article, it 
hiving been determined to vote on that 
article first. The vote resulted in 35 votes 
for conviction, and 19 for acquittal. 

The question being put to each Senator, 
" How say you, is the respondent, Andrew 
Johnson, President of the United States, 
guilty or not guilty of a high misdemeanor 
as charged in the article ?" — those who re- 
sponded guilty were Senators Anthony, 
Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conk- 
ling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Ed- 
munds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, 
Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill, of Ver- 
mont, Morrill, of Maine, O. P. Morton, 
Nye, Patterson, N. H. Pomeroy, Sherman, 
Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tij)ton, 
Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson and Yates. 

Those who responded not guilty were 



Senators Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, 
Doolittle, P\'ssenden, Fowler, Grimes, Hen- 
derson, Hendricks, Johnson, M'Creery, 
Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sauls- 
bury, Trumbull, Van Winkle and Vickers. 

The Constitution requiring a vote of 
two-thirds to convict, the President was 
acquitted on this article. After taking 
this vote the Court adjourned until Tues- 
day, May 26th, when votes were taken 
upon the second and third articles, with 
precisely the same result as on the elev- 
enth, the vote in each case standing 35 for 
conviction and 19 for acquittal. A verdict 
of acquittal on the second, third, and elev- 
enth articles was then ordered to be en- 
tered on the record, and, without voting 
on the other articles, the Court adjourned 
sine die. So the trial was ended, and the 
President acquitted. 

The political differences between Presi- 
dent Johnson and the Republicans were 
not softened by the attempted impeach- 
ment, and singularly enough the failure of 
their effort did not weaken the Republi- 
cans as a party. They were so well united 
that those who disagreed with them passed 
at least temporarily from public life, some 
of the ablest, like Senators Trumbull and 
Fessenden retiring permanently. Presi- 
dent Johnson pursued his policy, save 
where he was hedged by Congress, until 
the end, and retired to his native State, ap- 
parently having regained the love of his 
early political associates there. 



Grant. 

The Republican National Convention 
met at Chicago, 111., May 2Uth, 1868, and 
nominated with unanimity, Ulysses S. 
Grant, of Illinois, for President, and Schuy- 
ler Colfax, of Indiana, for Vice President. 
The Democratic Convention met in New 
York City, July 4th, and after repeated 
ballots finally compromised on its presiding 
officers,* notwithstanding repeated and ap- 



* The following is a correct table of the ballots in the New York Democratin Convention : 



Candidates. 



Horatio Seymour 

OforKe H. "Pendleton... 

Amirew .Joluison 

Winfield S. Haneock ... 

Sanfoid E Church 

Asa I'acker 

Joel Parker 

James R. Knglish 

James K. Doolittle 

Ueverily Johnson 

Thomas A. Hendricks. 

F. P. Hlair, Jr 

Thomas Ewing 

J. Q. .\dams 

rSeoiKe B. McClellan.... 

Salmon P.Chase 

Franklin Pierce 

John T. Hoffman 

Stephen J. Field 

Thomas H. Seymour.... 



1. 


2. 


3. 


4. 


5. 


6. 








9 






1(1.5 


104 


noj4 


nsy 


122 


12ii<? 


6.5 


52 


3tU 


32 


24 


21 


•^-^y. 


*»y. 


45'/? 


«'/J 


4fi 


47 


33 


35 


33 


33 


33 


33 


! -M 


26 


20 


26 


27 


27 


1.1 


1^ 


13 


13 


13 


13 


If. 


TA 


1'A 


7 


6 


13 


12 


12 


15 


12 


sy. 


8 


11 


8 


9J^ 
19'/? 




3 


2 


9 '4 


n% 


30 


'"il 


r- 


2 

1 




5 


... 




... 


... 


1 


... 



137^ 

42^^ 

33 

26 

7 

6 
12 



8. 


9. 


Isr.U 


144 


6 
28 


M 


26 


26'^ 


7 


7 


6 





12 


12 


75 


J 


y^ 



10. 



11. 



G 
34 

7 



12 



82' 



"W 



144U 
33i| 

26 

7 

88 



192 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



parently decided declarations on his part, 
Horatio Seymour, of New York, was there- 
fore nominated for President, and Francis 
P. Bhxir, Jr., of Missouri, I'or Vice Presi- 
dent.* 

An active canvass followed, in which the 
brief expression — " let us have peace" — in 
Grant's letter of acceptance, was liberally 
employed by Republican journals and ora- 
tors to tone down what were regarded as 
rapidly growing race and sectional differ- 
erences, and with such effect that Grant 
carried all of the States save eight, receiv- 
ing an electoral vote of 214 against 80. 

Grant inaugurated, and the Congres- 
sional plan of reconstruction was rapidly 
pushed, with at first very little opposition 
save that manifested by the Democrats in 
Congress. The conditions of readmission 
were the ratification of the thirteenth and 
fourteenth constitutional amendments. 

On the 25th of February, 1869, the fif- 
teenth amendment was added to the list by 
its adoption in Congress and submission to 
the States. It conferred the right of suf- 
frage on all citizens, without distinction of 
" race, color or previous condition of servi- 
tude." By the 30th of IMarch, 1870, it was 
ratified by twenty-nine States, the required 
three-fourths of all in the Union. There 
was much local agitation in some of the 
Northei-n States on this new advance, and 
many who had never manifested their hos- 
tility to the negroes before did it now, and 
a portion of these passed over to the Demo- 
cratic party. The issue, however, was 
shrewdly handled, and in most instances 
met Legislatures ready to receive it. Many 
of the Southern States were specially inter- 
ested in its passage, since a denial of suf- 
frage would abridge their representation in 
Congress. This was of course true of all 
the States, but its force was indisputable 
in sections containing large colored popu- 
lations. 



The 41st Congress met in extra session 
March 4th, 1869, with a large Republican 
majority in both branches. In the Senate 
there were 58 Republicans, 10 Democrats 
and 8 vacancies ; in the House 149 Repub- 
licans, 64 Democrats and 25 vacancies, 
Mississippi, Texas, Virginia and Georgia 
not being represented. James G. Blaine, 
for several years previous its leading parlia- 
mentarian and orator, was Speaker of the 
House. All of Grant's nominations for 
Cabinet places were confirmed, except A. 
T. Stewart, of New York, nominated for 
Secretary of the Treasury, and being en- 
gaged in foreign commerce he was ineligi- 
ble under the law, and his name was with- 
drawn. The names of the Cabinet will be 
found in the list of all Cabinet ofl^cers 
elsewhere given. Their announcement at 
first created the impression that the Grant 
administration was not intended to be par- 
tisan, rather personal, but if there ever 
w^as such a purpose, a little political ex- 
perience on the part of the President quick- 
ly changed it. A political struggle soon 
followed in Congress as to the admission of 
Virginia, Mississippi and Texas, which had 
not ratified the Fourteenth Amendment or 
been reconstructed. A bill was passed 
April 10th, authorizing their ])eople to 
vote on the constitutions already prepared 
by the State conventions, to elect members 
oi' Congress and State officers, and requir- 
ing before readmission to the Union, their 
Legislatures to ratify both the Fourteenth 
and Fifteenth Amendments. This work 
done, and the extra session adjourned. 

In all of the Southern States, those who 
then prided themselves in being " unrecon- 
structed" and "irreconcilable," bitterly 
opposed both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
Amendments, and on these issues excited 
new feelings of hostility to the " carpet 
baggers" and negroes of the South. With 
th« close of the war thousands of North- 



Candidates. 


12. 


IX 


14. 


15. 


16. 


17. 


18. 


19. 


20. 


21. 


22. 


Horatio Sevmnur 


145V^ 

^A 

30 

20 

7 

12^ 

89 
A 

"i 
A 


134'X 

'A 

4Sl| 

20 

7 

13 

81 
A 


130 
66 

2(i 

7 

13 

84^ 


129V^ 

i^A 
"i 

12 
821^ 


1071^ 

wiA 

"-! 
12 

... 


7oV^ 


137>^ 

■7 
12 
80 

'3 


my, 
111 

144^ 

■33^ 
i'2 

87 

... 

'"a 

'3 


135>^ 
22 

"e 

12 

"a 

is 
4 


\i±y^ 

16 
12 

121 
13 

"9 
2 


5 
1351^ 

19 
12 

132 

"s 


317 


Gforge H. Pi ndleton 




Andrew .loljnson 




Winfield S. Hancock. 




Sanford E. Chureli 




A>a Pai'ker 

Joel Parker 




James E. EnLlisli 




James K. Doolittle 




Reverdy Johnson 




Thomas A. Flendricks 




F. P. Blair, Jr 




Thomas Ewing , 




J. Q. Adam« 




George B. MeClellan 




Salmon P. Chase 




Franklin Pieroe 




John T. Hoffman 




Stephen J. Fi.ld 




Tliomas H. Sevniour 









Necessary to choice 212 

* General Blair was nominated unaninaously on the first ballot. 



READMISSION OF REBELLIOUS STATES. 



193 



em men had settled in the South. All of 
them were now denounced us political ad- 
venturers bv the rebels who opposed the 
amendments, reconstruction and froedman's 
bureau acts. Many of tlusc organized 
themselves first into Ku Klux Klans, secret 
societies, organized with a view to affright 
negroes from participancy in the elections, 
and to warn white men of opposing politi- 
cal views to leave the country. The object 
of the organization broadened with the 
troubles which it produced. Efforts to 
affri2,ht were followed by midnight assaults, 
by horrible whippings, outrages and mur- 
ders, hardly a fraction of which could be 
traced to the perpetrators. Doubtless 
many of the stories current at the time 
were exaggerated by partisan newspapers, 
but all of the official reports made then 
and since go to show the dangerous exces- 
ses which political and race hostilities 
may reach. In Georgia the whites, by 
these agencies, soon gained absolutepoliti- 
cal control, and this they used with mwe 
wisdom than in most Southern States, for 
under the advice of men like Stevens and 
Hill, they passed laws providing for free 
public sjhools, etc., but carefully guarded 
their newly acquired power by alsO" passing 
tax laws which virtually disfranchised more 
than half the blacks. Later on, several 
Southern States imitated this form of poi- 
litical sagacity, and soon those in favor of 
"a white man's government," (the popular 
battle cry of the period) had undisputed 
control in Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, 
Arkansas and Texas — States which the Re- 
publicans at one time had reason to believe 
they could control. 



The Enforcement Acts. 

To repress the Ku Klux outrages. Con- 
gress in May 31, 1870, passed an act giving 
to the President all needed powers to pro- 
tect the freedmen in their newly acquired 
righLs, and to punish the perpetrators of 
all outrages, whether upon whites or blacks. 
This was called in Congress the Enforce- 
ment Act, and an Amendatory Enforce- 
ment Act was inserted in the Sundry Civil 
Bill, June 10, 1872. The Ku Klux Act 
was passed April 20, 1871, All of these 
measures were strongly advocated by Sena- 
tor Oliver P. Morton, who through this 
advocacy won new political distinction as 
the special champion of the rights of the 
blacks. Later on James G. Blaine, then 
the admitted leader of the House, opposed 
some of the supplements for its better en- 
forcement, and to this fact is traceable the 
refusal on the part of the negroes of the 
South to give him that warm support as a 
Presidential candidate which his high abili- 
ties commanded in other sections. 

The several Enforcement Acts and their 
supplements are too voluminous for inser- 

13 



tion here, and they are of little u e save as 
relics of the bitter days of reconstruction. 
They have little force now, although some 
of them still stand. They became a dead 
letter after the defeat of the " carpet-bag 
governments," but the President enforced 
them as a rule with moderation and wisdom. 
The enforcement of the Ku Klux Act 
led to the disbanding of that oiganization 
after the trial, arrest and conviction of 
many of the leaders. These trials brought 
out the facts, and awakened many South- 
ern minds, theretofore incredulous, to ihe 
enormity of the secret political crimes 
which had been committed in all the South- 
ern States, and for a time popular senti- 
ment even in the South, and amongst for- 
mer rebel soldiers, ran strongly against the 
Klan, With fresh political excitements, 
however, fresh means of intimidation were 
employed at elections. Rifle clubs were 
formed, notably in South Carolina and 
Mississippi, while in Louisiana the " White 
League' sprang into existence, and was 
organized in all of the neighboring States. 
These were more difficult to deal with. 
They were open organizations, created un- 
der the semblance of State militia acts. 
They became very popular, especially 
among the younger men, and from this 
time until the close of the Presidential 
election in 1876, were potent factors in 
several Southern States, and we shall have 
occasion further on to describe their more 
important movements. 



Reatlml88lon of Rebellions States. 

Before the close of 18G9 the Supreme 
Court, in the case of Texas vs. White, sus- 
tained the constitutionality of the Recon- 
struction acts of Congress, It held that 
the ordinances of secession had been " ab- 
solutely null;" that the seceding States 
had no right to secede and had never been 
out of the Union, but that, during and 
after their rebellion, they had no govern- 
ments " competent to represent these States 
in their relations with the National gov- 
ernment," and therefore Congress had the 
power to re-establish the relations of any 
rebellious State to the Union, This de- 
cision fortified the position of the Repub- 
licans, and did much to aid President 
Grant in the diflScult work of reconstruc- 
tion. It modified the assaults of the Dem- 
ocrats, and in some measure changed their 
purpose to make Reconstruction the pivot 
around which smaller political issues 
should revolve. 

The regular session of the 4l8t Congress 
met Dec, 4th, 1869, and before its close 
Virginia, Georgia, Texas, and Mississippi 
had all complied with the conditions of re- 
construction, and were re-admitted to the 
Union. This practically completed the 
work of reconstruction. To summarize : — 



194 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Tennessee was re-admitted July 24th, 
18GG ; Arkansas, June 22d, 1868 ; North 
Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, 
Georgia and Florida under the act of June 
25th, 1868, which provided that as soon as 
they fulfilled the conditions imposed by 
the acts of March, IJ 67, they should be re- 
admitted. All did this promptly except 
Georgia. Virginia was re-admitted Jan- 
uary 25th, 1870; Mississippi, Feb. 23d, 
1870; Texas, March 30th, 1870, Georgia, 
the most powerful and stubborn of all, had 
passed State laws declaring negroes incapa- 
ble of holding office, in addition to what 
was known as the "black code," and Con- 
gress reiused fiill admission until she had 
revoked the laws and ratified the 15th 
Amendment. The State finally came back 
into the Union July 15th, 1870. 

The above named States completed the 
ratification of the 15th amendment, and 
the powers of reconstruction were plainly 
Used to that end. Some of the Northern 
States had held back, and for a time its 
ratification by the necessaiy three-fourths 
wa.s a matter of grave doubt. Congress 
next passed a bill to enforce it, May 30th, 
1870. This made penal any interference, 
by force or fraud, with the right of free 
and full manhood suffrage, and authorized 
the President to use the army to prevent 
violations. The measure was generally 
supported by the Republicans, and opposed 
by all of the Democrats. 

The Republicans through other guards 
about the ballot by passing an act to 
amend the naturalization laws, which made 
it penal to use false naturalization papers, 
authorized the appointment of Federal 
supervisors of elections in cities of over 
20,000 inhabitants ; gave to these power of 
arrest for any offense committed in their 
view, and gave alien Africans the right to 
naturalize. The Democrats in their oppo- 
sition laid particular stress upon the extra- 
ordinary powers given to Federal super- 
visors, while the Republicans charged that 
Seymour had carried New York by gigan- 
tic naturalization frauds in New York city, 
and sought to sustain these charges by the 
unprecedented vote polled. A popular 
qTiotation of the time was from Horace 
Greeley, in the New York Tn'hwe, who 
showed thnt under the manipulat:ons of 
the Tweed ring, more votes had been cast 
for Seymour in one of the warehouse wards 
of the city, " than there were men, women, 
children, and cats and dogs in it." 



The Liegal Tender Decision. 

The Act of Congress of 1862 had made 
" greenback " notes a les^l tender, and they 
passed a^ such until 1869 against the pro- 
testa of the Democrats in Congress, who 
had questioned the riaht of Congress to 
ieeue paper money. It was on this issue 



that Thaddeus Stevens admitted the Re- 
publicans were travelling " outside of the 
constitution " with a view to preserve the 
government, and this soon became one of 
his favorite ways of meeting partisan ob- 
jections to Avar measures. At the Decem- 
ber term of the Supreme Court, in 1860, a 
decision was rendered that the action of 
Congress was unconstitutional, the Court 
then being accidentally Democratic in its 
composition. The Republicans, believing 
they could not afford to have their favorite, 
and it must be admitted most useful finan- 
cial measure questioned, secured an in- 
crease of two in the number of Supreme 
Justices — one under a law creating an ad- 
ditional Justiceship, the other in place of 
a Justice who had resigned — and in March, 
1870, after the complexion of the Court 
had been changed through Republican ap- 
pointments made by President Grant, the 
constitutionality of the legal tender act 
was again raised, and, with Chief Justice 
Chase (who had been Secretary of the 
Treasury in 1862 ijresiding) the previous 
decision was reversed. This was clearly a 
partisan struggle before the Court, and on 
the part of the Republicans an aband(m- 
ment of old landmarks impressed on the 
country by the Jackson Democrats, but it 
is plain that without the greenbacks the 
war could not have been pressed with half 
the vigor, if at all. Neither party was 
consistent in this struggle, for Southern 
Democrats who sided with their North- 
ern colleagues in the plea of uncon- 
stitutionality, had when "out of the 
Union," witnessed and advocated the issue 
of the same class of money by the Con- 
federate Congress. The difference was 
only in the ability to redeem, and this 
ability depended upon success in arms — 
the very thing the issue was designed to 
promote. The last decision, despite its 
partisan surroundings and opposition, soon 
won popularity, and this popularity was 
subsequently taken as the groundwork for 
the establishment of 

Tlie Greenback Party. 

This party, with a view to ease the 
rigors of the monetary panic of 1873, ad- 
vocated an unlimited issue of greenbacks, 
or an " issue based upon the resources of 
the country." So vigorously did dis- 
contented leaders of both parties press this 
idea, that they soon succeeded in demoral- 
izing the Democratic minority— which 
was by this time such a plain minority, 
and so greatly in need of new issues to 
make the people forget the war, that it is 
not surprising they yielded, at least par- 
tially, to new theories and alliances. The 
present one took them away from the 
principles of Jackson, from the hard- 
money theories of the early days, and would 
laud them they knew not where, nor did 



THE GREENBACK PARTY. 



195 



many of them care, if they could once 
more get U2ion their feet. Some resisted, 
and comparatively few of the Democrats 
in the Middle States yielded, but in part 
of New England, the great West, and 
nearly all of the South, it waa for several 
years quite difficult to draw a line between 
Greenbackers and Democrats. Some Re- 
publicans, too, who had tired of the "old 
war issues," or discontented with the man- 
agement and leadership of their party, 
aided in the construction of the Green- 
back bridge, and kept upon it as long as it 
was safe to do so. In State elections up 
to as late as 1880 this Greenback element 
was a most important factor. Ohio was 
carried by an alliance of Greenbackers and 
Democrats, Allen being elected Governor, 
only to be supplanted by Hayes (after- 
wards President) after a most remarkable 
contest, the alliance favoring the Green- 
back, the Republicans not quite the hard- 
money, but a redeemable-in-gold theory. 
Indiana, always doubtful, passed over to 
the Democratic column, while in the 
Southern States the Democratic leaders 
made open alliances until the Greenback- 
ers became over-confident and sought to 
win Congressional and State elections on 
their own merits. They fancied that the 
desire to repudiate ante-war debts would 
greatly aid them, and they openly advo- 
cated the idea of repudiation there, but 
they had experienced and wise leaders to 
cope with. Tliey were not allowed to 
monopolize this issue by the Democrats, 
and their arrogance, if such it may be 
called, was punished by a more complete 
assertion of IDemocratic power in the South 
than was ever known before. The theory 
in the South was welcomed where it would 
siiit the Democracy, crushed where it 
would not, as shown in the Presidential 
election of 1880, when Garfield, Hancock 
and Weaver (Greenbacker) were the can- 
didates. The latter, in his stumping tour 
of the South, proclaimed that he and his 
friends were as much maltreated in Ala- 
bama and other States, as the Republicans, 
and for some cause thereafter (the Demo- 
crats alleged "a bargain and sale") he 
f»ractically threw his aid to the Repub- 
icans — this when it became apparent that 
the Greenbackers, in the event of the elec- 
tion going to the House, could have no 
chance even there. 

Gen'l Weaver went from the South to 
Maine, the scene of what was regarded at 
that moment as a pivotal struggle for the 
Presidency. Blaine had twice been the 
most prominent candidate for the Presi- 
dency— 187G and 1880— and had both 
times been defeated by compromise candi- 
dates. He was still, as he had been for 
many years. Chairman of the Republican 
State Committee of Maine, and now as 
•ver before swallowed the mortification of 



defeat with true political grace. The 
Greenbackers had the year before formed 
a close alliance with the Democrats, and 
in the State election made the result so 
close that for many weeks it remained a 
matter of doubt who was elected Governor, 
the Democratic Greenbacker or the Re- 
publican. A struggle followed in the 
Legislature and before the Returning 
Board composed of State officers, who 
were Democrats, (headed by Gov. Gar- 
celon) and sought to throAV out returns on 
slight technicalities. Finally the Repub- 
licans won, but not without a struggle 
which excited attention all over the Union 
and commanded the presence of the State 
militia. Following Garfield's nomination 
another struggle, as we have stated, was 
inaugurated, with Davis as the Republican 
nominee for Governor, Plaisted the Demo- 
cratic-Greenback, (the latter a former Re- 
publican). All eyes now turned to Maine, 
which voted in September. Gen'l Weaver 
was on the stump then, as the Greenback 
candidate for President, and all of his 
efforts were bent to breaking the alliance 
between the Greenbackers and Demo- 
crats. 

He advocated a straight-out policy for his 
Greenback friends, described his treatment 
in the South, and denounced the Demo- 
cracy with such plainness that it displayed 
his purpose and defeated his object. 
Plaisted was elected by a close vote, and 
the Republicans yielded after some threats 
to invoke the "Garceloa precedents." 
This was the second Democratic-Green- 
back victory in Maine, the first occurring 
two years before, when through an alli- 
ance in the Legislature (no candidate 
having received a majority of all the popu- 
lar vote) Garland was returned. 

The victory of Plaisted alarmed the Re- 
publicans and enthused the Democrats, 
who now denounced Weaver, but still 
sought alliance with his followers. Gene- 
ral B. F. Butler, long a brilliant Republi- 
can member of Congress from Massachu- 
setts, for several years advocated Green- 
back ideas without breaking from his Re- 
publican Congressional colleagues. Be- 
cause of this fact he lost whatever of 
chance he had for a Republican nomination 
for Governor, " his only remaining politi- 
cal ambition," and thereupon headed the 
Greenbackers in Massachusetts, and in 
spite of the protests of the hard-money 
Democrats in that State, captured the De- 
mocratic organization, and after these tac- 
tics twice ran for Governor, and was de- 
feated both times by the Republicans, 
though he succeeded, upon State and 
"anti-blue blood" theories, in greatly re- 
ducing their majority. In the winter of 
1882 he still held control of the Demo- 
cratic State Committee, after the Green- 
back organization had passed from view, 



196 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



and " what will he <\o next?" is one of the 
political questions of the hour. 

The Greenback labor party ceased all 
Congressional alliance with the Democrats 
after tJicir quarrel with General Weaver, 
and as late as the 47th session — 18S1-82 — 
rei'used all alliance, and abstained from 
exercising what some still believe a " bal- 
ance of power " in the House, though 
nearly half of their numb'^r were elected 
more as Republicans than Greenbackers. 

As a party, the Greenbackers, standing 
alone, never carried either a State or a 
Congressional district. Their local suc- 
cesses were due to alliances with one or 
other of the great parties, and with the 
passage of the panic they dissolved in 
many sections, and where they still obtain 
it is in alliance with labor unions, or in 
strong mining or workingmen's districts. 
In the Middle States they won few local 
successes, but were strong in the coal 
regions of Pennsylvania. Advocates of 
similar theories have not been wanting in 
all the countries of Western Europe follow- 
ing great wars or panics, but it was re- 
served to the genius of Americans to estab- 
lish an aggressive political party on the 
basis of theories which all great political 
economists have from the beginning an- 
tagonized as unsafe and unsound. 



The Prolilbltory Party. 

The attempt to establish a third party in 
the Greenback, begot that to establish a 
National Prohibitory Party, which in ISSO 
ran James Black of Pennsylvania, as a 
candidate for the Presidency, and four 
years previous ran Neal Dow of Maine. 
He, however, commanded little attention, 
and received but sparsely scattered votes 
in all the States. The sentiment at the 
base of this party never thrived save as in 
States, particularly in New England, where 
it sought to impress itself on the prevail- 
ing political party, and through it to influ- 
ence legislation. Neal Dow of Maine, first 
advocated a prohibitory law, and by his 
eloquent advocacy, secured that of Maine, 
which has stood for nearly thirty years. 
That of Massachusetts has recently been 
repealed. The prohibitory amendment to 
the Constitution of Kansas was adopted in 
1881, etc. The Prohibitory Party, how- 
ever, never accomplished anything by sep- 
arate political action, and though fond of 
nominating candidates for State and local 
officers, has not as yet succeeded in hold- 
ing even a balance of power between the 
political parties, though it has often con- 
tused political calculations as to results in 
New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Connecti- 
cut, Massachusetts, etc. It seems never to 
have taken hold in any of the Southern 
States, and comparatively little in the 



Western, until the whole country was sur- 
prised in 1880 by the passage of the Kan- 
sas amendment by over 20,00U majority in 
a vote of the people invoked by the Legis- 
lature. An effort followed to submit a sim- 
ilar amendment through the Pennsylvania 
Legislature in 1881. It passed the House 
by a large majority, but after discussion in 
the Senate, and amendments to indemnify 
manufacturers and dealers in liquor (an 
amendment which would cripple if it would 
not bankrupt the State) was adopted. Gov- 
ernor St. John of Kansas, a gentleman fond 
of stumping for this amendment, insists 
that the results are good in his State, while 
its enemies claim that it has made many 
criminals, that liquor is everywhere smug- 
gled and sold, and that the law has turned 
the tide of immigration away from that great 
State. The example of Kansas, however, 
will probably be followed in other States, 
and the Prohibitory Party will hardly pass 
from view until this latest experiment has 
been fairly tested. It was also the author 
of " Local Option," which for a time swept 
Pennsylvania, but was repealed by a large 
majority after two years' trial. 



Annexation of San Domingo. 

The second session of the 41st Congress 
began December 5th, 1870. With all of 
the States represented, reconstruction be- 
ing complete, the body was now divided 
politically as follows : Senate, 61 Repub- 
licans, 13 Democrats ; House 172 Republi- 
cans, 71 Democrats. President Grant's an- 
nual message discussed a new question, 
and advocated the annexation of San Do- 
mingo to the United States. A treaty had 
been negotiated between President Grant 
and the President of the Republic of San 
Domingo as early as September 4th, 18()9, 
looking to annexation, but it had been re- 
jected by the Senate, Charles Sumner be- 
ing prominent in his opposition to the 
measure. He and Grant experienced a 
growing personal unpleasantness, because 
of the President's attempt to negotiate a 
treaty without consulting Mr. Sumner, who 
was Chairman of the Committee on For- 
eign Affairs, and it was charged that 
through the influence of the President he 
was removed by the Republican caucus 
from this Chairmanship, and Senator Si- 
mon Cameron put in his place. Whether 
this was true or not, the differences be- 
tween Grant and Sumner were universally 
remarked, and Sumner's imperious pride 
led him into a very vindictive assault up- 
on the proj>osition. Grant gave few other 
reasons for annexation than military ones, 
suggested that as a naval station it would 
facilitate all home operations in the Gulf, 
while in the hands of a foreign power, in 
the event of war, it would prove the depot 
for many and dangerous warlike prepa- 



THE FORCE BILL. 



197 



rations. The question had little political 
significance, if it was ever designed to have 
any, and this second attempt to bring the 
scheme to the attention of Congress, was 
that a joint resolution (as in- the annexa- 
tion of Texas) might be passed. This 
would require but a majority, but the ob- 
jection Avas met that no Territory could be 
annexed without a treaty, and this must 
be ratified by two-thirds of the Senate. A 
middle course was taken, and the Presi- 
dent was authorized to appoint three Com- 
missioners to visit San Domingo and as- 
certain the desires of its people. These 
reported favorably, but the subject was 
finally dropped, probably because the pro- 
position could not command a two-thirds 
vote, and has not since attracted attention. 



Amendatorjr Enforcement Acts. 

The operation of the loth Amendment, 
being still resisted or evaded in portions 
of the South, an Act was passed to enforce 
it. This extended the powers of the Fed- 
eral supervisors and marshals, authorized 
in the first, and gave the Federal Circuit 
Courts exclusive jurisdiction of all cases 
tried under the provisions of the Act and 
its supplements. It also empowered these 
Courts to punish any State officer who 
should attempt to interfere with or try 
such cases as in contempt of the Court's 
jurisdiction. The Republicans sustained, 
the Democrats opposed the measure, but 
it was passed and approved February 28, 
1871, and another supplement was insert- 
ed in the Sundry Civil Bill, and approved 
June 10th, 1872, with continued resistance 
on the part of the Democrats. After the 
appointment of a committee to investi- 
gate the condition of affairs in the South- 
ern States, Congress adjourned March 4th, 
1871. 



The Alabama Claims. 

During this year the long disputed Ala- 
bama Claims of the United States against 
Great Britain, arising from the depreda- 
t.ons of the Anglo-rebel privateers, built 
and fitted out in British waters, were re- 
ferred by the Treaty of Washington, dated 
May 8th, 1871, to arbitrators, and this 
was the first and most signal triumph 
of the plan of arbitration, so far as the 
Government of the United States was 
concerned. The arbitrators were appointed, 
at the invitation of the governments of 
Great Britain and the United States, from 
these powers, and from Brazil, Italy, and 
Switzerland. On September 14th, 1872, 
they gave to the United States gross dam- 
ages to the amount of $15,500,003, an 
amount which has subsequently proved to 
be really in excess of the demands of mer- 
chants and others claiming the loss of 



property through the depredations of the 
rebel ram Alabama and other rebel priva- 
teers. We append a list of the representa- 
tives of the several governments : 

Arbitrator on the part -of the United 
States — Charles Francis Adams. 

Arbitrator on the part of Great Britain, — ■ 
The Right Honorable Sir Alexander 
CocKBUKN, Baronet, Lord Chief Justice of 
England. 

Arbitrator on the part of Italy — His Ex- 
cellency Senator Count Sclopis. 

Arbitrator on the part of Switzerland — 
Mr. Jacob Stampfli. 

Arbitrator on the part of Brazil — Baron 
D'Itajuba. 

Agent on the part of the United States — J. 
C. Bancroft Davis. 

Agent on the part of Great Britain — 
Right Honorable Lord Tenterden. 

Counsel for the United States — Caleb 
Gushing, William M. Evarts, Morri- 
son R. Waite. 

Counsel for Great Britain — Sir RouN- 
dell Palmer. 

Sol icitor for the United States — Charles 
C. Be AM AN, Jr. 



Tlie Force BUI. 

The 42d Congress met March 4, 1871, 
the Republicans having suff'ered somewhat 
in their representation. In the Senate 
there were 57 Republicans, 17 Democrats; 
in the House 138 Republicans, 103 Demo- 
crats. James G. Blaine was again chosen 
Speaker. The most exciting political 
question of the session was the passage of 
the " Force Bill," as the Democrats called 
it. The object was more rigidly to enforce 
observance of the provisions of the 14th 
Amendment, as the Republicans claim ; 
to revive a waning political power in the 
South, and save the " carpet-bag " govern- 
ments there, as the Democrats claimed. 
The Act allowed suit in the Federal courts 
against any person wdio should deprive 
another of the rights of a citizen, and it 
made it a penal offense to conspire to take 
away any one's rights as a citizen. It also 
provided that inability, neglect, or refusal 
by any State governments to suppress such 
conspiracies, or their refusal to call upon 
the President for aid, should be deemed a 
denial by such State of the equal protec- 
tion of the laws under the 14th Amend- 
ment. It further declared such conspira- 
cies " a rebellion against the government 
of the United States," and authorized the 
President, when in his judgment the pub- 
lic safety required it, to suspend the privi- 
lege of habeas corpus in any district, and 
suppress any such insurrection by the 
-irmy and navy. 



198 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Ptrsldent Hayes'g Civil Service Order. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, /une 22, 1877. 

Sir : — I desire to call your attention to 
the following paragraph in a letter ad- 
dressed by me to the Secretary of the 
Treasury, on the conduct to be observed by 
the officers of the General Government in 
relation to the elections : 

" No officer should be required or per- 
mitted to take part in the management of 
political organizations, caucuses, conven- 
tions or election campaigns. Their right to 
vote and to express their views on public 
questions, either orally or through the 
press, is not denied, provided it does not 
interfere with the discharge of their oflfi- 
cial duties. No assessment for political 
purposes on officers or subordinates should 
be allowed." 

This rule is applicable to every depart- 
ment of vhe Civil Service. It should be 
understood by every officer of the General 
Government that he is expected to conform 
his conduct to its requirements. 

Very respectfully, R. B. Hayes. 

Some of the protests were strong, and it 
is difficult to say whether Curtis, Julian, 
or Eaton — its three leading advocates — or 
the politicians, had the best of the argu- 
ment. It was not denied, however, that a 
strong and very respectable sentiment had 
been created in favor of the reform, and to 
this sentiment all parties, and the President 
as well, made a show of bowing. It was 
fashionable to insert civil service planks 
in National and State platforms, but it was 
was not such an issue as could livein the 
presence of more exciting ones; and while 
to this day it has earnest and able advo- 
cates, it has from year to year fallen into 
greater disuse. Actual trial showed the 
impracticability of some of the rules, and 
President Grant lost interest in the subject, 
as did Congress, for in several instances it 
neglected to appropriate the funds necessary 
to carry out the provisions of the law. 
President Arthur, in his message, to Con- 
gress in December, 1381, argued against 
its full application, and showed that it 
blocked the way to preferment, certainly 
of the middle-aged and older persons, who 
could not recall their early lessons ac- 
quired by rote ; that its effect was to ele- 
vate the inexperienced to positions which 
required executive ability, sound judgment 
business aptitude, and experience. The 
feature of the message met the endorsment 
of nearly the entire Republican press, and 
at this writing the sentiment, at least of 
the Republican party, appears to favor a 
partial modification of the rules. 

The system was begun January 1st, 1872, 
but in December, 1874, Congress refused to 
make any appropriations, and it was for a 
time abandoned, with slight and spasmodic 



revivals under the administration of Presi- 
dent Hayes, who issued the foregoing order. 

By letter from the Attorney-General, 
Charles Devens, August 1, 1877, this order 
was held to apply to the Pennsylvania Re- 
publican Association at Washington. Still 
later there was a further exposition, in 
which Attorney-General Devens, writing 
from Washington in October 1, 1877, ex- 
cuses himself from active participation in 
the Massachusetts State campaign, and 
says : " I learn with surprise and regret 
that any of the Republican officials hesitate 
either to speak or vote, alleging as a reason 
the President's recent Civil Service order. 
In distinct terms that order states that the 
right of officials to vote and express their 
views on public questions, either orally or 
through the press, is not denied, provided 
it does not interfere with the discharge of 
their official duties. If such gentlemen 
choose not to vote, or not to express or en- 
force their views in support of the princi- 
ples of the Republican party, either orally 
or otherwise, they, at least, should give a 
reason for such a course which is not jus- 
tified by the order referred to, and which 
is simply a perversion of it."' 

Yet later, when the interest in the Penn- 
sylvania election became general, because 
of the sharp struggle between Governor 
Hoyt and Senator Dill for Governor, a 
committee of gentlemen (Republicans) 
visited President Hayes and induced him 
to " suspend the operation of the order " as 
to Pennsylvania, where political contribu- 
tions were collected. 

And opposition was manifested after even 
the earlier trials. Benjamin F. Butler de- 
nounced the plan as. English and anti-Re- 
publican, and before long some of the more 
radical Republican papers, which had in- 
deed given little attention to the subject, 
began to denounce it as a plan to exclude 
faithful Republicans from and permit 
Democrats to enter the offices. These 
now argued that none of the vagaries of 
political dreamers could ever convince 
them that a free Government can be run 
without political parties ; that while rota- 
tion in office may not be a fundamental 
element of republican government, yet the 
right of the people to recommend is its 
corner-stone; that civil service would lead 
to the creation of rings, and eventually to 
the purchase of places; that it would es- 
tablish an aristocracy of office-hoklers,.who 
could not be removed at times when it 
might be important, as in the rebellion fot 
the Administration to have only friends in 
public office ; that it would establish grades 
and life-tenures in civic positions, etc. 

For later particulars touching civil ser- 
vice, see the Act of Congress of .1883, and 
the regulations made pursuant to thesanif* 
in Book V. 



I 



THE LIBERAL REPUBLICANS, 



199 



Amnestjr. 

The first regular session of the 42d Con- 
gress met Dec 4th, 187L The Democrats 
consumed much of the time in efforts to 
pass bills to remove the political disabilities 
of former Southern rebels, and they were 
materially aided by the editorials of Hor- 
ace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, 
which had long contended for universal 
amnesty. At this session all such efforts 
were defeated by the Republicans, who in- 
variably amended such propositions by ad- 
ding Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights 
Bill, which was intended to prevent any dis- 
crimination against colored persons by 
common carriers, hotels, or other chartered 
or licensed servants. The Amnesty Bill, 
however was passed May 22d, 1872, after an 
an agreement to exclude from itsprovisions 
all who held the higher military and civic 
positions under the Confederacy — in all 
about 350 persons. The following is a copy : 

Be it enacted, etc., (two-thirds of each 
House concurring therein,) That all legal 
and political disabilities imposed by the 
third section of the fourteenth article of 
the amendments of the Constitution of the 
United States are hereby removed from 
all persons whomsoever, except Senators 
and Representatives of the Thirty-sixth 
and Thirty-seventh Congress, officers in 
the judicial, military, and naval service of 
the United States, heads of Departments, 
and foreign ministers of the United States. 

Subsequently many acts removing the 
disabilities of all excepted (save Jefferson 
Davis] from the provisions of the above, 
were passed. 



The lilberal Republicans. 

An issue raised in Missouri gave imme- 
diate rise to the Liberal Republican party, 
though the course of Horace Greeley had 
long pointed toward the organization of 
something of the kind, and with equal 
plainness it pointed to his desire to be its 
champion and candidate for the Presi- 
dency. In 1870 the Republican party, 
then in control of the Legislature of Mis- 
souri, split into two parts on the question 
of the removal of the disqualifications im- 
posed upon rebels by the State Constitu- 
tion during the war. Those favoring the 
removal of disabilities were headed by B. 
Gratz Brown and Carl Schurz, and they 
called themselves Liberal Republicans ; 
those opposed were called and accepted 
the name of Radical Republicans. The 
former quickly allied themselves with the 
Democrats, and thus carried the State, 
though Grant's administration " stood in" 
with the Radicals. As a result the dis- 
abilities were quickly removed, and those 
who believed with Greeley now sought to 
promote a reaction in Republican senti- 



ment all over the country. Greeley was 
the recognized head of this movement, and 
he was ably aided by ex-Governor Curtin 
and Col. A. K. McClure in Pennsylvania ; 
Charles Francis Adams, Massachusetts ; 
Judge Trumbull, in Illinois ; Reuben E. 
Fenton, in New York ; Brown and Schurz 
in Missouri, and in fact by leading Re- 
publicans in nearly all of the States, who 
at once began to lay plans to carry the 
next Presidential election. 

They charged that the Enforcement Acts 
of Congress were designed more for the 
political advancement of Grant's adherents 
than for the benefit of the country ; that 
instead of suppressing they were calcula- 
ted to promote a war of races in the South ; 
that Grant was seeking the establishment 
of a military despotism, etc. These leaders 
were, as a rule, brilliant men. They had 
tired of unappreciated and unrewarded 
service in the Republican party, or had a 
natural fondness for " pastures new," and, 
in the language of the day, they quickly 
succeeded in making political movements 
" lively." 

In the spring of 1871 the Liberal Repub- 
licans and Democrats of Ohio — and Ohio 
seems to be the most fertile soil for new 
ideas — prepared for a fusion, and after fre- 
quent consultations of the various leaders 
Avith Mr. Greeley in New York, a call was 
issued from Missouri on the 24ih of Janu- 
ary, 1872, for a National Convention of 
the Liberal Republican party to be held 
at Cincinnati, May 1st. The well-matured 
plans of the leaders were carried out in the 
nomination of Hon. Horace Greeley for 
President and B Gratz Brown for Vice- 
President, though not without a serious 
struggle over the chief nomination, which 
was warmly contested by the friends of 
Charles Francis Adams. Indeed he led 
in most of the six ballots, but finally all 
the friends of other candidates voted for 
Greeley, and he received 482 to 187 for 
Adams. Dissatisfaction followed, and a 
later effort was made to substitute Adams 
for Greeley, but it failed. The original 
leaders now prepared to capture the Demo- 
cratic Convention, which met at Baltimore, 
June 9th. By nearly an unanimous vote 
it was induced to endorse the Cincinnati 
platform, and it likewise finally endorsed 
Greeley and Brown — though not without 
many bitter protests. A few straight-out 
Democrats met later at Louisville, Ky., 
Sept. 3d, and nominated Charles O'Coiior, 
of New York, for President, and John 
Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice- 
President, and these were kept in the race 
to the end, receiving a popular vote of 
about 30,000. 

The regular Republican National Con- 
vention was held at Philadelphia, June 
5th. It renominated President Grant 
unanimously, and Henry Wilson, of Mas- 



200 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



sachusetts, for Vice-President by 364J 
votes to 321 J for Schuyler Colfax, who 
thus shared the fate of Hannibal Hamlin 
in his second candidacy for Vice-President 
on the ticket with Abraham Lincoln. 
This change to Wilson was to favor the 
solid Republican States of New England, 
and to prevent both candidates coming 
from the West. 



Civil Serr-ice Reform. 

After considerable and very able agita- 
tion by Geo. W. Curtis, the editor of 
Harper's Weekly, an Act was passed March 
3d, 1871, authorizing the President to be- 
gin a reform in the civil service. He ap- 
pointed a Commission headed by Mr. Cur- 
tis, and after more than a year's preparation 
this body defeated a measure which se- 
cured Congressional approval and that of 
President Grant. 

The civil service law (and it is still a 
law though more honored now in the 
breach than the observance) embraced in 
a single section of the act making appropri- 
ations for sundry civil expenses for the 
year ending June 30, 1872, and authorize the 
President to prescribe such rules and reg- 
ulations for admission into the civil ser- 
vice as will best promote the efficiency 
thereof, and ascertain the fitness of each 
candidate for the branch of service into 
which he seeks to enter. Under this law 
a commission was appointed to draft rules 
and regulations which were approved and 
are now being enforced by the President. 
All applicants for position in any of the 
government departments come under these 
rules : — all classes of clerks, copyists, coun- 
ters ; in the customs service all from deputy 
collector down to inspectors and clerks 
with the salaries of $1200 or more ; in ap- 
praisers' offices all assistants and clerks ; 
in the naval service all clerks ; all light- 
house keepers ; in the revenue, supervisors, 
collectors, assessors, assistants ; in the pos- 
tal really all postmasters Avhose pay is over 
$200, arid all mail messengers. The rules 
apply to all new appointments in the de- 
partments or grades named, except that 
" nothing shall prevent the reappointment 
at discretion of the incumbents of any of- 
fice the term of which is fixed by law." 
So that a postmaster or other officer 
escapes their application. Those specially 
exempt are the Heads of Departments ; 
their immediate assistants and deputies, the 
diplomatic service, the judiciary, and the 
district attorneys. Each branch of the 
service is to be grouped, and admission 
shall always be to the lowest grade of any 
grouj). Such appointments are made for a 
probationary term of six months, when if 
the Board of Examiners approve the in- 
cumbent is continued. This Board of Ex- 
aminers, three in number in each case, 



shall be chosen by the President from the 
several Departments, and they shall ex 
amine at Washington for any position 
there, or, when directed by an Advisory 
Board, shall assign places for examination 
in the several States. Examinations are 
in all cases first made of applicants within 
the office or department, and from the list 
three reported in the order of excellence ; 
if those within fail, then outside applicants 
may be examined. In the Federal Blue 
Book, which is a part of this volume, we 
give the Civil Service Rules. 

When first proposed, partisan politics 
had no part or place in civil service re- 
form, and the author of the plan was him- 
self a distinguished Republican. In fact 
both parties thought something good had 
been reached, and there was practically no 
resistance at first to a trial. 

The Democrats resisted the passage of 
this bill with even more earnestness than 
any which preceded it, but the Republi- 
can discipline was almost perfect, and 
when passed it received the prompt ap- 
proval of President Grant, who by this 
time was classed as " the most radical of 
the radicals." Opponents denounced it as 
little if any less obnoxious than the old 
Sedition law of 1798, while the Republi- 
cans claimed that it was to meet a state of 
growing war in the South — a war of races 
— and that the form of domestic violence 
manifested was in the highest degree dan- 
gerous to the peace of the Union and the 
safety of the newly enfranchised citizens. 



The Credit MobUier. 

At the second session of the 42d Con- 
gress, beginning Dec. 2, 1872, the speaker 
(Blaine) on the first day called attention 
to the charges made by Democratic orators 
and newspapers during the Presidential 
campaign just closed, that the Vice Presi- 
dent (Colfax), the Vice President elect 
(Wilson), the Secretary' of the Treasury, 
several Senators, the Speaker of the House, 
and a large number of Representatives had 
been bribed, during the years 18()7 and 
1868, by Oakes Ames, a member of the 
House from Massachusetts ; that he and 
his agents had given them presents of 
stock in a corporation known as the Credit 
Mobilier, to influence their legislative ac- 
tion for the benefit of the Union Pacific 
Railroad Compay. 

Upon Speaker Blaine's motion, a com- 
mittee of investigation was appointed by 
Hon. S. S. Cox, of New York, a noted 
Democrat temporarily called to the Chair. 

After the close of the campaign, (as was 
remarked by the Republic Magazine at the 
time) the dominant party might well have 
claimed, and would have insisted had they 
been opposed to a a thorough investigation 



THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 



201 



and a full exposure of corruption, that the 
verdict of the people in the late canvss 
was sufficient answer to these charges ; but 
the Republican party not merely grunted 
all the investigations sought, but sum- 
moned on the leading committee a ma- 
jority of its political foes to conduct the 
inquest. 

The committee consisted of Messrs. Po- 
land, of Vermont; McCreary, of Iowa ; 
Banks, of Massachusetts ; Niblack, of Indi- 
ani, and Merrick, of Maryland. 

Messrs. Poland and McCreary — the two 
Republicans — were gentlemen of ability 
and standing, well known for their integ- 
rity, moderation, and impartiality. Gen- 
eral Banks was an earnest supporter of 
Horace Greeley, upon the alleged ground 
that the Republican organization had be- 
come effete and corrupt : while Messrs. 
Niblack and Merrick are among the ablest 
representatives of the Democratic party ; 
in fact, Mr. Merrick belonged to the ex- 
treme Southern school of political thought. 

Having patiently and carefully exam- 
ined and sifted the entire testimony — often 
"painfully conflicting," as the committee 
remarked — their report ought to be con- 
sidered a judicial document commanding 
universal approval, yet scraps of the testi- 
mony and not the report itself were used 
with painful frequency against James A. 
Garfield in his Presidential canvass of 
1880. There has not been a state paper 
8ubm"tted for many years upon a similar 
subject that carried with it greater weight, 
or which bore upon its face a fuller reali- 
zation of the grave responsibilities assumed, 
and it is the first time in the political his- 
tory of the United States that an all-im- 
portant investigation has been entrusted by 
the dominant party to a majority of its po- 
litical foes. 

The report of the committee gives the 
best and by far the most reliable history of 
the whole affair, and its presentation here 
may aid tn preventing partisan misrepre- 
sentations in the future — misrepresenta- 
tions made in the heat of contest, and 
doubtless regretted afterwards by all who 
had the facilities for getting at the facts. 
We therefore give the 

OFFICIAL EEPOUT OF THE CREDIT MO- 
BILIER INVESTIGATINa COMMITTEE. 

Mr. Poland, from the select committee 
to investigate the alleged Credit Mobilier 
briberv, made the following report Febru- 
ary 18, 1873 : 

The special committee appointed under 
the folloioing resolutions of the House to 
wit : 

Whereas, Accusations have been made 
in the public press, founded on alleged 
letters of Oakes Ames, a Representative of 
Massachusetts, and upon the alleged affi- 
davits of Henry S. McComb, a citizen of 



Wilmington, in the State of Delaware, to 
the effect that members of this House 
were bribed by Oakes Ames to perform 
certain legislative acts for the benefit of 
the Union Pacific Railroad Company, by 
presents of stock in the Credit Mobilier of 
America, or by presents of a valuable char- 
acter derived therefrom : therefore, 

Resolved, That a special committee of 
five members be appointed by the Speaker 
pro tempore, whose duty it shall bo to in- 
vestigate whether any member of this 
House was bribed by Oakes Ames, or any 
other person or corporation, in any matter 
touching his legislative duty. 

Resolved, further. That the committee 
have the right to employ a stenographer, 
and that they be empowered to send for 
persons and papers ; 
beg leave to make the folloiving report : 

In order to a clear understanding of the 
facts hereinafter stated as to contracts and 
dealings in reference to stock of the Credit 
Mobilier of America, between Mr. Oakes 
Ames and others, and members of Con- 
gress, it is necessary to make a preliminary 
statement of the connection of that com- 
pany with the Union Pacific Railroad Com- 
j)any, and their relations to each other. 

The company called the " Credit Mo- 
bilier of America " was incorporated by 
the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and in 
1864 control of its charter and franchises 
had been obtained by certain persons in- 
terested in the Union Pacific Railrf)ad 
Company, for the purpose of using it as a 
construction company to build the Union 
Pacific road. In September, 18(34, a con- 
tract was entered into between the Union 
Pacific Company and H. M. Hoxie, for the 
building by said Hoxie of one hundred 
miles of said road from Omaha west. 

This contract was at once assigned by 
Hoxie to the Credit Mobilier Company, as 
it was expected to be when made. Under 
this contract and extensions of it some two 
or three hundred miles of road were built 
by the Credit Mobilier Company, but no 
considerable profits appear to have been 
realized therefrom. The enterprise of 
building a railroad to the Pacific was of 
such vast magnitude, and was beset by so 
many hazards and risks that the capitalists 
of the country were generally averse to in- 
vesting in it, and, notwithstanding the lib- 
eral aid granted by the Government it 
seemed likelv to fail of completion. 

In 1865 or 1866, Mr. Oakes Ames, then 
and now a member of the House from the 
State of Massachusetts, and his brother 
Oliver Ames became interested in the 
Union Pacific Company and also in the 
Credit Mobilier Company as the agents for 
the construction of the road. The Mes- 
srs. Ames were men of very large capital, 
and of known character and integrity in 
business. By their example and credit, 



202 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



and the personal efforts of Mr. Oakes 
Ames, many men of capital were induced 
to embark in the enterprise, and to take 
stock in the Union Pacific Company and 
also iu the Credit Mobilier Company. 
Among them were the firm of S. Hooper 
& Co., of Boston, the leading member of 
which, Mr. Samuel Hoo])er, was tlien and 
is now a member of the House ; Mr. John 
B. Alley, then a member of the House 
from Massachusetts, and Mr. Grimes, then 
a Senator from the State of Iowa. Not- 
withstanding the vigorous efforts of IMr. 
Ames and others interested with him, great 
difficulty was experienced in securing the 
required capital. 

In the spring of 1867 the Credit Mo- 
bilier Company voted to add 50 per cent, 
to their capital stock, which was then two 
and a half millions of dollars ; and to cause 
it to be readily taken each subscriber to it 
was entitled to receive as a bonus an equal 
amount of first mortgage bonds of the 
Union Pacific Company. The old stock- 
holders were entitled to take this increase, 
but even the favorable terms offered did 
not induce all the old stockholders to take 
it, and the stock of the Credit Mobilier 
Company was never considered worth its 
par value until after the execution of the 
Oakes Ames contract hereinafter men- 
tioned. 

On the 16th day of August, 1867, a con- 
tract was executed between the Union Pa- 
cific Railroad Company and Oakes Ames, 
by which Mr. Ames contracted to build six 
hundred and sixty-seven miles of the Union 
Pacific road at prices ranging from $42,000 
to $96,000 per mile, amounting in the ag- 
gregate to $47,000,000. Before the con- 
tract was entered into it was understood 
that Mr. Ames was to transfer it to seven 
trustees, who were to execute it, and the 
profits of the contract were to be divided 
among the stockholders in the Credit Mo- 
bilier Company, who should comply with 
certain conditions set out in the instru- 
ment transferring the contract to the trus- 
tees. The Ames contract and the trans- 
fer to trustees are incorporated in the evi- 
dence submitted, and therefore further re- 
cital of their terms is not deemed neces- 
sary. 

Substantially, all the stockholders of the 
Credit Mobilier complied with the condi- 
tions named in the transfer, and thus be- 
came entitled to share in any profits said 
trustees might make in executing the con- 
tract. 

All the large stockholders in the Union 
Pacific were also stockholders in the Credit 
Molnlier, and the Ames contract and its 
transfer to trustees were ratified by the 
Union Pacific, and received the assent of 
the great body of stockholders, but not of 
all. 
After the Ames contract had been exe- 



cuted, it was expected by those interested 
that by reason of the enormous prices 
agreed to be paid for the work very large 
profits would be derived from building the 
road, and very soon the stock of the Cred- 
it Mobilier was understood by thot^e hold- 
ing it to be worth much more than its par 
value. The stock was not in the market 
and had no fixed market value, but the 
holders of it, in December, 1867, consid- 
ered it worth at least double the par value, 
and in January and February, 1868, three 
or four times the par value, but it docs not 
ap])ear that these facts were generally or 
l)ubliely known, or that the holders of the 
stock desired they should be. 

The foregoing statement the committee 
think gives enough of the historic details, 
and condition and value of the stock, to 
make the following detailed facts intelli- 
gible. 

Mr. Oakes Ames was then a member of 
the House of liepresentatives, and came to 
Washington at the commencement of the 
session, about the beginning of December, 
1867. During that month Mr. Ames en- 
tered into contracts with a considerable 
number of members of Congress, both Sen- 
ators and Representatives, to let them have 
shares of stock in the Credit Mobilier 
Company at par, with interest thereon from 
the first day of the previous July. It does 
not appear that in any instance he asked 
any of these persons to pay a higher price 
than the par value and interest, nor that 
Mr. Ames used any sj^ecial effort or ur- 
gency to get these persons to take it. In 
all these negotiations Mr. Ames did not 
enter into any details as to the value of 
the stock or the amount of dividend that 
might be expected upon it, but stated gen- 
erally that it would be good stock, and in 
several instances said he would guarantee 
that they should get at least 10 per cent, 
on their money. 

Some of these gentlemen, in their con- 
versations with Mr. Ames, raised the ques- 
tion whether becoming holders of this 
stock would bring them into any embar- 
rassment as members of Congress in their 
legislative dction. Mr. Ames quieted such 
suggestions by saying it could not, for the 
Union Pacific had received from Congress 
all the grants and legislation it wanted, 
and they should ask for nothing more. In 
some instances those members who con- 
tracted for stock paid to Mr, Ames the 
money for the price of the stock, par and 
interest; in others, where they had not the 
money, Mr. Ames agreed to carry the 
stock for them until they could get the 
money or it should be met by the divi- 
dends. 

Mr. Ames was at this time a large stock- 
holder in the Credit Mobiler, but he did 
not intend any of these transactions to be 
sales of his own stock, but intended to ful- 



THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 



203 



fill all these contracts from stock belong- 
ing to the company. 

At this time there were about six hun- 
dred and fifty shares of the stock of the com- 
pany, which had for some reason been 
placed in the name of Mr. T. C. Durant, 
one of the leading and active men of the 
concern. 

]Mr. Ames claimed that a portion of this 
stock should be assigned to him to enable 
him to fulfill engagements he had made 
for stock. Mr. Durant claimed that he 
had made similar engagements that he 
should be allowed stock to fulfill. Mr. 
McComb, who was present at the time, 
claimed that he had also made engage- 
ments for stock which he should have 
stock given him to carry out. This claim 
of McComb was refused, but after the 
stock Avas assigned to Mr. Ames, McComb 
insisted that Ames should distribute some 
of the stock to his (McComb's) friends, and 
named Senators Bayard and Fowler, and 
Kepresentatives Allison and Wilson, of 
Iowa. 

It was finally arranged that three hun- 
dred and forty-three shares of the stock of 
the company should be transferred to Mr. 
Ames to enable him to perform his engage- 
ments, and that number of shares were set 
over on the books of the company to Oakes 
Ames, trustee, to distinguish it from the 
stock held by him before. Mr. Ames at 
the time paid to the company the par of 
the stock and interest from the July pre- 
vious, and this stock still stands on the 
books in the name of Oakes Ames, trustee, 
except thirteen shares which have been 
transferred to parties in no way connected 
with Congress. The committee do not find 
that Mr. Ames had any negotiation what- 
ever with any of these members of Con- 
gress on the subject of this stock i:)rior to 
the commencement of the session of De- 
cember, 1867, except Mr. Scofield, of Penn- 
sylvania, and it was not claimed that any 
obligation existed from Mr. Ames to him 
as the result of it. 

In relation to the purpose and motives 
of Mr. Ames in contracting to let members 
of Congress have Credit Mobilier stock at 
par, which he and all other owners of it 
considered worth at least double that sum, 
the committee, upon the evidence taken 
by them and submitted to the House, can- 
not entertain doubt. When he said he did 
not suppose the Union Pacific Company 
would ask or need further legislation, he 
stated what he believed to be true. But 
he feared the interests of the road might 
suffer by adverse legislation, and what he 
desired to accomplish was to enlist strength 
and friends in Congress who would resist 
any encroachment upon or interference 
with the rights and privileges already se- 
cured, and to that end wished to create in 
them an interest identical with his own. 



This purpose is clearly avowed in his let- 
ters to McComb, copied in the evidence. 
He says he intends to place the stock 
"where it will do most^good to us." And 
again, "we want more friends in this Con- 
gress." In his letter to McComb, and also 
in his statement prepared by counsel, he 
gives the philosophy of his action, to wit, 
"That he has found there is no difficulty 
in getting men to look after their own 
property." The committee are also satis- 
fied that Mr. Ames entertained a fear that, 
when the true relations between the Credit 
Mobilier Company and the Union Pacific 
became generally known, and the means 
by which the great profits expected to be 
made were fully understood, there Avas 
danger that congressional investigation and 
action would be invoked. 

The members of Congress Avith Avhom he 
dealt Avere generally those Avho had been 
friendly and favorable to a Pacific Rail- 
road, and Mr. Ames did not fear or exj)ect 
to find them favorable to movements hos- 
tile to it; but he desired to stimulate their 
activity and Avatchfulness in opposition to 
any unfavorable action by giving them a 
personal interest in the success of the en- 
terprise, especially so far as it affected the 
interest of the Credit Mobilier Companv. 
On the 9th day of December, 1867, Mr. C. C. 
Washburn, of Wisconsin, introduced in the 
House a bill to regulate by law the rates 
of transportation over the Pacific Railroad. 

Mr. Ames, as Avell as others interested in 
the Union Pacific road, Avas opposed to 
this, and desired to defeat it. Other mea- 
sures apparently hostile to that company 
Avere subsequently introduced into the 
House by Mr. Washburn of Wisconsin, and 
Mr. Washburne of Illinois The commit- 
tee believe that Mr. Ames, in his distribu- 
tions of stock, had specially in mind the 
hostile efforts of the Messrs. Washburn, 
and desired to gain strength to secure their 
defeat. The reference in one of his letters 
to "Washburn's move" makes this quite 
apparent. 

The foregoing is deemed by the commit- 
tee a sufficient statement of facts as to Mr. 
Ames, taken in connection Avith what will 
be subsequently stated of his transactions 
with particular persons. Mr. Ames made 
some contracts for stock in the Credit 
Mobilier Avith members of the Senate. In 
public discussions of this subject the names 
of members of both Houses have been so 
connected, and all these transactions were 
so nearly simultaneous, that the committee 
deemed it their duty to obtain all evidence 
in their poAver, as to all persons then mem- 
bers of either House, and to report tho 
same to the House. Having done this, and 
the House having directed that evidence 
transmitted to the Senate, the committee 
consider their OAvn poAverand duty, as Avell 
as that of the House, fully performed, so 



204 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



far as members of the Senate are concerned. 
Some of Mr. Ames's contracts to sell stock 
were with gentlemen who were then mem- 
bers of the House, but are not members of 
the present Congress. 

The committee have sought for and ta- 
ken all the evidence within their reach as 
to those gentlemen, and reported the same 
to the House. As the House has ceased 
to have jurisdiction over them as members, 
the committee have not deemed it their 
duty to make any special finding of facts 
as to each, leaving the House and the 
country to their own conclusions upon the 
testimony. 

In regard to each of the members of the 
present House, the committee deem it 
their duty to state specially the facts they 
find proved by the evidence, which, in 
6ome instances, is painfully conflicting. 

MR. JAMES G. BLAINE, OF MAINE. 

Among those who have in the public 
press been charged with improper partici- 
pation in Credit Mobil ier stock is the pre- 
sent Speaker, Mr. Blaine, who moved the 
resolution for this investigation. The com- 
mittee have, therefore, taken evidence in 
regard to him. They find from it that Mr. 
Ames had conversation with Mr. Blaine in 
regard to taking ten shares of the stock, 
and recommended it as a good investment. 
Upon considcation Mr. Blaine concluded 
not to take the stock, and never did take 
it, and never paid or received anything on 
account of it ; and Mr. Blaine never had 
any interest, direct or indirect, in Credit 
Mobilier stock or stock of the Union 
Pacific Railroad Company. 

MR. HENRY L. DAWES, OF MASSACHUSETTS. 

Mr. Duwes had, prior to December, 1867, 
made some small investments in railroad 
bonds through Mr. Ames. In December, 
1867, Mr. Dawes applied to Mr. Ames to 
purchase a thousand-dollar bond of the 
Cedar Rapids road, in Iowa. Mr. Ames 
informed him that he had sold them all, 
but that he would let him have for his 
thousand dollars ten shares of Credit Mo- 
bilier stock, which he thought was better 
than the railroad bond. In answer to in- 
quiries by Mr. Dawes Mr. Ames said the 
Credit Mobilier Company had the con- 
tract to build the Union Pacific road, and 
thought they would make money out of it, 
and that it would be a good thing ; that he 
would guarantee that he should get 10 per 
cent, on his money, and that if at any 
time ilr. Dawes did' not want the stock he 
would pay back his moncv with 10 per 
cent, interest. Mr. Dawes made some fur- 
ther inquiry in relation to the stock of Mr. 
John B. Alley, who said he thought it was 
good stock, but not as good as Mr. Amos 
thought, but that Mr. Ames's guarantee 
would make it a perfectly safe investment. 



Mr. Dawes thereupon concluded to pur- 
chase the ten shares, and on the 11th of 
January he paid Mr. Ames $800, and in a 
few days thereafter the balance of the 
price of this stock, at par and interest from 
July previous. In June, 1868, Mr. Ames 
received a dividend of 60 per cent, in 
money on this stock, and of it paid to Mr. 
Dawes $400, and applied the balance of 
$200 upon accounts between them. This 
$400 was all that was paid over to IMr. 
Dawes as a dividend upon this stock. At 
some time prior to December, 1868, Mr. 
Dawes was informed that a suit had been 
commenced in the courts of Pennsylvania 
by former owners of the charter of the 
Credit Mobilier, claiming that those then 
claiming and using it had no right to do 
so. Mr. Dawes thereupon informed Mr. 
Ames that as there was a litigjition about 
the matter he did not desire to keep the 
stock. On the 9th of December, 1868, Mr. 
Ames and Mr. Dawes had a settlement of 
their mat'.ers in which Mr. Dawes was al- 
lowed for the money he paid for the stock 
with 10 per cent, interest upon it, and ac- 
counted to Mr. Ames for the $400 he had 
received as a dividend. Mr. Dawes re- 
ceived no other benefit under the contract 
than to get 10 per cent, upon his money, 
and after the settlement had no further in- 
terest in the stock. 

MR. GLENNI W. SCOFIELD, OF PENN- 
SYLVANIA. 

In 1866 Mr. Scofield purcha.°ed some 
Cedar Rapids bonds of Mr. Ames, and in 
that year they had conversations about 
Mr. Scofield taking stock in the Credit 
Mobilier Company, but no contract was 
consummated. In December, 1867, Mr. 
Scofield applied to Mr. Ames to purchase 
more Cedar Rapids bonds, when Mr. Ames 
suggested he should purchase some Credit 
Mobilier stock, and explained generally 
that it was a contracting company to build 
the Union Pacific road; that it was a 
Pennsylvania corporation, and he would 
like to have some Pennsylvanians in it; 
that he would sell it to him at par and in- 
terest, and that he would guarantee he 
should get 8 per cent, if Mr. Scofield would 
give him half the dividends above that. 
Mr. Scofield said he thought he would 
take $1,000 of the stock; but before any- 
thing further was done Mr. Scofield was 
called home by sickness in his family. On 
his return, the latter part of Januarj', 
1868, he spoke to Mr. Ames about the 
stock, when Mr. Ames said he thought it 
was all sold, but he would take his money 
and give him a receipt, and get the stock 
for him if he could. Mr. Scofield there- 
upon paid Mr. Ames $1,041, and took his 
recei}tt therefor. 

Not long after Mr. Ames informed ^Ir, 
Scofield he could have the stock, but could 



THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 



205 



not give him a certificate for it until he 
could get a hirger certificate dividend. 
Mr. Scofield received the bond dividend of 
80 per cent., which was payable January 'S, 
18G8, taking a bond for $1,0(H) and paying 
Mr. Ames the ditierence. Mr. Ames re- 
ceived the 60 per cent, casli dividend on 
the stock in June, 1868, and paid over to 
Mr. Scofield $600, the amount of it. 

Before tlie close of that session of Con- 
gress, which was toward the end of July, 
Mr. Scofield became, for some reason, dis- 
inclined to take the stock, and a settlement 
was made between them, by which Mr. 
Ames was to retain the (Credit Mobilier 
stock and Mr. Scofield took a thousand 
dollars Union Pacific bond and ten shares 
of Union Pacific stock. 

The precise basis of the settlement does 
not appear, neither Mr. Ames nor Mr. 
Scofield having any full date in reference 
to it; Mr. Scofield thinks that he only re- 
ceived back his money and interest upon 
it, while Mr. Ames states that he thinks 
Mr. Scofield had ten shares of Union 
Pacific stock in addition. The committee 
do not deem it specially important to settle 
this diflercnce of recollection. Since that 
settlement Mr. Scofield has had no interest 
in the Credit Mobilier stock and derived 
no benefit therefrom. 

MK. JOHN A. BINGHAM, OF OHIO. 

Tn December, 1867, Mr, Ames advised 
Mr. Bingham to invest in the stock of the 
Credit Mobilier, assuring him that it would 
return him his money with profitable divi- 
dends. Mr. Bingham agreed to take 
twenty shares, and about the 1st of Febru- 
ary, 1868, paid to Mr. Ames the par value 
of the stock, fur which Mr. Ames executed 
to him some receipt or agreement. Mr. 
Ames received all the dividends on the 
stock,, whether in Union Pacific bonds, or 
sti>ck, or money ; some were delivered to 
Mr. Bingham and some retained by Mr. 
Ames. The matter was not finally ad- 
justed between them until February, 1872, 
when it was settled, Mr. Ames retaining 
the twenty shares of Credit Mobilier stock, 
and accounting to Mr. Bingham for such 
dividends upon it as Mr. Bingham had not 
already received. Mr. Bingham was 
treated as the real owner of the stock from 
the time of the agreement to take it, in 
December, 1867, to the settlement in Feb- 
ruary, 1872, and had t^e benefit of all the 
dividends upon it. Neither Mr. Ames nor 
Mr. Bingham had such records of their 
dealing as to be able to give the precise 
amount of those dividends. 

MR. WILLIAM D. KELLEY, OF PENNSYL- 
VANIA. 

The committee find from the evidence 
that in the early part of the second session 
of the Fortieth Congress, and probabl7 in 



December, 1867, Mr. Ames agreed with 
Mr. Kelley to sell him ten shares of Credit 
Mobilier stock at par and interest from 
July 1, 1867. Mr. Kelley was not then 
prepared to pay for the stock, and Mr. 
Ames agreed to carry the stock for him 
until he could pay for it. On the third 
day of January, 1868, there was a dividend 
of 80 per cent, on Credit Mobilier stock in 
Union Pacific bonds. Mr. Ames received 
the bonds, as the stock stood in his name, 
and sold them for 97 per cent, of their face. 
In June, 1868, there was a cash dividend 
of 60 per cent., which Mr. Ames also re- 
ceived. The jjroceeds of the bonds sold, 
and the cash dividends received by Mr. 
Ames, amounted to $1,376. The par value 
of the stock and interest thereon from the 
previous July amounted to $1,047 ; so that, 
after paying for the stock, there was a 
balance of dividends due Mr. Kelley of 
$329. On the 23d day of June, 1868, Mr. 
Ames gave Mr. Kelley a check for that 
sum on the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House 
of Representatives, and Mr. Kelley re- 
ceived the money thereon. 

The committee find that Mr. Kelley then 
understood that the money he thus re- 
ceived was a balance of dividends due him 
after paying for the stock. 

All the subsequent dividends upon the 
stock were cither in Union Pacific stock 
or bonds, and they were all received by 
Mr. Ames. In September, 1868, Mr. 
Kelley received from Mr. Ames $750 in 
money, which was understood between 
them to be an advance to be paid out of 
dividends. There has never been any ad- 
justment of the matter between them, and 
there is now an entire variance in the tes- 
timony of the two men as to Avhat the 
transaction between them was, but the 
committee are unanimous in finding the 
facts above stated. The evidence reported 
to the House gives some subsequent con- 
versations and negotiations between Mr. 
Kelley and Mr. Ames on this subject._, The 
committee do not deem it material to refer 
to it in their report. 

MR. JAMES A. GARFIELD, OF OHIO. 

The facts in regard to Mr. Garfield, as 
found by the committee, are identical with 
the case of Mr. Kelley to the point of re- 
ception of the check for $329. He agreed 
with Mr. Ames to take ten shares of Credit 
Mobilier stock, but did not pay for the 
same. Mr. Ames received the 80 per cent, 
dividend in bonds and sold them for 97 
per cent., and also received the 60 per cent, 
cash dividend, which together paid the 
price of the stock and interest, and left a 
balance of $329. This sum was paid over 
to Mr. Garfield by a check on the Sergeant- 
at-Arms, and Mr. Garfield then understood 
this sum wjis the balance of dividends after 
paying for the stock. Mr. Ames receiyed 



206 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



all the subsequent dividends, and the com- 
mittee do not find that, since the payment 
of the $329, there has been any communi- 
cation between Mr. Ames and Mr. Garfield 
on the subject until this investigation be- 
gan. Some correspondence between Mr. 
Garfield and Mr. Ames, and some conver- 
sations between them during this investi- 
gation, will be found in the reported testi- 
mony. 

The committee do not find that Mr. 
Ames, in his negotiations with the persons 
above named, entered into any detail of 
the relations between the Credit Mobilier 
Company and the Union Pacific Company, 
or gave them any specific information as 
to the amount of dividends they would be 
likely to receive further than has been al- 
ready stated. They all knew from him, or 
otherwise, that the Credit Mobilier was a 
contracting company to build the Union 
Pacific road, but it does not appear that 
any of them knew that the profits and 
dividends were to be in stock and bonds of 
that company. 

The Credit Mobilier Company was a 
State corporation, not subject to congres- 
sional legislation, and the fact that its pro- 
fits were expected to be derived from 
building the Union Pacific road did not, 
apparently, create such an interest in that 
company as to disqualify the holder of 
Credit Mobilier stock from participating 
in any legislation affecting the railroad 
company. In his negotiations with these 
members of Congress, Mr. Ames made no 
suggestion that he desired to secure their 
favorable influence in Congress in favor of 
the railroad company, and whenever the 
question was raised as to whether the 
ownership of this stock would in any way 
interfere with or embarrass them in their 
action as members of Congress, he assured 
them it would not. 

The committee, therefore, do not find, 
as to the members of the present House 
above named, that they were aware of the 
object of Mr. Ames, or that they had any 
other purpose in taking this stock than to 
make a profitable investment. It is appa- 
rent that those who advanced their money 
to pay for their stock present more the ap- 
pearance of ordinary investors than those 
who did not, but the committee do not feel 
at liberty to find any corrupt purpose or 
knowledge founded upon the fact of non- 
payment alone. 

It ought also to be observed that those 
gentlemen who surrendered their stock to 
Mr. Ames before there was any public ex- 
citement upon the subject, do not profess 
to have done so upon any idea of impro- 
priety in holding it, but for reasons afl^ect- 
ing the value and security of the invest- 
ment. But the committee believe that 
they must have felt that there was some- 
thing 60 out of the ordinary course of 



business in the extraordinary dividends 
they were receiving as to render the in- 
vestment itself suspicious, and that this 
was one of the motives of their action. 

The committee have not been able to 
find that any of these members of Congress 
have been affected in their official action 
in consequence of their interest in Credit 
Mobilier stock. 

It has been suggested that the fact that 
none of this stock was transferred to those 
with whom Mr. Ames contracted was a 
circumstance from which a sense of impro- 
priety, if not corruption, was to be infer- 
red. The committee believe this is capable 
of explanation without such inference. 
The profits of building the road, under the 
Ames contract, were only to be divided 
among such holders of Credit Mobilier 
stock as should come in and become par- 
ties to certain conditions set out in the 
contract of transfer to the trustees, so that 
a transfer from Mr. Ames to new holders 
would cut off the right to dividends from 
the trustees, unless they also became par- 
ties to the agreement ; and this the com- 
mittee believe to be the true reason why 
no transfers were made. 

The committee are also of opinion that 
there was a satisfactory reason for delay 
on Mr. Ames's part to close settlements 
with some of these gentlemen for stock 
and bonds he had received as dividends 
upon the stock contracted to them. In the 
fall of 1868 Mr. McComb commenced a 
suit against the Credit Mobilier Company, 
and Mr. Ames and others, claiming to be 
entitled to two hundred and fifty shares 
of the Credit Mobilier stock upon a sub- 
scription for stock to that amount. That 
suit is still pending. If McComb pre- 
vailed in that suit, Mr. Ames might be 
compelled to surrender so much of the 
stock assigned to him as trustee, and he 
was not therefore anxious to have the 
stock go out of his hands until that suit 
was terminated. It ought also to be stated 
that no one of the present members of the 
House above named appears to have had 
any knowledge of the dealings of Mr. 
Ames with other members. 

The committee do not find that either 
of the above-named gentlemen, in contract- 
ing with Mr. Ames, had any corrui)t mo- 
tive or purpose himself, or was aware that 
Mr. Ames had any, nor did either of them 
suppose he was guilty of any impropriety 
or even indelicacy in becoming a purchaser 
of this stock. Had it appeared that these 
gentlemen were aware of the enormous di- 
vidends upon this stock, and how they 
were to be earned, we could not thus ac- 
quit them. And here as well as anywhere, 
the committee may allude to that subject. 
Congress had chartered the Union Pacific 
road, given to it a liberal grant of lands, 
and promised a liberal loan of Government 



THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 



207 



bonds, to be delivered as fast as sections of 
the road were completed. As these alone 
might not be sufficient to complete the 
road, Congress authorized the company to 
issue their own bonds for the deficit, and 
secured them by a mortgage upon the road, 
which should be a lien prior to tliat of the 
Government. Congress never intended 
that the owners of the road should execute 
a mortgage on the road prior to that of the 
Government, to raise money to put into their 
own pockets, but only to build the road. 

The men who controlled the Union 
Pacific seem to have adopted as the basis 
of their action the riglit to incumber the 
road by a mortgage prior to that of the 
Government to tlie full extent, whether 
the money was needed for the construction 
of the road or not. 

It was clear enough they could not do 
this directly and in terms, and therefore 
they reported to the device of contracting 
with themselves to build the road, and fix 
a price high enough to require the issue of 
bonds to the full extent, and then divide 
the bonds or the proceeds of them under 
the name of profits on the contract. All 
those acting in the matter seem to have 
been fully aware of this, and that this was 
to be the effect of the transaction. The 
sudden rise of value of Credit Mobilier 
stock was the result of the adoption of this 
scheme. Any undue and unreasonable 
profits thu^ made by themselves were as 
much a fraud upon the Government as if 
they had sold their bonds and divided the 
money without going through the form of 
denominating them profits on building the 
road. 

Now had these facts been known to 
these gentlemen, and had they understood 
they were to share in the proceeds of the 
scheme, they would have deserved the 
severest censure. 

Had they known only that the profits 
were to be paid in stock and bonds of the 
Union Pacific Company, and so make them 
interested in it, we cannot agree to the 
doctrine, which has been urged before us 
and elsewhere, that it was perfectly legiti- 
mate for members of Congress to invest in 
a corporation deriving all its rights from 
and subject at all times to the action of 
Congress. 

In such case the rulea of the House, as 
well as the rules of decency, wouUl require 
such member to abstain from voting on 
any question affecting his interest. But, 
after accepting the position of a member of 
Congress, we do not think he has the 
right to disqualify himself from acting 
upon subjects likely to come before Con- 
gress without some higher and more urgent 
motive than merely to make a profitable 
investment. But it is not so much to be 
feared that in such case an interested mem- 
ber would vote as that he would exercise 



his influence by personal appeal to his fel- 
low-members, and by other modes, which 
often is far more potent than a single silent 
vote. 

We do not think any member ought to 
feel so confident of his own strength as to 
allow himself to bebrouglit into this temp- 
tation. We think Mr. Ames judged 
shrewdly in saying that a man is much 
more likely to be watchful of his own in- 
terests thau those of other people. But 
there is a broader view still which we think 
ought to be taken. This country is fast 
becoming filled with gigantic corporations, 
wielding and controlling immense aggrega- 
tions of money, and thereby commanding 
great influence and power. It is notorious 
in many State legislatures that these in- 
fluences are often controlling, so that in 
effect they become the ruling power of the 
State. Within a few years Congress has, 
to some extent, been brought within similar 
influences, and the knowledge of the pub- 
lic on that subject has brought great dis- 
ci edit upon the body, far more, we believe, 
than there were facts to justify. 

But such is the tendency of the time, and 
the belief is far too general that all men 
can be ruled with money, and that the use 
of such means to carry public measures is 
legitimate and proper. No member of Con- 
gress ought to place himself in circum- 
stances of suspicion, so that any discredit 
of the body shall arise on his account. It 
is of the highest importance that the na- 
tional legislature should be free of all taint 
of corruption, and it is of almost equal 
necessity that the people should feel confi- 
dent that it is so. 

In a free government like ours, we can- 
not expect the people will long respect the 
laws, if they lose respect for the law- 
makers. 

For these reasons we think it behooves 
every man in Congress or in any public 
position to hold himself aloof, as far as 
possible, from all such influences, that he 
may not only be enabled to look at every 
public question with an eye only to the 
public good, but that his conduct and mo- 
tives be not suspected or questioned. The 
only criticism the committee feel compelled 
to make on the action of these members in 
taking this stock is that they were not suf- 
ficiently careful in ascertaining what they 
were getting, and that in their judgment 
the assurance of a good investment was all 
the assurance they needed. We commend 
to them, and to all men, the letter of the 
venerable Senator Bayard, in response to 
an offer of some of this stock, found on 
page 74 of the testimony. 

The committee find nothing in the con- 
duct or motives of either of these members 
in taking this stock, that calls for any 
recommendation by the committee of the 
House. 



208 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



MR. JAMES BROOKS, OF NEW YORK. 

The case of Mr. Brooks stands upon a 
difierent state of facts from any of those al- 
ready given. The committee tind from the 
evidence as follows : Mr. Brooks had been 
a warm advocate of a Pacific llailroad, both 
in Congress and in the public press. After 
persons interested in the Union Pacific 
road had obtained control of the Credit 
Mobilier charter and organized under it 
for the purpose of making it a construction 
company to build the road, Dr. Durant, 
who was then the leading man in the en- 
terprise, made great eflbrts to get the stock 
of the Credit Mobilier taken. Mr. Brooks 
was a friend of Dr. Durant, and he made 
some eflbrts to aid Dr. Durant in getting 
subscriptions for the stock, introduced the 
matter to some capitalists of New York, 
but his eflbrts were not crowned with suc- 
cess. 

During this period Mr. Brooks had 
talked with Dr. Durant about taking some 
of the stock for himself, and had spoken of 
taking fifteen or twenty thousand dollars 
of it, but no definite contract was made 
between them, and Mr. Brooks was under 
no legal obligation to take the stock, or 
Durant to give it to him. In October, 
1867, Mr. Brooks was appointed by the 
President one of the Government directors 
of the Union Pacific road. In December, 
1867, after the stock of the Credit Mobilier 
was understood, by those familiar with the 
affairs between the Union Pacific and the 
Credit Mibilier, to be worth very much 
more than par, Mr. Brooks applied to Dr. 
Durant, and claimed that he should have 
two hundred shares of Credit Mobilier 
stock. It does not appear that Mr. Brooks 
claimed he had any legal contract for 
stock that he could enforce, or that Durant 
considered himself in any way legally 
bound to let him have any, but still, on 
account of what had been said, and the 
efforts of Mr. Brooks to aid him, he con- 
sidered himself under obligations to satisfy 
Mr. Brooks in the matter. 

The stock had been so far taken up, and 
was then in such demand, that Durant 
could not well comply with Brooks's de- 
mand for two hundred shares. After con- 
siderable negotiation, it was finally ad- 
justed between them by Durant's agreeing 
to let Brooks have one hundred shares of 
Credit Mobilier stock, and giving him with 
it $5,000 of Union Pacific bonds, and $20,- 
000 of Union Pacific stock. Dr. Durant 
testifies that he then considered Credit 
Mobilier stock worth double the par 
value, and that the bonds and stock he 
was to give Mr. Brooks worth about $9,000, 
so that he saved about $1,000 by not giving 
Brooks the additional hundred shares he 
claimed. After the negotiation had been 
concluded between Mr. Brooks and Dr. 
Doraut^ Mr. Brooks said that as he was a I 



Government director of the Union Pacific 
road, and as the law provided such direc- 
tors should not be stockholders in that 
company, he would not hold this stock, 
and directed Dr. Durant to transfer it to 
Charles H. Neilson, his son-in-law. The 
whole negotiation with Durant was con- 
ducted by Mr. Brook? himself, and Neilson 
had nothing to do with the transaction, 
except to receive the transfer. The $10,- 
000 to pay for the one hundred shares was 
paid by Mr. Brooks, and he received the 
.$5,000 of Pacific bonds which came with 
the stock. 

The certificate of transfer of the hun- 
dred shares from Durant to Neilson is 
dated December 26, 1807. On the 3d of 
January, 1868, there was a dividend of 80 
per cent, in Union Pacific bonds paid on 
the Credit Mobilier stock. The bonds 
were received by Neilson, but passed over 
at once to Mr. Brooks. It is claimed, both 
by Mr. Brooks and Neilson, that the $10,- 
000 paid by Mr. Brooks lor the stock was a 
loan of that sum by him to Neilson, and, 
that the bonds he received firm Durant, 
and those received for the dividend, were 
delivered and held by him as collateral 
security for the loan. 

No note or obligation was given for the 
money by Neilson, nor, so far as we can 
learn from either Brooks or Neilson, was 
any account or memorandum of the trans- 
action kept by either of them. At the 
time of the arrangement or settlement 
above spoken of between Brooks and Du- 
rant, there was nothing said about Mr. 
Brooks being entitled to have 50 per cent, 
more stock by virtue of his ownership of 
the hundred shares. Neither Brooks nor 
Durant thought of any such thing. 

Some time after the transfer of the 
shares to Neilson, Mr. Brooks called on 
Sidney Dillon, then the president of the 
Credit Mobilier, and claimed he or Neilson 
was entitled to fifty additional shares of 
the stock, by virtue of the purchase of the 
one hundred shares of Durant. 

This was claimed by Mr. Brooks as his 
right by virtue of the 50 per cent, increase 
of the stock hereinbefore described. Mr. 
Dillon said he did not know how that was, 
but he would consult the leading stock- 
holders, and be governed by them. Mr. 
Dillon, in order to justify himself in the 
transaction, got up a paper authorizing the 
issue of fifty shares of the stock to Mr. 
Brooks, and procured it to be signed by 
most of the principal shareholders. After 
this had been done, an entry of fifty shares 
was made on the stock-ledger to some per- 
son other than Neilson. The name in two 
places on the book has been erased, and 
the name of Neilson inserted. The com- 
mittee are satisfied that the stock was first 
entered on the books in Mr. Brooks's name. 

Ml. Neilson soon after called for the cer* 



THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 



209 



tificate for the fifty shares, and on the 29th 
of Februarj', 1868, the certificate was issued 
to him, and the entry on the stock-book 
was changed to Neilson. 

Neilson procured Mr. Dillon to advance 
the money to pay for the stock, and at the 
same time delivered to Dillon $4,000 Union 
Pacific bonds, and fifty shares of Union 
Pacific stock as collateral security. These 
bonds and stock were a portion of divi- 
dends received at the time, as he was al- 
lowed to receive the same per centage of 
dividends on these fifty shares that had 
previously been paid on the hundred. 
This matter has never been adjusted be- 
tween Neilson and Dillon. Brooks and 
Neilson both testify they never paid Dillon. 
Dillon thinks he has received his pay, as 
he has not now the collaterals in his pos- 
session. If he has been paid it is probable 
that it was from the collaterals in some 
form. The subject has never been named 
between Dillon and Neilson since Dillon 
advanced the money, and no one connected 
with the transaction seems able to give any 
further light upon it. The whole business 
by which these fifty shares were procured 
■was done by Mr. Brooks. Neilson knew 
nothing of any right to have them, and 
only went for the certificate when told to 
do so by Mr. Brooks. 

The committee find that no such right to 
fifty shares additional stock passed by the 
transfer of the hundred. And from Mr. 
Brooks's familiarity with the afiairs of the 
company, the committee believe he must 
have known his claim to them was un- 
founded. The question naturally arises. 
How was he able to procure them ? The 
stock at this time by the stockholders was 
considered worth three or four times its 
par value. Neilson sustained no relations 
to any of these people that commanded 
any favor, and if he could have used any 
influence he did not attempt it ; if he had 
this right he was unaware of it till told by 
Mr. Brooks, and left the whole matter in 
his hands. It is clear that the shares were 
procured by the sole efforts of Mr. Brooks, 
and, as the stockholders who consented to 
it supposed, for the benefit of Mr. Brooks. 
What power had Mr. Brooks to enforce an 
unfounded claim, to have for $5,000, stock 
worth $15,000 or $20,000? Mr. McComb 
■iwears that he heard conversation between 
Mr. Brooks and Mr. .John B. Alley, a large 
stockholder, and one of the executive com- 
mittee, in which Mr. Brooks urged that he 
should have the additional fifty shares, be- 
cause he was or would procure himself to 
be made a Government director, and also 
that, being a member of Congress, he 
" would take care of the democratic side of 
the House." 

Mr. Brooks and Mr. Alley both deny 
having had any such conversation, or that 
Mr. Brooks ever made such a statement to 
14 



Mr. Alley. If, therefore, this matter rested 
wholly iipon the testimony of Mr. Mc- 
Comb, the committee would not feel justi- 
fied in finding that Mr. Brooks procured 
the stock by such use of his official posi- 
tion; but all the circumstances seem to 
point exactly in that direction, and we can 
find no other satisfactory solution of the 
question above propounded. Whatever 
claim Mr. Brooks had to stock, either 
legal or moral, had been adjusted and 
satisfied by Dr. Durant. Whether he was 
getting this stock for himself or to give 
to his son-in-law, we believe, from the cir- 
cumstances attending the whole transac- 
tion, that he obtained it knowing that it 
was yielded to its official position and in- 
fluence, and with the intent to secure his 
favor and influence in such positions. Mr. 
Brooks claims that he has had no interest 
in this stock whatever ; that the benefit ' 
and advantage of his right to have it he 
gave to Mr. Neilson, his son-in-law, and 
that he has had all the dividends upon it. 
The committee are unable to find this to 
be the case, for in their judgment all the 
facts and circumstances show Mr. Brooks 
to be the real and substantial owner, and 
that Neilson's ownership is merely nominal 
and colorable. 

In June, 1868, there was a cash dividend 
of $9,000 upon this one hundred and fifty 
shares of stock. Neilson received it, of 
course, as the stock was in his name ; but 
on the same day it was paid over to Mr. 
Brooks, as Neilson says, to pay so much of 
the $10,000 advanced by Mr. Brooks to 
pay for the stock. This, then, repaid all 
but $1,000 of the loan; but Mr. Brooks 
continued to hold $16,000 of Union Pacific 
bonds, which Neilson says he gave him as 
collateral security, and to draw the interest 
upon all but $5,000. The interest upon the 
others, Neilson says, he was permitted to 
draw and retain, but at one time in his 
testimony he spoke of the amount he was 
allowed as being Christmas and New 
Year's presents. Neilson says that during 
the last summer he borrowed $14,000 of 
Mr. Brooks, and he now owes Mr. Brooks 
nearly as much as the collaterals ; but, ac- 
cording to his testimony, Mr. Brooks for 
four years held $16,000 in bonds as 
security for $1,000, and received the inter- 
est on $11,000 of the collaterals. No ac- 
counts appear to have been kept between 
Mr. Brooks and Neilson, and doubtless 
what sums he has received from Mr. 
Brooks, out of the dividends, were intended 
as presents rather than as deliveries of 
money belonging to him. 

Mr. Brooks's efforts procured the stock ; 
his money paid for it ; all the cash divi- 
dends he has received ; and he holds all 
the bonds, except those Dillon received, 
which seem to have been applied toward 
paying for the fifty shares. Without 



210 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



further comment on the evidence, the 
committee find that the one hundred and 
fifty shares of stock appearing on the 
books of the Credit Mobilier in the name 
of Neilson were really the stock of Mr. 
Brooks, and subject to his control, and 
that it was so understood by both the par- 
ties. Mr. Brooks had taken such an inter- 
est "in the Credit Mobilier Company, and 
was so connected with Dr. Durant, that he 
must be regarded as having full knowledge 
of the relations between that company and 
the railroad company, and of the contracts 
between them. He must have known the 
cause of the sudden increase in value of 
the Credit IMobilier stock, and how the 
large expected profits were to be made. 
We have already expressed our views of 
the propriety of a member of Congress be- 
coming the owner of stock, possessing this 
knowledge. 

But Mr. Brooks was not only a member 
of Congress, but he was a Government 
director of the Union Pacific Company. 
As such it was his duty to guard and 
watch over the interests of the Govern- 
ment in the road and to see that they were 
protected and pre><erved. To insure such 
faithfulness on the part of Government 
directors, Congress wisely provided that 
they should not be stockholders in the 
road. Mr. Brooks readily saw that, though 
becoming a stockholder in the Credit 
Mobilier was not forbidden by the letter of 
the law, yet it was a violation of its spirit and 
essence, and therefore had the stock placed 
in the name of his son-in-law. The trans- 
fer of the Oakes Ames contract to the 
trustees and the building of the road un- 
der that contract, from which the enormous 
dividends were derived, were all during 
Mr. Brooks's official life as a Government 
director, must have been within his know- 
ledge, and yet passed without the slightest 
opposition from him. The committee be- 
lieved this could not have been done 
without an entire disregard of his official 
obligation and duty, and that while ap- 
pointed to guard the public interests in 
the road he joined himself with the pro- 
moters of a scheme whereby the Govern- 
ment was to be defrauded, and shared in 
the spoil. 

In the conclusions of fact upon the 
evidence, the committee are entirely 
agreed. 

In considering what action we ought to 
recommend to the House upon these facts, 
the committee encounter a question which 
has been much debated : Has this House 
power and jurisdiction to inquire concern- 
ing offenses committed by its members prior 
to their election, and to punish them by cen- 
sure or expulsion? The committee are 
unanimous upon the right of jurisdiction 
of this House over the cases of Mr. Ames 
and Mr. Brooks, upon the facts found in 



regard to them. Upon the question of 
jurisdiction the committee present the fol- 
lowing views : 

The Constitution, in the fifth section of 
the first article, defines the power of either 
House as follows : 

" Each House may determine the rules 
of its proceedings, punish its members for 
disorderly behavior, and with the concur- 
rence of two-thirds expel a member.' 

It will be observed that there is no qual- 
ification of the power, but there is an im- 
portant qualification of the manner of its 
exercise — it must be done " with the con- 
currence of two-thirds." 

The close analogy between this power 
and the power of impeachment is deserv- 
ing of consideration. 

The great purpose of the power of im- 
peachment is to remove an unfit and un- 
worthy incumbent from office, and though a 
judgment of impeachment may to some 
extent operate as punishment, that is not 
its principal object. Members of Congress 
are not subject to be impeached, but may 
be expelled, and the principal purpose of 
expulsion is not as punishment, but to re- 
move a member whose character and con- 
duct show that he is an unfit man to par- 
ticipate in the deliberations and decisions 
of the body, and whose presence in it tends 
to bring the body into contempt and dis- 
grace. 

In both cases it is a power of purgation 
and purification to be exercised for the 
public safety, and, in tbe case of expulsion, 
for the jirotection and character of the 
House. The Constitution defines the 
causes of impeachment, to wit, " treason, 
bribery, or other high crimes and mis- 
demeanors." The office of the power of 
expulsion is so much the same as that of 
the power to impeach that we think it 
may be safely assumed that whatever 
would be a good cause of impeachment 
would also be a good cause of expulsion. 

It has never been contended that the 
power to impeach for any of the causes 
enumerated was intended to be restricted 
to those which might occur after appoint- 
ment to a civil office, so that a civil officer 
who had secretly committed such offense 
before his appointment should not be sub- 
ject upon detection and exposure to be 
convicted and removed from office. Every 
consideration of justice and sound policy 
would seem to require that the public in- 
terests be secured, and those chosen to be 
their guardians be free from the pollution 
of high crimes, no matter at what time 
that pollution had attached. 

If this be so in regard to other civil of- 
ficers, under institutions which rest upon 
the intelligence and virtue of the people, 
can it well be claimed that the law-making 
Representative may be vile and criminal 
I with impunity,, provided the evidences of 



THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 



211 



his corruption are found to antedate his 
election ? 

In the report made to the Senate by John 
Quincy Adams in December, 1807, upon 
the case of John Smith, of Ohio, the fol- 
lowing language is used: "The power of 
expelling a member for misconduct results, 
on the principles of common sense, from 
the interests of the nation that the high 
trust of legislation shall be invested in 
pure hands. When the trust is elective, 
it is not to be presumed that the constitu- 
ent body will commit the deposit to the 
keeping of worthless characters. But when 
a man whom his fellow-citizens have hon- 
ored with their confidence on a pledge of 
a spotless repution, has degraded himself 
by the commission of infamous crimes, 
which become suddenly and unexpectedly 
revealed to the world, defective indeed 
would be that institution which should be 
imjiotent to discard from its bosom the con- 
tagion of such a member ; which should 
have no remedy of amputation to apply 
until the poison had reached the heart." 

The case of Smith was that of a Senator, 
who, after his election, but not during a 
session of the Senate, had been involved 
in the treasonable conspiracy of Aaron 
Burr. Yet the reasoning is general, and 
was to antagonize some positions which 
had been taken in the case of Marshall, 
a Senator from Kentucky; the Senate in 
that case having, among other reasons, de- 
clined to take jurisdiction of the charge for 
the reason that the alleged oflFence had been 
committed prior to the Senator's election, 
and was matter cognizable by the criminal 
courts of Kentucky. None of the com- 
mentators upon the Constitution or upon 
parliamentary law assign any such limita- 
tion as to the time of the commission of 
the offense, or the nature of it, which shall 
control and limit the power of expulsion. 
On the contrary they all assert that the 
power in its very nature is a discretionary 
one, to be exercised of course with grave 
circumspection at all times, and only for 
good cause. Story, Kent, and Sergeant, 
all seem to accept and rely upon the ex- 
position of Mr. Adams in the Smith case 
as sound. May, in his Parliamentary 
Practice, page 59, enumerates the causes 
for expulsion from Parliament, but he no- 
where intimates that the offense must have 
been committed subsequent to the election. 

When it is remembered that the framers 
of our Constitution were familiar with the 
parliamentary law of England, and must 
have had in mind the then recent contest 
over Wilkes's case, it is impossible to con- 
clude that they meant to limit the discre- 
tion of the Houses as to the causes of ex- 
pulsion. It is a received principle of con- 
struction that the Constitution is to be in- 
terpreted according to the known rules of 
law at the time of its adoption, and there- 



fore, when we find them dealing with a 
recognized subject of legislative authority, 
and while studiously qualifying and re- 
stricting the manner of its exercise, assign- 
ing no limitations to the subject-matter 
itself, they must be assumed to have in- 
tended to leave that to be determined ac- 
cording to established principles, as a high 
prerogative power to be exercised accord- 
ing to the sound discretion of the body. 
It was not to be apprehended that two- 
thirds of the Representatives of the people 
wouW ever exercise this power in any 
capricious or arbitrary manner, or trifle 
with or trample upon constitutional rights. 
At the same time it could not be foreseen 
what necessities for self-preservation or 
self-purification might arise in the legisla- 
tive body. Therefore it was that they did 
not, and would not, undertake to limit or 
define the boundaries of those necessities. 

The doctrine that the jurisdiction of the 
House over its members is exclusively con- 
fined to matters arising subsequent to their 
election, and that the body is bound to re- 
tain the vilest criminal as a member if his 
criminal secret was kept until his election 
was secured, has been supposed by many 
to have been established and declared in 
the famous case of John AV^ilkes before al- 
luded to. A short statement of that case 
will show how fallacious is that supposi- 
tion. Wilkes had been elected a member 
of Parliament for Middlesex, and in 1764 
was expelled for having published a libel 
on the ministry. He was again elected 
and again expelled for a similar offense on 
the 3d of February, 1769. Being again 
elected on the 17th of February, 1769, the 
commons passed the following resolution : 
" That John Wilkes, Esq., having been in 
this session of Parliament expelled this 
house was and is incapable of being elected 
a member to serve in this present Parlia- 
ment." Wilkes was again elected, but the 
House of Commons declared the seat va- 
cant and ordered a new election. At this 
election Wilkes was again elected by 1,143 
votes, against 296 for his competitor, Lut- 
trell. 

On the 15th of April, 1769, the house 
decided that by the previous action Wilkes 
had become ineligible, and that the votes 
given for him were void and could not be 
counted, and gave the seat to Luttrell. 
Subsequently, in 1783, the House of Com- 
mons declared the resolution of February 
17, 1769, which ha4 asserted the incapacity 
of an expelled member to be re-elected 
to the same Parliament, to be subversive of 
the rights of the electors, and expunged it 
from the journal. It will be seen from 
this concise statement of Wilkes's case 
that the question was not raised as to the 
power of the house to expel a member 
for offenses committed prior to his election ; 
the point decided, and afterward most 



212 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



properly expunged, was that expulsion per 
se rendered the expelled member legally 
ineligible, and that votes cast for him could 
not be counted. Wilkes's offense was of 
purely a political character, not involving 
moral turpitude ; he had attacked the 
ministry in the press, and the proceedings 
against him in Parliament were then 
claimed to be a partisan political persecu- 
tion, subversive of the rights of the people 
and of the liberty of the press. These 
proceedings in Wilkes's case took place 
during the appearance of the famous Juni- 
us letters, and several of them are devoted 
to the discussion of them. The doctrine 
that expulsion creates ineligibility was at- 
tacked and exposed by him with great 
force. But he concedes that if the cause 
of expulsion be one that renders a man 
unfit and unworthy to be a member, he 
may be expelled for that cause as often as 
he shall be elected. 

The case of Mattesou, in the House of 
Representatives, has also often been quoted 
as a precedent for this limitation of juris- 
diction. In the proceedings and debates 
of the House upon that case it will be seen 
that this was one among many grounds 
taken in the debate ; but as the whole sub- 
ject was ended by being laid on the table, 
it is quite impossible to say what was de- 
cided by the House. It appeared, how- 
ever, in that case that the charge against 
Matteson had become public, and his letter 
upon which the whole charge rested had 
been published and circulated through his 
district during the canvass preceding his 
election. This fact, we judge, had a most 
important influence in determining the 
action of the House in his case. 

The committee have no occasion in this 
report to discuss the question as to the 
power or duty of the House in a case where 
a constituency, with a full knowledge of 
the objectionable character of a man, have 
selected him to be their Representative. 
It is hardly a case to be supposed that any 
constituency, with a full knowledge that a 
man had been guilty of an offense involv- 
ing moral turpitude, would elect him. The 
majority of the committee are not pre- 
pared to concede such a man could be 
J forced upon the House, and would not con- 
' sider the expulsion of such a man any vio- 
lation of the rights of the electors, for 
while the electors have rights that should 
be respected, the House as a body has rights 
also that should be protected and preserved. 
But that in such case the judgment of the 
constituency would be entitled to the great- 
est consideration, and that this should form 
an im]iortant element in its determination, 
is readily admitted. 

It is universally conceded, as we believe, 
that the House has ample jurisdiction to 
punish or expel a member for an offense 
commiy;ed during his term as a member. 



though committed during a vacation of 
Congress and in no way connected with 
his duties as a member. Upon what prin- 
ciple is it that such a jurisdiction can be 
maintained ? It must be upon one or both 
of the following : that the oflfense shows 
him to be an unworthy and improper man 
to be a member, or that his conduct brings 
odium and reproach upon the body. But 
suppose the offense has been committed 
prior to his election, but comes to light 
afterward, is the effect upon his own 
character, or the reproach and disgrace 
upon the body, if they allow him to remain 
a member, any the less? We can see no 
difference in princi])le in the two cases, and 
to attempt any would be to create a purely 
technical and arbitrary distinction, having 
no just foundation. In our judgment, the 
time is not at all material, except it be 
coupled with the further fact that he was 
re-elected with a knowledge on the part of 
his constituents of what he had been guilty, 
and in such event we have given our views 
of the effect. 

It seems to us absurd to say that an elec- 
tion has given a man political absolution 
for an offense which was unknown to his 
constituents. If it be urged again, as it 
has sometimes been, that this view of the 
power of the House, and the true ground 
of its proper exercise, may be laid hold of 
and used improperly, it may be answered 
that no rule, howerver narrow and limited, 
that may be adopted can prevent it. If 
two-thirds of the House shall see fit to ex- 
pel a man because they do not like his 
political or religious principles, or without 
any reason at all, they have the power, and 
there is no remedy except by appeal to the 
people. Such exercise of the power would 
be wrongful, and violative of the princi- 
ples of the Constitution, but we see no 
encouragement of such wrong in the views 
we hold. 

It is the duty of each House to exercise 
its rightful functions upon appropriate oc- 
casions, and to trust that those who come 
after them will be no less faithful to duty, 
and no less jealous for the rights of free 
popular representation than themselves. 
It will be quite time enough to square 
other cases with right reason and principle 
when they arise. Perhaps the best way t-o 
prevent them will be to maintain strictly 
public integrity and jjublic honor in all 
cases as they present themselves. Nor do 
we imagine that the people of the United 
States will charge their servants with in- 
vading their privileges when they confine 
themselves to the preservation of a stand- 
ard of official integrity which the common 
instincts of humanity recognize as essen- 
tial to all social order and good govern • 
ment. 

The foregoing are the views which we 
deem proper to submit upon the general 



THE CREDIT xMOBILIER. 



213 



question of the jurisdiction of the House 
over its members. But apart from these 
general views, the committee are of opin- 
ion that the facts found in the present case 
amply justify the taking jurisdiction over 
them, for the following reasons : 

The subject-matter upon which the ac- 
tion of members was intended to be influ- 
enced was of a continuous character, and 
was as likely to be a subject of congres- 
sional action in future Congresses as in the 
Fortieth. The influences brought to bear 
on members were as likely to be operative 
upon them in the future as in the present, 
and were so intended. Mr. Ames and Mr. 
Brooks have both continued members of 
the House to the present time, and so have 
most of the members upon whom these in- 
fluences were sought to be exerted. The 
committee are, therefore, of opinion that 
the acts of these men may properly be 
treated as offenses against the present 
House, and so within its jurisdiction upon 
the most limited rule. 

Two members of the committee, Messrs. 
Niblack and McCrary, prefer to express 
no opinion on the general jurisdictional 
questions discussed in the report, and rest 
their judgment wholly on the ground last 
stated. 

In relation to Mr. Ames, he sold to sev- 
eral members of Congress stock of the 
Credit Mobil ier Company, at par, when it 
was worth double that amount or more, 
with the purpose and intent thereby to in- 
fluence their votes and decisions upon 
matters to come before Congress. 

The facts fcnind in the report as to Mr. 
Brooks, show that he used the influence of 
his official positions as member of Congress 
and Government director in the Union 
Pacific Railroad Company, to get fifty 
shares of the stock of the Credit Mobilier 
Company, at par, when it was worth three 
or four times that sum, knowing that it 
was given to him with intent to influence 
his votes and decisions in Congress, and 
his action as a Government director. 

The sixth section of the act of February 
26, 1853, 10 Stat. United States, 171, is in 
the following words : 

" If any person or persons shall, directly 
or indirectly, promise, offer, or give, or 
cause or procure to be promised, offered, or 
given, any money, goods, right in action, 
bribe, pre-^ent, or reward, or any promise, 
contract, undertaking, obligation, or se- 
curity for the payment or delivery of any 
money, go )ds, right in action, bribe, pres- 
ent, or reward, or any other valuable thing 
whatever, to any member of the Senate or 
House of Representatives of the United 
States, after his election as such member, 
and either before or after he shall have 
qualified and taken his seat, or to any offi- 
cer of the United States, or person holding 
any place of trust or profit, or discharging 



any official function under or in connec- 
tion with any Department of the Govern- 
ment of the United States, or under the 
Senate or House of Representatives of the 
United States, after the passage of this act, 
with intent to influence his vote or de- 
cision on any question, matter, cause, or 
proceeding which may then be pending, or 
may by law, or under the Constitution of 
the United States, be brought before him 
in his official capacity, or in his place of 
trust or profit, and shall thereof be con- 
victed, such person or persons so offering, 
promising, or giving, or causing or pro- 
curing to be promised, offered, or given, 
any such money, goods, right in action, 
bribe, present, or reward, or any promise, 
contract, undertaking, obligation, or se- 
curity for the payment or delivery of any 
money, goods, right in action, bribe, pres- 
ent, or reward, or other valuable thing 
whatever, and the member, officer, or per- 
son who shall in anywise accept or receive 
the same, or any part thereof, shall be 
liable to indictment as for a high crime 
and misdemeanor in any of the courts of 
the United States having jurisdiction for 
the trial of crimes and misdemeanors ; and 
shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not 
exceeding three times the amount so 
offered, promised, or given, and imprisoned 
in the penitentiary not exceeding three 
years ; and the person so convicted of so 
accepting or receiving the same, or any 
part thereof, if an officer or person holding 
any such place of trust or profit as afore- 
said, shall forfeit his office or place; and 
any person so convicted under this section 
shall forever be disqualified to hold any 
office of honor, trust, or profit under the 
United States." 

In the judgment of the committee, the 
tacts reported in regard to Mr. Ames and 
Mr. Brooks would have justified their con- 
viction under the above-recited statute and 
subjected them to the penalties therein 
provided. 

The committee need not enlarge upon 
the dangerous character of these offenses. 
The sense of Congress is shown by the 
severe penalty denounced by the statute 
itself. The offenses were not violations of 
private rights, but were against the very 
life of a constitutional Government by 
poisoning the fountain of legislation. 

The duty devolved upon the committee 
has been of a most painful and delicate 
character. They have performed it to the 
best of their ability. They have proceeded 
with tlie greatest care and deliberation, 
for while they desired to do their full duty 
to the House and the country, they were 
most anxious not to do injustice to any 
man. In forming their conclusions they 
have intended to be entirely cool and dis- 
passionate, not to allow themselves to be 
swerved by any popular fervor on the one 



214 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



hand, or any feeling of personal favor and 
sympathy on the other. 

The committee submit to the House and 
recommend the adoption of the following 
resolutions. 

" 1. Whereas Mr. Oakes Ames, a Repre- 
sentative in this House from the State of 
Massachusetts, has been guilty of selling 
to members of Congress shares of stock in 
the Credit Mobilier of America, for prices 
much below the true value of such stock, 
with intent thereby to influence the votes 
and decisions of such members in matters 
to be brought before Congress for action : 
Therefore, 

Resolved, That Mr. Oakes Ames be, and 
he is hereby, expelled from his seat as a 
member of this House. 

2. Whereas Mr. James Brooks, a Repre- 
sentative in this House from the State of 
New York, did procure the Credit Mo- 
bilier Company to issue and deliver to 
Charles H. Neilson, for the use and bene- 
fit of said Brooks, fifty shares of the stock 
of said company, at a price much below its 
real value, well knowing that the same 
was so issued and delivered with intent to 
influence the votes and decisions of said 
Brooks, as a member of the House, in mat- 
ters to be brought before Congress for ac- 
tion, and also to influence the action of 
said Brooks as a Government director in 
the Union Pacific Railroad Company: 
Therefore, 

Resolved, That Mr. James Brooks be, 
and he is hereby, expelled from his seat as 
a member of this House." 

The House, after much discussion, modi- 
fied the propositions of the committee of 
investigation, and subjected Oakes Ames 
and James Brooks to the " absolute con- 
demnation of the House." Both members 
died within three months thereafter. 

The session was full of investigations, 
but all the others failed to develop any 
tangible scandals. The Democrats de- 
manded and secured the investigation of 
the New York custom-house ; the United 
States Treasury ; the use of Seneca sand- 
stone; the Chorpenning claim, and the 
Navy De])artment, etc. They were, as 
stated, fruitless. 



The " Salary Grab." 

At the same session — 1871-'73, acts were 
passed to abolish the franking privilege, to 
increase the President's salary from $25- 
000 to $50,000, and that of Senators and 
Representatives from $5,000 to $7,500. The 
last proved quite unpopular, and was gene- 
rally denounced as " The Salaiy Grab," 
because of the feature which made it ap- 
ply to the Congressmen who passed the 
bill, and of course to go backward to the 
beginning of the term. This was not 
new, as earlier precedents were found to 



excuse it, but the people were neverthe- 
less dissatisfied, and it was made an issue 
by both parties in the nomination and 
election of Representatives. Many were 
defeated, but probably more survived the 
issue, and are still enjoying public life. 
Yet the agitation was kept up until the 
obnoxious feature of the bill and the Con- 
gressional increase of salary were repealed, 
leaving it as now at the rate of $5,000 a 
year and mileage. 

A House committee, headed by B. F. 
Butler, on Feb. 7th, 1873, made a report 
which gave a fair idea of the expenses un- 
der given circumstances — the increase to 
be preserved, but the franking privilege 
and mileage to be repealed. We quote 
the figures : 

Increase of President's salary $25,000 00 
Increase of Cabinet ministers' 

salary 14,000 00 

Increase of salary of judges 

United States Supreme 

Court 18,500 00 

Increase of salary of Senators, 

Members, and Delegates... 972,000 00 

Total increase $1,029,500 00 

Saving to the Government, ac- 
cording to the official state- 
ment of the Postmaster- 
General, per annum, by the 
abolition of the franking 
privilege $2,543,327 72 

Saving to the Government by 
abolition of mileage, sta- 
tionery, postage, and news- 
paper accounts (estimated) 200 000 00 

.$2,753,327 72 
1,029,500 00 



Total net saving $1,713,827 72 

The House passed a bill for the aboli- 
tion of mileage, but in the Senate it was 
referred to the Committee on Civil Service 
and Retrenchment, and not again heard 
from. So that the increased jiay no longer 
obtains, the franking privilege only to the 
extent of mailing actual Congressional 
documents, and mileage remains. 

The following curious facts relating to 
these questions we take from Hon. Edward 
McPherson's admirable compilation in his 
" Hand-Book of Politics " for 1874. 



statement of Compensation and Mileage. 

Dniirii hij V. S. Senators under the various Compensation 
Acts. 

"Sir. Gorham, Secretary of the Senate, 
prepared, under date of January 3, 1874, a 
statement, in answer to a resolution of the 
Senate, covering these points : 



COMPENSATION AND MILEAGE. 



215 



I. — The several rates of compensation fixed 
by various laws, and the cases in which 
the same were retroactive, and for what 
length of time. 

1. By the act of September 22, 1789, the 
compensation of Senators and Representa- 
tives in Congress was fixed at six dollars a 
day, and thirty cents a mile for traveling 
to and from the seat of Government. This 
rate was to continue until March 4, 1795. 
The same act fixed the compensation 
firom March 4, 1795, to March 4, 1796, (at 
which last-named date, by its terms, it ex- 
pired,) at seven dollars a day, and thirty- 
five cents a mile for travel. This act was 
retroactive, extending back six months 
and eighteen days, namely, to March 4, 
1789. 

2. The act of March 10, 1796, fixed the 
compensation at six dollars a day, and 
thirty cents a mile for travel. (This act 
extended back over six davs only.) 

3. The act of March 19,' 1816, fixed the 
compensation at$l,500 a year, "instead of 
the daily compensation," and left the mile- 
age unchanged. This act was retroactive, 
extending back one year and fifteen days, 
namely to March 4, 1815. (This act was 
repealed by the act of February 6, 1817, 
but it was expressly declared that no 
former act was therebv revived.) 

4. The act of January 22, 1818, fixed the 
compensation at eight dollars a day, and 
forty cents a mile for travel. This act was 
retroactive, extending back fifty-three days, 
namely, to the assembling of Congress, 
December 1, 1817. 

5. The act of August 16, 1856, fixed the 
compensation at $3,000 a year, and left the 
mileage unchanged. This act was retroac- 
tive, extending back one year, five months, 
and twelve days, namelv, to March 4, 1855. 

6. The act 'of July "28, 1866, fixed the 
compensation at $5,000 a year, and twenty 
cents a mile for travel, (not to affect mile- 
age accounts already accrued.) This act 
was retroactive, extending back one year, 
four months, and twentv-four days, namely, 
to March 4, 1865. 

7. The act of March 3, 1873, fixed the 
compensation at $7,500 a year, and actual 
traveling expenses ; the mileage already 
paid for the Forty-Second Congress to be 
deducted from the pay of those who had 
received it. This act was retroactive, ex- 
tending back two years, namely, to March 
4, 1871. 

Note. — vStationery was allowed to Sena- 
tors and Representatives without any 
special limit until March 3, 1868, when 
the amount for stationer}' and newspapers 
for each Senator and Member was limited 
to $125 a session. This was changed by a 
subsequent act, taking effect July 1, 1869, 
to $125 a year. The act of 1873 abolished 
all allowance for stationery and news- 
papers. 



II. — Names of Senators who drew pay un- 
der the retroactive provisions of the 
several laws, amounts drawn, and dates of 
same. 

Act of 1789. — The records of my office 
do not fiirnish the exact information de- 
sired under this head concerning the 
First Congress, the compensation of which 
was fixed by act of September 22, 1789. It 
appears, however, that the account of each 
Senator was made up, and that each re- 
ceived the amount allowed by law. The 
following is a copy from the record : 

Jatiuary 19, 1790.— That there is due to 
the Senators of the United States for 
attendance in Congress the present session, 
to the 31st of March inclusive, and ex- 
penses of travel to Congress , as allowed 
by law, as follows, to wit : 

Messrs. Richard Basset, $496.50 ; Pierce 
Butler, $796; Charles Carroll, $186; 
Tristram Dalton, $612; Oliver Ellsworth, 
$546.50; Jonathan Elmer, !H14 ; William 
Few, $833.50 ; John Henry, $596.50 ; Ben- 
jamin Hawkins, $615 ; William S. John- 
son, $544 ; Samuel Johnson, $534 ; Rufus 
King, $522 ; John Langdon, $618 ; William 
Maclay, $.585; Robert Morris, $430.50; 
William Paterson, $514.50 ; George Read, 
$195; Caleb Strong, $575.50; Philip 
Schuyler, $571.50 ; Paine Wingate, $616.50. 
Act of 1816. — The record contains no 
showing as to the amount paid to Senators 
under the retroactive provision of the act 
of March 19, 1816. The following, taken 
from the books, sho\TS the amount of com- 
pensation paid to each Senator for the en- 
tire Congress, exclusive of mileage : 

Messrs. Eli P. Ashmun, $920; James 
Barbour, $2,850 ; William T. Barry, $2,080; 
William W. Bibb, $2,070 ; James Brown, 
$2,980 ; George W. Campbell, $2,950 ; Dud- 
ley Chace, $3,000 ; John Condit, $2,980 ; 
David Daggett, $3,000 ; Samuel W. Dana, 
$2,640 ; Elegius Fromentin, $3,000 ; John 
Gaillard, President, $6,000; Robert H. 
Goldsborough, $2,840 ; Christopher Gore, 
$1,940; Alexander Contee Hanson, $530; 
Martin D. Hardin, $900 ; Robert G. Har- 
per, $1,450; Outerbridge Horsey, $3,000; 
Jeremiah B. Howell, $3,000; William 
Hunter, $2,930; Rufus King, $2,660; 
Abner Lacock, $3,000 ; Nathaniel Macon, 
$2,946 ; Jeremiah Mason of New Hamp- 
shire, $2,680 ; Armistead T. Mason of Vir- 
ginia, $2,3(50 ; Jeremiah Morrow, $3,000 ; 
James Noble, $920; Jonathan Roberts, 
ift3,000 ; Benjamin Ruggles, $3,000 ; Nathan 
Sanford, $2,720; William Smith, $540; 
Moutfort Stokes, $810; Charles Tait, 
$3,000 ; Isham Talbot, $2,730 ; John Tay- 
lor of South Carolina, $1,990 ; Waller Tay- 
lor of Indiana, $920; Thomas W. Thomp- 
son, $2,850 ; Isaac Tichenor, $3,000 ; Georgo 
M. Troup, $830 ; James Turner, $2,060 ; 
Joseph B. Varnum, $3,000; William H. 



216 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Wells, $2,610; John Williams, $3,000; 
James J. Wilson, $3,000. 

Act of 1818. — Under the retroactive 
provision of the act of January 22, 1818, 
the following named Senators drew the 
amounts for compensation and mileage op- 
posite their respective names : 

Messrs. Eli P. Ashmun, $668; James 
Barbour, $520 ; James Burril, $762 ; George 
W. Campbell, $1,008 ; John J. Crittenden, 
$1,007.20 ; David Daggett, $690.40 ; Samuel 
W. Dana, $283.20; Mahlon Dickerson, 
$628.80; John W. Eppes, $584; James 
Fisk, $848 ; Elegius Fromentin, $1,393.60 ; 
John Gaillard, $880 ; Robert H. Golds- 
borough, $483.20 ; Outerbridge Horsey, 
$485.60 ; William Hunter, $543.20 ; Henry 
Johnson, $1,273.60 ; Rufus King, $627.20 ; 
Abner Lacock, $649.60 ; Walter Leake, 
$1,384 ; Nathaniel Macon, $600 ; David L. 
Morril, $876 ; Jeremiah Morrow, $776 ; 
James Noble, $918.40 ; Harrison Gray Otis, 
$792.80 ; Jonathan Roberts, $564.80 ; Ben- 
jamin Ruggles, $688 ; Nathan Sanford, 
$616 ; William Smith, $774.40 ; Montfort 
Stokes, $745.60 ; Clement Storer, $875.20 ; 
Charles Tait, $952; Isham Talbot, $872; 
Waller Taylor, $1,080; Isaac Tichenor, 

$784; George M. Troup, $952; Van 

Dyke, $380.80; Thomas H. Williams of 
Mississippi, $1,433.60 ; John Williams of 
Tennessee, $861.60 ; James J. Wilson, 
$.568. 

Act of 1856. — Under the retroactive 
provision of the act of August 16, 1856, 
the following named Senators drew the 
amounts opposite their respective names : 

Messrs. Stephen Adams, $2,243.77 ; 
Philip Allen, $2,202.79 ; James A. Bayard, 
$2,088.03; James Bell, $1,083.93; John 
Bell, $2,268.36; J. P. Benjamin, $2,210.99 ; 
Asa Biggs, $2,161.81 ; William Bigler, $1,- 
594.24; Jesse D. Bright, president pro 
tempore, $6,772.40 ; R. Brodhead, $2,251.- 
97 ; A. G. Brown, $2,251.97 ; A. P. Butler, 
$2,202.70 ; Lewis Cass, $2,251.97 ; C. C. 
Clay, jr., $2,251.97 ; J. M. Clavton, $2,292.- 
95 ; J. Collamer, $2,219.18 ; J. J. Critten- 
den, $2,243.79 ; H. Dodge, $2,292.95 ; S. A. 
Douglas, $2,268.36 ; C. Durkee, $2,235.56 ; 
J. J. Evans, $2,121.70 ; W. S. Fessenden, 
$2,276.56 ; H. Fish, $2,237.28 ; B. Fitzpat- 
rick, $2,194.59 ; S. Foot, $2,292.94 ; L. F. 
S. Foster, $2,112.62 ; H. S. Gever, $2,276. - 
56 ; J. P. Hale, $887.10 ; H. Hamlin, $1,- 
989.68 ; J. Harlan, $2,268.36 ; S. Houston, 
$2,292.95 ; R. M. T. Hunter, 2,210.99 ; A. 
Iverson, $2,210.99; C. T.James, $2,210.99; 
R. W. Johnson, $632.21 ; G. W. Jones, 
$2,235.-58 ; J. C. Jones, $2,047.05 ; S. R. 
Mallory, $2,276.56 ; J. M. Mason, $2,170 ; 
J. A. Pearce, $2,194.59; T. G. Pratt, $2,- 
129.02 ; G. E. Pugh, $2,096.21 ; D. S. Reid, 
$2.2.35.58 ; T. J. Rusk, $2,292.95 ; W. K. 
Sebastian, $2,137.22 ; W. H. Seward, $2,- 
292.95; John Slidcll, $2,276..56 ; C. E. 
Stuart, $2,292.95; C. Sumner, $2,292.95; 



J. B. Thompson, $2,235.57; John R. 
Thomson, $2,022.46 ; Robert Toombs, $2,- 
006.07 ; Isaac Toucey, $2,292.65 ; L. Trum- 
bull, $2,251.97 ; B. F. Wade, $2,202.79 ; J. 

B. Weller, $2,251 97 ; H. Wilson, $2,178.- 
20 ; W. Wright, $2,120.82 ; D. L. Yulee, 
$2,194.59. 

Act of 1866. — Under the retroactive 
provision of the act of July 28, 1866, tlie 
following named Senators received the 
amounts opposite their respective names : 

Messrs. H. B. Anthonv, $2,805 56 ; B. 
Gratz Brown, $2,805 56 ; C. R. Buckalew, 
$2,805 56 ; Z. Chandler, $2,805 56 ; D. 
Clark, $2,805 56 ; J. Collamer, $1,366 15 ; 
J. Conness, $2,805 56 ; E. Cowan, $2,- 
805 56 ; A. H. Cragin, $2,805 56 ; J. A. J. 
Creswell, $2,805, 56 ; G. Davis, $2,805 56 ; 
J. Dixon, $2,805 56 ; J. R. Doolittle, $2,- 
805 56; W. P. Fessenden, $2,805 56; S. 
Foot, $2,136 76 ; L. F. S. Foster, President 
pro tempore, $261 93 ; J. W. Grimes, $2,- 
805 56 ; J. Guthrie, $2,805 56 ; I. Harris, 
$2,805 56 ; J. B. Henderson, $2,805 56 ; T. 
A. Hendricks, $2,805.56 ; J. M. Howard,. 
$2,805 56 ; T. O. Howe, $2,805 56 ; R. John- 
son, $2,805 56; H. S. Lane, $2,805 56; 
J. H. Lane, $2,710 49 ; James A. Mc- 
Dougall, $2,805 56 ; E. D. Morgan, $2,- 
805 56 ; L. M. Morrill, .$2,805 56 ; J. \\. 
Nesmith, $2,805 56; D. S. Norton, $2,- 
805 56 ; J. W. Nye, $2,805 56 ; S. C. Pome- 
roy, $2, 805 56 ; A. Ramsey, $2,805 56 ; G. 
R. Riddle, $2,805 56 ; W. Saulsburv, $2,- 
805 56; J. Sherman, $2,805 56; W. M. 
Stewart, $2,805 56 ; C. Sumner, $2,805 56 ,- 
L. Trumbull, $2,805 56 ; P. G. VanWinkle, 
$2,805 56; B. Wade, .$2,805 56; W. T. 
Willev, $2,805 56 ; G. H. Williams, $2,- 
805 56 ; H. Wilson, $2,805 .56 ; W. Wright, 
$2,805 56 ; R. Yates, $2,805 56 ; J. Harlan, 
$350 ; L. P. Poland, $1,361 ; John P. Stock- 
ton, $2,131 20; S. J. Kirkwood, $2,361 10; 
G. F. Edmunds, %m 66 ; E. G. Ross, 
$180 40. 

Act of 1873. — Under the retroactive 
provision of the act of March 3, 1873, the 
following named Senators received the 
sums set opposite their respective names : 

Messrs. A. Ames, $2,840 ; J. L. Alcorn, 
$2,312 39 ; J. T. Bayard, $4,865 60 ; F. P. 
Blair, $3,76160; A. I. Boreman, $4,514; 
W. G. Brownlow, $4,588 ; A. Caldwell, $2-' 
647 60 ; S. Cameron, $4,856 ; M. H. Ca • 
penter, $3,887 60 ; E. Casserlv, $970 40 ; :;. 
Chandler, $3,906 80; P. Clavton, $2,600-, 

C. Cole, $970 40 ; H. Cooper, $3,760 ; H. 
G. Davis, $4,635 20 ; O, S. Ferry, $4,652 ; 
T. W. Ferry, $3,920 ; J. W. Flanagan, $2,- 
000; A. Gilbert, $.3,680; George Goldth- 
waite, $3,924 80 ; M. C. Hamilton, $2,480 ;. 
Joshua Hill, $4,083 20 ; P. W. Hitchcock, 
$2,852 80 ; T. O. Howe, $3,689 60 , J. W. 
Johnston, $4,705 60 ; John T. Lewis, $4,- 
S04 40; John A. Logan, $3,800; W. B. 
Machen, $552 98 ; L. M. Morrill, .$4,190 ; 

I J. S. Morrill, (draft in favor of the treas- 



RETURNING BOARDS. 



217 



urer of the State of Vermont,) $4,386 80 ; 
T. M. Norwood, $4,169 60 ; J. W. Nye, $2,- 
076 80 ; T. W. Osborn, $3,440 ; J. W. Pat- 
terson, $4,280; S. C. Pomeroy, $3,320; 
John Pool, $4,620 80 ; M. W. Ransom, $4,- 
817 60 ; B. F. Rice, $3,200 ; T. J. Robert- 
son, $4,374 80 ; F. A. Sawyer, $4,294 40 ; 
George E. Spencer, $4,106; W. Sprague, 
U,o08 ■ W. M. Stewart, $1,486 40 ; J. P. 
Stockton, $4,790 ; T. W. Tipton, $3,358 ; 
Lyman Trumbull, $3,980 ; G. Vickers, $4,- 
880 ; J. R. West, $2,468 80. 
III. — Names of Senators who covered into 
the Treasury amounts due them under re- 
troactive provisions of law, with date of 
such action. 

There is no record in my office showing 
that any Senator covered into the Trea- 
sury any money to which he was entitled 
by the retroactive provisions of either of 
the acts of September 22, 1789, March 19, 
1816, January 22, 1818, August 16, 1856, or 
July 28, 1866^ 

The following Senators covered into the 
Treasury the amounts due them under the 
retroactive provision of the act of March 3, 
1873, namely : 

1873.— May 26, H. B. Anthony, $4,497 
20 ; June 23, W. A. Buckingham, $4,553 60 ; 
May 21, R. E. Fenton, $4,184 ; June 2, F. 
T. Frelinghuysen, $4,644 80 ; May 19, H. 
Hamlin, $4,136 ; August 14, O. P. Morton, 
$3,922 40 ; April 9, D. D. Pratt, $4,121 60 ; 
August 25, A. Ramsey, $3,041 40 ; March 
28, C. Schurz, $3,761 60 ; May 9, John 
Scott, $4,733 06 ; July 11, John Sherman, 
$4,336 40 ; May 2, C. Sumner, $4,445 60 ; 
May 22, A. G.Thurman, $4,359 20 ; March 
28, Henry Wilson, $4,448 ; September 6, 
George G. Wright, $3,140 80. 

Note. — Several of these Senators, as 
well as others who have not either drawn 
or covered into the Treasury the amounts 
due them under the retroactive provision 
of the act of 1873, expressed to me their 
intention to allow the money to lapse into 
the Treasury by the ordinary operation of 
law, which they supposed would occur 
July 3, 1873. After learning that it could 
not be covered in, except by their order, 
before July 3, 1875, some gave me written 
instructions to anticipate the latter date. 
I am unable to furnish from any informa- 
tion in my office the names of Senators 
who themselves paid into the Treasury 
salary drawn under the act of 1873 or pre- 
vious acts. I have not furnished the 
names of Senators who have left increased 
salary undrawn, as this information was 
not called for in the resolution. 

IV. — A Comparative Statement. 

Total compensation and allowance of 
Senators, under act of July 28, 1866, from 
March 4, 1871, to March' 3, 1872 : Com- 
pensation, $370,000 ; mileage, $37,041 20 ; 
stationery and newspapers, $9,250; total, 



$416,291 20 ; average per Senator, $5,- 
625 55f f. 

Under same act, from March 4, 1872, to 
March 3, 1873, during which year members 
of the Senate received mileage for attend- 
ing the special session of the Senate, held 
in May, 1872, the following amounts were 
paid : Compensation, $370,000 ; mileage, 
$59,002 80 ; newspapers and stationery, $9,- 
250 ; total, $438,252 80 ; average per Sen- 
ator, $5,922 23if. 

Total compensation and allowance of 
Senators under act of March 3, 1873 : 
Compensation, $555,000 ; traveling ex- 
penses, based upon the certificates of forty- 
six Senators, (twenty-eight having pre- 
sented none,) amounting to $4,607 95, giv- 
ing an average of $100 17x74=$7,412 58 ; 
total, $562,412 58 ; average per Senator, 
$7,600 17. 

In connection with this were statements, 
prepared by the Secretary of the Senate, 
and laid before that body by Senator 
Cameron, January 9, 1874, of the amounts 
of mileage fjaid in dollars (cents omitted) 
at particular dates under the acts of 1856 
and 1866, are given. The act of 1856 fixed 
mileage at forty cents per mile each way, 
and the act of 1866 fixed it at twenty cents 
per mile each way. 



Returning Boards. 

At the second session of the 42d Con- 
gress that body, and the President as well, 
were compelled to consider a new question 
in connection with politics — an actual con- 
flict of State Governments. There had al- 
ways been, in well regulated State govern- 
ments, returning boards, but with a view 
the better to guard the newly enfranchised 
citizens of the South from intimidation, 
the Louisiana Republicans, under very 
bold and radical leaders, had greatly 
strengthened the powers of her returning 
boards. It could canvass the votes, reject 
the returns in part or as a whole of 
parishes where force or fraud had been 
used, and could declare results after such 
revision. The Governor of Louisiana had 
made several removals and appointments 
of State officers for the purpose mainly of 
making a friendly majority in the return- 
ing board, and this led to the appointment 
of two bodies, both claiming to be the le- 
gitimate returning board. There soon 
followed two State governments and legis- 
latures, the Democratic headed by Gover- 
nor John McEnery, the Republican by 
Governor Wm. Pitt Kellogg, later in the 
U. S. Senate. Kellogg brought suit 
against the Democratic officers before 
Judge Durell, of the Federal District 
Court, and obtained an order that the 
U. S. Marshal (S. B. Packard, afterwards 
Governor), should seize the State House 
and prevent the meetings of the McEnery 



218 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



legislature. Then both governments were 
hastily inaugurated, and claimed the re- 
cognition of Congress. The Senate Com- 
mittee reported that Judge Durell's deci- 
sion was not warranted, but the report 
refused a decisive recognition of either 
tgovernment. A bill was introduced de- 
claring the election of Nov. 4, 1872, on 
which this condition of affairs was based, 
null and void, and providing for a new 
election, but this bill was defeated by a 
close vote. Later on, Louisiana claimed 
a large share in National politics. Some- 
what similar troubles occurred in Alabama, 
Arkansas, and Texas, but they were settled 
Avith far greater ease than those of Louisi- 
ana. The correspondence in all of these 
cases was too voluminous to reproduce 
here, and we shall dismiss the subject 
until the period of actual hostilities were 
reached in Louisiana. 



Tlie Grangers. 

So early as 1867 a secret societj' had 
been formed first in Washington, known 
as the Patrons of Husbandry, and it soon 
succeeded in forming subordinate lodges 
or granges in Illinois, Wisconsin, and other 
States. It was declared not to be politi- 
cal; that its object was co-operation among 
farmers in purchasing supplies from first 
hands, so as to do away with middle-men, 
Ijut, like many other secret organizations, 
it was soon perverted to political purposes, 
and for a time greatly disturbed the politi- 
cal parties of the Western States. This 
was especially true of the years 1873-74, 
when the Grangers announced a contem- 
plated war on railroad corporations, and 
succeeded in carrying the legislatures of 
Illinois and Wisconsin, and inducing them 
subsequently to pass acts, the validity of 
which the Supreme Courts of the State, 
under a temporary popular pressure which 
was apparently irresistible, could not sus- 
tain. The eflect of these laws was to al- 
most bankrupt the Illinois Central, there- 
tofore wealthy, to cripple all railroads, 
to interfere largely with foreign exports, 
and to react against the interests of the 
people of the States passing them, that the 
demand for repeal was soon very much 
greater than the original demand for pas- 
sage. As these laws, though repealed, are 
still often referred to in the discussion of 
political and corporate questions, we give 
the text of one of them : 

lUlnols Railroad Act of 1873. 

An Act to prevent extortion and unjust 
discrimination in the rates charged for 
the transportation of passengers and 
freights on railroads in this State, and to 
punish the same, and prescribe a mode 
of procedure and rules of evidence in 



relation thereto, and to repeal an aot en- 
titled " An act to prevent unjust discrim- 
ination and extortions in the rates to be 
charged by the different railroads in 
this State for the transportation of freights 
on said roads," approved April 7, A. D. 
1871. 

Section 1. Be it enacted hy the People 
of the State of Illinois, represented in the 
General Assembly, If any railroad corpo- 
ration, organized or doing business in this 
State under any act of incorporation, or 
general law of this State now in force, or 
which may hereafter be enacted, or any 
railroad corporation organized or which 
may hereafter be organized under the laws 
of any other State, and doing business in 
this State, shall charge, collect, demand, 
or receive more than a fair and reasonable 
rate of toll or compensation for the trans- 
portation of passengers or freight of any 
description, or for the use and transporta- 
tion of any railroad car upon its track, or 
any of the branches thereof, or ujion any 
railroad within this State which it has the 
right, license, or permission to use, oper- 
ate, or control, the same shall be deemed 
guilty of extortion, and upon conviction 
thereof shall be dealt with as hereinafter 
provided. 

Sec. 2. If any such railroad corporation 
aforesaid shall make any unjust discrimi- 
nation in its rates or charges of toll, or 
compensation, for the transj)ortation of 
passengers or freight of any description, 
or for the use and transportation of any 
railroad car upon its said road, or upon 
any of the branches thereof, or upon rail- 
roads connected therewith, which it has 
the right, license, or permission to operate, 
control, or use, within this State, the same 
.shall be deemed guilty of having violated 
the provisions of this act, and upon con- 
viction thereof shall be dealt with as here- 
inafter provided. 

Sec. 3. If any such railroad corjioration 
shall charge, collect, or receive for the 
transportation of any passenger, or freight 
of any description, upon its railroad, for 
any distance within this State, the same 
or a greater amount of toll or compensa- 
tion than is at the same time charged, col- 
lected, or received for the transportation, 
in the same direction, of any passenger, or 
like quantity of freight of the same class, 
over a greater distance of the same rail- 
road ; or if it shall charge, collect, or re- 
ceive at any point ujion this railroad a 
higher rate of toll or compensation for re- 
ceiving, handling, or delivering freight of 
the same class and quantity than it shall 
at the same time charge, collect, or receive 
at any other point upon the same railroad ; 
or if it shall charge, collect or receive for 
the transportation of any passenger, or 
freight of any description, over its railroad 
a greater amount as toll or compensation 



ILLINOIS RAILROAD ACT OF 1873. 



219 



than shall at the same time be charged, 
collected, or received by it for the trans- 
portation of any passenger or like quantity 
of freight of the same class, being trans- 
ported in the same direction over any por- 
tion of the same railroad of equal distance ; 
or if it shall charge, collect, or receive from 
any person or persons a higher or greater 
amount of toll or compensation than it 
shall at the same time charge, collect, or 
receive from any other person or persons 
for receiving, handling, or delivering freight 
of the same class and like quantity at the 
same point upon its railroad ; or if it shall 
charge, collect, or receive from any person 
or persons for the transportation of any 
freight upon its railroad a higher or great- 
er rate of toll or compensation than it shall 
at the same time charge, collect, or receive 
from any other person or persons for the 
transportation of the like quantity of freight 
of the same class being transported from 
the same direction over equal distances of 
the same railroad ; or if it shall charge, 
collect, or receive from any person or per- 
sons for the use and transportation of any 
railroad car or cars upon its railroad for any 
distance the same or a greater amount of 
toll or compensation than is at the same 
time charged, collected, or received from 
any person or persons for the use and trans- 
portation of any railroad car of the same 
class or number, for a like purpose, being 
transported in the same direction over a 
greater distance of the same railroad ; or 
if it shall charge, collect, or receive from 
any person or persons for the use and trans- 
portation of any railroad car or cars ujion 
its railroad a higher or greater rate of toll 
or compensation than it shall at the same 
time charge, collect, or receive from any 
other person or persons for the use and 
transportation of any railroad car or cars 
of the same class or number, for a like 
purpose, being transported from the same 
point in the same direction over an equal 
distance of the same railroad; all such dis- 
criminating rates, charges, collections, or 
receipts, whether made directly or by means 
of any rebate, drawback, or other shift or 
evasion, shall be deemed and taken against 
such railroad corporation as prima facie 
evidence of the unjust discriminations 
prohibited by the provisions of this act, 
and it shall not be deemed a sufficient ex- 
cuse or justification of such discriminations 
on the part of such railroad corporation, 
thai tlie railway station or point at which 
it shall charge, collect, or receive the same 
or les-* rates of toll or compensation for the 
transportation of such passenger or freight, 
or for the use and transportation of such 
railroad car the greater distance than for 
the shorter distance, is a railway station or 
point at which there exists competition 
with any other railroad or means of trans- 
portation. This section shall not be con- 



strued 80 as to exclude other evidence tend- 
ing to show any unjust discrimination in 
freight and passenger rates. The pro- 
visions of this section shall extend and ap- 
ply to any railroad, the branches thereof, 
I and any road or roads which any railroad 
corporation has the right, license, or per- 
mission to use, operate, or control, wholly 
or in part, within the State: Provided, 
however, That nothing herein c )ntaiued 
shall be so construed as to prevent railroad 
corporations from issuing commutation, 
excursion, or thousand mile tickets, as the 
same are now issued by such corporations. 
Sec. 4. Any such railroad corporation 
guilty of extortion, or of making any un- 
just discrimination as to passenger or 
freight rates, or the rates for the use and 
transportation of railroad cars, or in re- 
ceiving, handling, or delivering freights 
shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in 
any sum not less than one thousand dol- 
lars ($1,000) nor more than five thousand 
dollars ($5,000) for the first offense; and 
for the second offense not less than five 
thousand dollars ($5,000) nor more than 
ten thousand dollars ($10,000;) and for 
the third offense not less than ten 
thousand dollars ($10,000) nor more than 
twenty thousand dollars ($20,000;) and 
for every subsequent offense and convic- 
tion thereof shall be liable to a fine of 
twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000:) 
Provided, That in all cases under this act 
either party shall have the right of trial 
by jury. 

Sec. 5. The fines hereinbefore provided 
for may be recovered in an action of debt 
in the name of the people of the State of 
Illinois, and there may be several counts 
joined in the same declaration as to extor- 
tion and 'unjust discrimination, and as to 
passenger and freight rates, and rates for 
Ae use and transportation of railroad cars, 
j and for receiving, handling, or delivering 
I freights. If, upon the trial of any case 
instituted under this act, the jury shall 
find for the people, they shall assess and 
return with their verdict the amount of 
the fine to be imj^osed upon the defendant, 
at any sum not less than one thousand 
dollars ($1,000) nor more than five thou- 
sand dollars ($5,000,) and the court shall 
render judgment accordingly ; and if the 
jury shall find for the peo])]e, and that the 
defendant has been once before convicted 
of a violation of the provisions of this act, 
they shall return such finding with their 
verdict, and shall assess and return with 
I their verdict the amount of the fine to be 
; imposed upon the defendant, at any sum 
I not less than five thousand dollars ($5,000) 
nor more than ten thousand dollars ($10,- 
000,) and the court shall render judgment 
accordingly; and if the jury shall find for 
the people, and that the defendant has 
been twice before convicted of a violation 



220 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



of the provisions of this act, with respect 
to extortion or unjust discrimination, they 
shall return such finding with their ver- 
dict, and shall assess and return with their 
verdict the amount of the fine to be im- 
posed upon the defendant, at any sum not 
less than ten thousand dollars ($10,000) 
nor more than twenty thousand dollars 
($20,000 ; ) and in like manner for every 
tmbsequent offense and conviction such de- 
fendant shall be liable to a fine of twenty- 
five thousand dollars ($25,000.) Provided, 
That in all cases under the provisions of 
this act a preponderance of evidence in 
favor of the people shall be sufficient to 
authorize a verdict and judgment for the 
people. 

Sec. 6. If any such railroad corporation 
shall, in violation of any of the provisions 
of this act, ask, demand, charge, or receive 
of any person or corporation, any extor- 
tionate charge or charges for the transpor- 
tation of any passengers, goods, mer- 
chandise, or property, or for receiving, 
handling, or delivering freights, or shall 
make any unjust discrimination against 
any person or corporation in its charges 
therefor, the person or corporation so of- 
fended against may for each ofiense re- 
cover of such railroad corporation, in any 
form of action, three times the amount of 
the damages sustained by the party ag- 
grieved, together with cost of suit and a 
reasonable attorney's fee, to be fixed by 
the court where the same is heard, on ap- 
peal or otherwise, and taxed as a part of 
the costs of the case. 

Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the rail- 
road and warehouse commissioners to per- 
sonally investigate and ascertain whether 
the provisions of this act are violated by 
any railroad corporation in this State, and 
to visit the various stations upon the line 
of each railroad for that purpose, as often 
as practicable ; and whenever the facts in 
any manner ascertained by said commis- 
sioners shall in their judgment warrant 
such prosecution, it shall be the duty of 
said commissioners to immediately cause 
suits to be commenced and prosecuted 
against any railroad corporation which 
may violate the provisions of this act. 
Such suits and prosecutions may be insti- 
tuted in any county in the State, through 
or into which the line of the railroad cor- 
poration sued for violating this act may 
extend. And such railroad and ware- 
house commissioners are hereby author- 
ized, when the facts of the case presented 
to them shall, in their judgment, warrant 
the commencement of such action, to em- 
ploy counsel to assist the Attorney CTcneral 
in conducting such suit on behalf of the 
State. No such suits commenced by said 
commissioners shall be dismissed, except 
said railroad and warehouse commissioners 



and the Attorney General shall consent 
thereto. 

Sec. 8. The railroad and warehouse 
commissioners are hereby directed to make 
for each of the railroad corporations doing 
business in this State, as soon as practi- 
cable, a schedule of reasonable maximum 
rates of charges for the transportation of 
passengers and freight and cars on each ol 
said railroads ; and said schedule shall, iu 
all suits brought against any such railroad 
corporations, wherein is in any way in- 
volved the charges of any such railroad 
corporation for the transportation of any 
passenger or freight or cars, or unjust dis- 
crimination in relation thereto, be deemed 
and taken, in all courts of this State, as 
prima facie evidence that the rates therein 
fixed are reasonable maximum rates of 
charges for the transportation of passen- 
gers and freights and cars upon the rail- 
roads for which said schedules may have 
been respectively prepared. Said commis- 
sioners shall, from time to time, and as 
often as circumstances may require, change 
and revise said schedules. When such 
schedules shall have been made or revised 
as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of said 
commissioners to cause publication thereof 
to be made for three successive weeks, in 
some public newspaper published in the 
city of Springfield in this state : " Provided, 
That the schedules thus prepared shall 
not be taken as prima facie evidence as 
herein provided until schedules shall have 
been prepared and published as aforesaid 
for all the railroad companies now organ- 
ized under the laws of this State, and until 
the fifteenth day of January, A. D. 1874, 
or until ten days after the meeting of the 
next session of this General Assembly, 
provided a session of the General Assembly 
shall be held previous to the fifteenth day 
of January aforesaid." All such schedules, 
purporting to be printed and published as 
aforesaid, shall be received and held, in 
I all such suits, as prima facie the schedules 
I of said commissioners, without further 
' proof than the production of the paper in 
I which they were published, together with 
the certificate of the publisher of said 
paper that the schedule therein contained 
is a true copy of the schedule furnished 
for publication by said (•'>itiiiiissioncrs, and 
! that it has been ptiblislied the above speci- 
fied time ; and any such paper purporting 
to have been published at said city, and to 
! be a public newspaper, shall be presumed 
' to have been so published at the date 
thereof, and to be a public newspaper. 

Sec. 10. In all cases under the provi- 
sions of this act, the rules of evidence shall 
be the same as in other civil actions, ex- 
cept as hereinbefore otherwise provided. 
All fines recovered under the provisions of 
this act shall be paid into the county 
; treasury of the county in which the suit is 



SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL RIGHTS BILL, 



221 



tried, by the person collecting the same, 
in the manner now provided by law, to be 
used for county purposes. The remedies 
hereby given shall be regarded as cumula- 
tive to the remedies now given by law 
against railroad corporations, and this act 
shall not be construed as repealing any 
'statute giving such remedies. Suits com- 
menced under the provisions of this act 
shall have precedence over all other busi- 
ness, except criminal business. 

Sec. 11. The term "railroad corpora- 
tion," contained in this act, shall be 
deemed and taken to mean all corpora- 
tions, companies, or individuals now own- 
ing or operating, or which may hereafter 
own or oi:»erate any railroad, in whole or 
in part, in this State ; and the provisions 
of this act shall apply to all persons, firms, 
and companies, and to all associations of 
persons, whether incorporated or other- 
wise, that shall do business as common 
carriers upon any of the lines of railways 
in this State (street railways excepted) the 
same as to railroad corporations therein- 
before mentioned. 

Sec. 12. An act entitled " An act to pre- 
vent unjust discriminations and extortions 
in the rates to be charged by the different 
railroads in this State for the transporta- 
tion of freight on said roads," approved 
April 7, A. D. 1871, is hereby repealed, 
but such repeal shall not aflfect nor repeal 
any penalty incurred or right accrued 
under said act prior to the time this act 
talces effect, nor any proceedings or prose- 
cutions to enforce such rights or penalties. 

Approved May 2, 1873. 

S, M. CULLOM, 

Speaker House of Representatives. 

John Early, 

President of the Senate. 

John L. Beveridge, 

Governor. 

The same spirit, if not the same organi- 
zation, led to many petitions to Congress 
for the regulation of inter-state commerce 
and freight rates, and to some able reports 
on the subject. Those which have com- 
manded most attention were by Senator 
Windom of Minnesota and Representative 
Reagan of Texas, the latter being the au- 
1 lor of a bill which commanded much 
I )nsideration from Congress in the sessions 
of 1878-'80, but which has not yet secured 
favorable action. In lieu of such bill 
Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, intro- 
duced a joint resolution for the appoint- 
ment of a Commission to investigate and 
report upon the entire question. Final 
action has not yet been taken, and at this 
writing interest in the subject seems to 
have flagged. 

The disastrous political action attempted 
by the Grangers in Illinois and Wisconsin, 
led to such general condemnation that sub- 



sequent attempts were abandoned save in 
isolated cases, and as a rule the society has 
passed away. The principle upon which 
it was based was wholly unsound, and if 
strictly carried out, would destroy all home 
improvements and enterprise. Parties and 
societies based upon a class, and directed 
or perverted toward political objects, are 
very happily short-lived in this Republic 
of ours. If they could thrive, the Repub- 
lic could not long endure. 



Supplementary Civil Rlglits Bill. 

Senator Sumner's Supplementary Civil 
Rights Bill was passed by the second ses- 
sion of the 43d Congress, though its great 
author had died the year before — March 
11th, 1874. The text of the Act is given 
in Book V. of this volume, on Existing 
Political Laws. Its validity was sustained 
by the U. S. District Courts in their in- 
structions to grand juries. The first con- 
viction under the Act was in Philadelphia, 
in February, 1876. Rev. Fields Cook, 
pastor of the Third Baptist colored church 
of Alexandria, Virginia, was refused sleep- 
ing and eating accommodations at the Bing- 
ham House, by Upton S. Newcomer, one 
of its clerks ; and upon the trial of the 
case, in the U. S. District Court, John 
Cadwalader, Judge, instructed the jury 
as follows : 

The fourteenth amendment of the Con- 
stitution of the United States makes all 
persons born or naturalized in the United 
States, and subject to the jurisdiction 
thereof, citizens of the United States, and 
provides that no State shall make or en- 
force any law which shall abridge the 
privileges or immunities of citizens of the 
United States ; nor shall any State * * * 
deny to any person within its jurisdiction 
the equal protection of the laws. This 
amendment expressly gives to Congress 
the power to enforce it by appropriate 
legislation. An act of Congress of March 
1, 1875, enacts that all persons within the 
jurisdiction of the United States shall be 
entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of 
the accommodations, advantages, facilities 
and privileges of inns, public conveyances 
on land or water, theatres and other places 
of public amusement, subject only to the 
conditions and limitations established by 
law, and applicable alike to citizens of 
every race and color, and makes it a crimi- 
nal offense to violate these enactments by 
denying to any citizen, except for reasons 
by law api)licable to citizens of every race 
and color, * * * the full enjoyment of any 
of the accommodations, advantages, facili- 
ties or privileges enumerated. As the law 
of Pennsylvania had stood until the 22d of 
March, 1867, it was not wrongful for inn- 
keepers or carriers by land or water to dis- 



222 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



criminate against travelers of the colored 
race to such an extent as to exclude them 
from any part of the inns or public con- 
veyances which was set apart for the ex- 
clusive accommodation of white travelers. 
The Legislature of Pennsylvania, by an 
act of 22d of March, 1867, altered the law 
in this respect as to passengers on railroads. 
But the law of the State was not changed 
as to inns by any act of the State Legisla- 
ture. Therefore, independently of the 
amendment of the Constitution of the 
United States and of the act of Congress 
now in question, the conduct of the de- 
fendant on the occasion in question might, 
perhaps, have been lawful, . It is not ne- 
cessary to express an opinion upon this 
point, because the decision of the case de- 
pends upon the effect of this act of Con- 
gress. I am under opinion tliat under the 
Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitu- 
tion the enactment of this law was within 
the legislative power of Congress, and that 
we are bound to give effect to the act of 
Congress according to its fair meaning. 
According to this meaning of the act I am 
of opinion that if this defendant, being in 
charge of the business of receiving travelers 
in this inn, and of providing necessary and 
proper accommodations for them in it, re- 
fused such accommodations to the witness 
Cook, then a traveler, by reason of his 
color, the defendant is guilty in manner 
and form as he stands indicted. If the 
case depended upon the unsupported tes- 
timony of this witness alone, there might 
be some reason to doubt whether this de- 
fendant was the person in charge of this 
part of the business. But under this head 
the additional testimony of ]Mr. Annan 
seems to be sufficient to remove all reason- 
able doubt. If the jury are convinced of 
the defendant's identity, they will con- 
sider whether any reasonable cloubt of his 
conduct or motives in refusing the accom- 
modations to Fields Cook can exist. The 
case appears to the court to be proved; but 
this question is for the jury, not for the 
court. If the jury have any reasonable 
doubt, they should find the defendant not 
guilty ; otherwise they will find him guilty. 
The jury brought in a verdict of guilty. 
March 1, 1876, and the Court imposed a 
fine of $500. 



Tlie Morton Amendment. 

In the session of '73, Senator Morton, of 
Indiana, introduced an amendment to the 
Constitution providing for the general 
choice of Presidential Electors by Con- 
gressional districts, and delivered several 
speeches on the subject which attracted 
much attention at the time. Since then 
many amendments have been introduced 
on the subject, and it is a matter for an- 
nual discussion. We quote the Morton 



Amendment as the one most likely to com- 
mand favorable action : 

" Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives of the United States of America 
in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of each 
House concurring therein:) That the fol- 
lowing article is hereby proposed as an 
amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, and, when ratified by the 
Legislatures of three-fourths of the several 
States, shall be valid, to all intents and 
purposes, as a part of the Constitution, to 
wit: 

" Article — . 

" I. The President and Vice-President 
shall be elected by the direct vote of the 
people in the manner following: Each 
State shall be divided into districts, equal 
in number to the number of Eepresenta- 
tives to which the State may be entitled 
in the Congress, to be composed of con- 
tiguous territory, and to be as nearly equal 
in population as may be ; and the person 
having the highest number of votes in each 
district for President shall receive the vote 
of that district, which shall count one pres- 
idential vote. 

" II. The person having the highest 
number of votes for President in a State 
shall receive two presidential votes from 
the State at large. 

" III. The person having the highest 
number of presidential votes in the United 
States shall be President. 

" IV. If two persons have the same 
number of votes in any State, it being the 
highest number, they shall receive each 
one presidential vote from the State at 
large ; and if more than two persons shall 
have each the same number of votes in any 
State, it being the highest number, no 
presidential vote shall be counted from the 
State at large. If more persons than one 
shall have the same number of votes, it 
being the highest number in any district, 
no presidential vote shall be counted fromi 
that district. 

" V. The foregoing provisions shall ap- 
ply to the election of Vice-President. 

" VI. The Congress shall have power to 
provide for holding and conducting the 
elections of President and Vice-President, 
and to establish tribunals for the decision 
of such elections as may be contested." 

VII. The States shall be divided into 
districts by the legislatures thereof, but the 
Congress may at any time by law make or 
alter the same. 

The present mode of election is given in 
Book V. of this volume. 



The 'WlilslEy Ring. 

During 1875 an extensive Whisky Ring, 
organized to control revenue legislation 
and avoidance of revenue taxes, was dis- 



THE WHITE LEAGUE. 



223 



covered in the West. It was an associa- 
tion of distillers in collusion with Federal 
officers, and for a time it succeeded in de- 
frauding the government of the tax on dis- 
tilled spirits. This form of corruption, 
after the declaration by President Grant — 
*'let no guilty man escape" — was traced 
by detectives to the portals of the White 
House, but even partisan rancor could not 
connect the President therewith. O. E. 
Babcock, however, was his private Secre- 
tary, and upon him was charged complicity 
with the fraud. He was tried and acquit- 
ted, but had to resign. Several Federal 
officers were convicted at St. Louis. 



Impeacliinent of Belknap. 

Another form of corruption was dis- 
covered in 1876, when the House im- 
peached Wm. W. Belknap, the Secretary 
of War, on the charge of selling an Indian 
trading establishment. The first and main 
specification was, that— 

On or about the second day of Novem- 
ber, eighteen hundred and seventy, said 
William W. Belknaj), while Secretary of 
War as aforesaid, did receive from Caleb 
P. Marsh fifteen hundred dollars, in con- 
sideration of his having appointed said 
John S. Evans to maintain a trading- 
establishment at Fort Sill aforesaid, and 
for continuing him therein. 

The following summary of the record 
shows the result, and that Belknap escaped 
punishment by a refusal of two-thirds to 
vote " guilty : " 

The examination of witnesses was be- 
gun, and continued on various days, till 
July 26, when the case was closed. 

August 1. — The Senate voted. On the 
first article, thirty-five voted guilty, and 
twenty-five not guilty. On the second, 
third and fourth, Mr. Maxey made the 
thirty-sixth who voted guilty. On the fifth, 
Mr. iVIORTON made the thirty-seventh who 
voted guilty. The vote on first was : 

Voting Guilty — Messrs. Bayard, 
Booth, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Cockrell, 
Cooper, Davis, Dawes, Dennis, Edmunds, 
Gordon, Hamilton, Harvey, Hitchcock, 
Kelly, Kernan, Key, McCreery, McDonald, 
Merrimon, Mitchell, Morrill of Vermont, 
Norivood, Oglesby, Randolph, Ransom, 
Robertson, Sargent, Saulsbury, Sherman, 
Stevenson, Thurman, AVadleigh, Wallace, 
Whyfe, Withers~35. 

Voting Not Guilty — Messrs. Allison, 
Anthony, Boutwell, Bruce, Cameron of 
Wisconsin, Christiancy, Conkling, Cono- 
ver, Cragin, Dorsey, Eaton, Ferry of Michi- 
gan, Frelinghuysen, Hamlin, Howe, In- 
galls, .Tones of Nevada, Logan, McMillan, 
Paddock, Patterson, Spencer, West, Win- 
dom, Wright— 25. 

Mr. Jones of Florida declined to vote. 



Those " voting not guilty" generally de- 
nied jurisdiction, and so voted accordingly. 
Belknap had resigned and the claim was 
set up that he was a private citizen. - 



Tlie Wliite League. 

By 1874 the Democrats of the South, 
who then generally classed themselves as 
Conservatives, had gained control of all 
the State governments except those of 
Louisiana, Florida and South Carolina. 
In nearly all, the Republican governments 
had called upon President Grant for mili- 
tary aid in maintaining their positions, but 
this was declined except in the presence of 
such outbreak as the proper State authori- 
ties could not suppress. In Arkansas, 
Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas, Grant 
declined to interfere save to cause the 
Attorney General to give legal advice. 
The condition of all these governments 
demanded constant attention from the Ex- 
ecutive, and his task was most difficult and 
dangerous. The cry came from the Demo- 
cratic partisans in the South for home-rule ; 
another came from the negroes that they 
were constantly disfranchised, intimidated 
and assaulted by the White League, a body 
of men organized in the Gulf States for 
the purpose of breaking up the " carpet- 
bag governments.'' So conflicting were 
the stories, and so great the fear of a final 
and destructive war of races, that the Con- 
gressional elections in the North were for 
the first time since the war greatly in- 
fluenced. The Forty-fourth Congress, which 
met in December, 1875, had been changed 
by what was called " the tidal wave," from 
Republican to Democratic, and M. C. Kerr, 
of Indiana, Avas elected Speaker. The 
Senate remained Republican with a re- 
duced margin. 

The troul)les in the South, and especially 
in Louisiana, had been in the year previous 
and were still of the gravest character. 
Gen'l Sheridan had been sent to New Or- 
leans and on the 10th of January, 1875, 
made a report which startled the country 
as to the doings of the White League. As 
it still remains a subject for frequent quo- 
tation we give its text: 

SHERIDAN'S REPORT. 

New Orleans, January 10, 1875. 

Hon. W. W. Belknap, Secretary of War : 

Since the year 1866, nearly thirty-five 
hundred persons, a great majority of whom 
were colored men, have been killed and 
wounded in this State. In 1868 the official 
record shows that eighteen hundred and 
eighty-four were killed and wounded. 
From 1868 to the present time, no official 
investigation hiuj been made, and the civil 
authorities in all but a few cases have been 



224 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



unable to arrest, convict and punish per- 
petrators. Consequently, there are no cor- 
rect records to be consulted for informa- 
tion. There ia ample evidence, however, 
to show that more than twelve hundred 
persons have been killed and wounded du- 
ring this time, on account of their political 
sentiments. Frightful massacres have oc- 
curred in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, 
Catahoula, Saint Bernard, Saint Landry, 
Grant and Orleans. The general charac- 
ter of the massacres in the above named 
parishes is so well known that it is unneces- 
sary to describe them. The isolated cases 
can best be illustrated by the following in- 
stances which I have taken from a mass 
of evidence now lying before me of men 
killed on account of their political princi- 
ples. In Natchitoches Parish, the num- 
ber of isolated cases reported is thirty- 
three. In the parish of Bienville, the 
number of men killed is thirty. In Eed 
River Parish the number of isolated cases 
of men killed is thirty-four. In Winn Par- 
ish the number of isolated cases where men 
were killed is fifteen. In Jackson Parish 
the number killed is twenty ; and in Cata- 
houla Parish the number of isolated cases 
reported where men were killed is fifty ; 
and most of the country parishes through- 
out the State will show a corresponding 
state of affairs. The following statement 
will illustrate the character and kind of 
these outrages. On the 29th of August, 
1874, in Red River Parish, six State and 
parish officers, named Twitchell, Divers, 
Holland, Howell, Edgerton and Willis, 
were taken, together with four negroes, 
under guard, to be carried out of the State, 
and were deliberately murdered on the 30th 
of August, 1874. The White League tried, 
sentenced, and hung two negroes on the 
28th of August, 1874. Three negroes were 
shot and killed at Brownsville, just before 
the arrival of the United States troops in 
the parish. Two White Leaguers rode up 
to a negro cabin and called for a drink of 
water. When the old colored man turned 
to draw it, they shot him in the back and 
killed him. The courts were all broken 
up in this district, and the district judge 
driven out. In the parish of Caddo, prior 
to the arrival of the United States troops, 
all of the officers at Shreveport were com- 
I>elled to abdicate by the White League, 
which took possession of the place. Among 
those obliged to abdicate were Walsh, the 
mayor, Rapers, the sheriff, Wheaton, clerk 
of the court, Durant, the recorder, and 
Ferguson and Renfro, administrators. Two 
colored men, Avho had given evidence in 
regard to frauds committed in the parish, 
were compelled to flee for their lives and 
reached this city last night, having been 
smuggled through in a cargo of cotton. In 
the parish of Bossier the White League 
have attempted to force the abdication of 



Judge Baker, the United States Commis- 
sioner and parish judge, together with 
O'Neal, the sheriff, and Walker, the clerk 
of the court ; and they have compelled the 
parish and district courts to suspend opera- 
tions. Judge Baker states that the White 
Leaguers notified him several times that if 
he became a candidate on the republican 
ticket, or if he attempted to organize the 
republican party, he should not live until 
election. 

They also tried to intimidate him through 
his family by making the same threats to 
his wife, and when told by him that he was 
a United States commissioner, they notified 
him not to attempt to exercise the functions 
of his office. In but few of the country 
parishes can it be truly said that the law is 
properly enforced, and in some of the par- 
ishes the judges have not been able to hold 
court for the past two years. Human life 
in this State is held so cheaply, that when 
men are killed on account of political 
opinions, the murderers are regarded rather 
as heroes than as criminals, in the locali- 
ties where they reside, and by the White 
League and their supporters. An illustra- 
tion of the ostracism that prevails in the 
State may be found in a resolution of a 
White League club in the parish of De 
Soto, which states, " That they pledge 
themselves under (no?) circumstances after 
the coming election to employ, rent land 
to, or in any other manner give aid, com- 
fort, or credit, to any man, white or black, 
who votes against the nominees of the 
white man's party." Safety ibr individuals 
who express their opinion in the isolated 
portion of this State has existed only when 
that opinion was in favor of the principles 
and party supjiorted by the Ku-Klux and 
White League organizations. Only yes- 
terday Judge Myers, the parish judge of 
the parish of Natchitoches, called on me 
upon his arrival in this city, and stated 
that in order to reach here alive, he was 
obliged to leave his home by stealth, and 
after nightfall, and make his way to Little 
Rock, Arkansas, and come to this city by 
way of Memphis. He further states that 
while his father was lying at the point of 
death in the same village, he was unable 
to visit him for fear of assassination ; and 
yet he is a native of the parish, and pro- 
scribed for his political sentiments only. 
It is more than probable that if bad gov- 
ernment has existed in this State it is the 
result of the armed organizations, which 
have now crystallized into what is called the 
White League ; instead of bad government 
developing them, they have by their ter- 
rorism prevented to a considerable extent 
the collection of taxes, the holding of 
courts, the punishment of criminals, and 
vitiated public sentiment by familiarizing 
it with the scenes above described. 1 am 
now engaged in compiling evidence for a 



THE WHITE LEAGUE. 



225 



detailed report upon the above subject, but 
it will be some time before I can obtain 
all the requisite data to cover the cases 
that have occurred throughout the State. 
I will also report in due time upon the same 
suliject in the States of Arkansas and Mis- 
jjissippi. 

P. H. Sheridan, 
LituteiMTit- General. 

President Grant said in a special mes- 
sage to Congress, January 13, 1875: — 

" It has been bitterly and persistently 
alleged that Kellogg was not elected. 
Whether he was or not is not altogether 
certain, nor is it any more certain that his 
competitor, McEnery, was chosen. The 
election was a gigantic fraud, and there are 
no reliable returns of its result. Kellogg 
obtained possession of the office, and in 
my opinion has more right to it than his 
competitor. 

" On the 20th of February, 1873, the 
Committee on Privileges and Elections of 
the Senate made a report, in which they 
say they were satisfied by testimony that 
the manipulation of the election machinery 
by Warmoth and others was equivalent to 
twenty thousand votes ; and they add, to 
recognize the McEnery government 
' would be recognizing a government based 
upon fraud, in defiance of the wishes and 
intention of the voters of the State.' As- 
suming the correctness of the statements 
in this report, (and they seem to have been 
generally accepted by the country,) the 
great crime in Louisiana, about which so 
much has been said, is, that one is holding 
the ofiice of governor who was cheated out i 
of twenty thousand votes, against another 
whose title to the office is undoubtedly j 
based on fraud, and in defiance of the } 
wishes and intentions of the voters of the i 
State. 

"Misinformed and misjudging as to the 
nature and extent of this report, the sup- 
porters of McEnery proceeded to displace 
by force in some counties of the State the 
appointees of Governor Kellogg; and on 
the 13th of April, in an eff'ortof that kind, 
a butchery of citizens was committed at 
Colfiix, which in blood-thirstiness and bar- 
barity is hardly surpa.ssed by any acts of 
-;avaie warfare. 

" To put this matter beyond controversy, 
I quote fi*om the charge of Judge Woods, ' 
"f the United States circuit court, to the 
jury in the case of the United States vs. 
''ruikshank and others, in New Orleans, 
in March, 1874. He siid : i 

■ ' In the case on trial there are many 
ficts not in controversy. I proceed to 
state some of them in the presence and 
hearing of counsel on both sides; and if I 
state a-^ a conceded fact any matter that is 
disputed. tlu'V can correct me.' 

"Aft.r .statinjr the uri.Lrin of the -iiffi- 

]5 



culty, which grew out of an attempt of 
white persons to drive the parish judge 
and sheriff, appointees of Kellogg, from 
office, and their attempted protection by 
colored persons, which led to some fight- 
ing in which quite a number of negroes 
were killed, the judge states: 

"' Most of those who were not killed 
were taken prisoners. Fifteen or sixteen 
of the blacks had lifted the boards and 
taken refuge under the floor of the court- 
house. They were all caj)tured. About 
thirty-seven men were taken prisoners ; 
the number is not definitely fixed. They 
were kept under guard until dark. They 
were led out, two by two, and shot. Most 
of the men were shot to death. A few 
were wounded, not mortally, and by pre- 
tending to be dead were afterward, during 
the night, able to make their escape. 
Among them was the Levi Nelson named 
in the indictment. 

" ' The dead bodies of the negroes killed 
in this affair were left unburied until Tues- 
day, April lo, when they were buried by a 
deputy marshal and an officer of the 
militia from New Orleans. These persons 
found fifty- nine dead bodies. They show- 
ed pistol-shot wounds, the great majority 
in the head, and most of them in the back 
of the head. In addition to the filty-nine 
dead bodies foiuid, some charred remains 
of dead bodies were discovered near the 
court-house. Six dead bodies were found 
under a warehouse, all shot in the head 
but one or two. which were shot in the 
breast. 

'" The only white men injured from the 
beginning of these troubles to their close 
were Hadnot and Harris. The court- 
house and its contents were entirely con- 
sumed. 

" 'There is no evidence that any one in 
the crowd of whites bore any lawful war- 
rant for the arrest of any of the blacks. 
There is no evidence that either Nash or 
Cazabat, after the affair, ever demanded 
their offices, to which they had set up 
claim, but Register continued to act as 
parish judge, and Shaw as Sheriff. 

" ' These are facts in this case, as I under- 
stand them to be admitted.' 

" To hold the people of Louisiana gen- 
erally responsible for these atrocities would 
not be just ; but it is a lamentable fact that 
insuperable obstructions were thrown in 
the way of punishing these murderers, and 
the so-called conservative papers of the 
State not only justified the massacre, but 
denounced as Federal tyranny and despot- 
ism the attempt of the United States offi- 
cers to bring them to justice. Fierce de- 
nunciations ring through the country 
about office-holding and election matters 
in Louisiana, while everyone of the Colfax 
miscreants goes unwhipped of justice, and 
Tto \v;iv cHii be found in this boasted !:i;id 



226 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



of civilization and Christianity to punish 
the perpetrators of this bloody and mon- 
strous crime. 

" Not unlike this was the massacre in 
August last. Several northern young men 
of capital and enterprise had started the 
little and flourishing town of Coushatta. 
Some of them were republicans and office- 
holders under Kellogg. They were there- 
fore doomed to death. Six of them were 
seized and carried away from their homes 
and murdered in cold blood. No one has 
been punished; and the conservative press 
of the State denounced all efforts to that 
end, and boldly justified the crime." 

The House on the 1st of March, 1875, 
by a strict party vote, 155 Republicans to 
86 Democrats, recognized the Kellogg gov- 
ernment. The Senate did the same on 
March 5th, by 33 to 23, also a party vote. 

Under the influence of the resolution 
unanimously adopted by the House of 
Representatives of the United States, 
recommending that the House of Repre- 
sentatives of that State seat the persons 
rightfully entitled thereto from certain 
districts, the whole subject was, by consent 
of parties, referred to the Special Commit- 
tee of the House who examined into 
Louisiana affairs, viz. : Messrs. George F. 
Hoar, William A. Wheeler, William P. 
Frye, Charles Foster, William Walter 
Phelps, Clarkson N. Potter and Samuel S. 
Marshall, who, after careful examination, 
made an award, which was adopted by the 
Legislature in April, 1875. It is popularly 
known as the " Wheeler Compromise." 



Text of tlie WKeeler Compromise. 

New Orleans, March, 1876. 

Whereas, It is desirable to adjust the 
difficulties growing out of the general elec- 
tion in this State, in 1872, the action of 
the Returning Board in declaring and pro- 
mulgntino- the results of the general elec- 
tion, in the month of November last, and 
the organization of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, on the 4th day of January last, 
such adjustment being deemed necessary 
to the re-establishment of peace and order 
in this State. 

Now, therefore, the undersigned mem- 
bers of the Conservative party, claiming to 
have been elected members of the House 
of Representatives, and that their certifi- 
cates of elertion have been illegally with- 
held by the Returning Board, hereby 
severally agree to submit their claims to 
seats in the House of Representatives to 
the awnrd and arbitrament of George F. 
Hoar, William A. Wheeler. William P. 
Frye, Ch;u-les Foster, William Walter 
Phelps, Clarkson N. Potter, and Samuel S. 
Marshall, who are hereby authorized to 
examine and determine the same upon the 
t'quitios of the several cases; and when 



such awards shall be made, we hereby 
severally agree to abide by the same : 

And such of us as may become members 
of the House of Representatives, under 
this arrangement, hereby severally agree 
to sustain by our influence and votes the 
joint resolution herein set forth. 

[Here follow the signatures of the Demo- 
crats who claimed that their certificates of 
election as members of the House of Re- 
presentatives had been illegally withheld 
by the Returning Board.] 

And the undersigned claiming to have 
been elected Senators from the Eighth and 
Twenty-Second Senatorial Districts, hereby 
agree to submit their claims to the fore- 
going award and arbitrament, and in all 
respects to abide the results of the same. 

[Here follow the signatures of the Demo- 
crats, who made a like claim as to seats in 
the Senate.] 

And the undersigned, holding certifi- 
cates of election from the Returning Board, 
hereby severally agree that upon the com- 
ing in of the award of the foregoing arbi- 
trators they will, when the same shall have 
been ratified by the report of the Commit- 
tee on Elections and Qualifications of the 
body in session at the State House claim- 
ing to be the House of Representatives, 
attend the sitting of the said House for the 
purpose of adopting said report, and if 
said report shall be Jidopted, and the mem- 
bers embraced in the foregoing report 
shall be seated, then the undersigned seve- 
rally agree that immediately upon the 
adoption of said report they will vote for 
the following joint resolution : 

[Here follow the signatures of the Demo- 
cratic members of the House of Represen- 
tatives in relation to whose seats there was 
no controversy.] 

JOINT RESOLTTTION. 

Resolved, by the General Asfemhbj of the 
State of J>ovisuina, That said Assembly, 
without approving the same, will nf t dis- 
turb the present State Government claim- 
ing to have been elected in 1872, known as 
the Kellogg Government, or seek to im- 
peach the Governor lor any past official 
acts, and that henceforth it will accord to 
said Governor all necessary and legitimate 
support in maintaining the laws and ad- 
vancing the peace and ) rospcrity of the 
people of this State: and that the House 
of Representatives, as to its members, as 
constituted under the award of (Jeorge F. 
Hoar, W. A. Wheeler, W. P. Frye, Charles 
Foster, Samuel S. Marshall, Clarkson 
N. Potter, and William Walter Phelps, 
shall remain without change except by 
resignation or death of members until a 
new general election, and that the Senate, 
as now organized, shall also remain un- 
changed except so far as that body shall 
make changes on contests. 



TEXT UF THE WHEELER COMPROMISE. 



227 



TEXT OF THE AWARD. 

New York, March 18, 1875. 
The undersigned having been requested 
to examine the claims of the person.s here- 
inafter named to seats in the Senate and 
House of Representatives of the State 
of Louisiana, and having examined the re- 
turns and the evidence relating to such 
claims, are of opinion, and do hereby find, 
award and determine, that F. S. Goode is 
entitled to a seat in the Senate from the 
Twenty-second Senatorial District ;• and 
that J. B. Elam is not entitled to a seat in 
the Senate from the Eighth Senatorial 
District; and that the following named 
persons are entitled to seats in the House 
of Representatives from the following 
named parishes respectively: From the 
Parish of Assumption, R. R. Beaseley, E. 
F. X. Dugas ; from the Parish of Bien- 
ville, James Brice ; from the Parish of De 
Soto, J. S. Scales, Charles Schuler; from 
the Parish of Jackson, E. Kidd ; from the 
Parish of Rapides, James Jeffries, R. C. 
Luckett, G. W. Stafford ; from the Parish 
of Terrebone, Edward McCollum, W. H. 
Keyes ; from the Parish of Winn, George 
A. Kelley. And that the following named 
persons are not entitled to seats which 
they claim from the following named 
parishes respectively, but that the persons 
now holding seats from said parishes are 
entitled to retain the seats now held by 
them ; from the Parish of Avoyelles, J. O. 
Quinn ; from the Parish of Iberie, W. F. 
Schwing ; from the Parish of Caddo, A. 
D. Land, T. R. Vaughan, J. J. Koran. 
We are of opinion that no person is en- 
titled to a seat from the Parish of Grant. 

In regard to most of the cases, the 
undersigned are unanimous; as to the 
others the decision is that of a majority. 
George F. Hoar, 
W. A. Wheeler, 
W. P. Frye, 
Charles Foster, 
Clarkson N. Potter, 
William Walter Phelps, 
Samuel S. Marshall. 

This adjustment and award were accept- 
ed and observed, until the election in No- 
vember, 18 r6, when a controversy arose as 
to the re ult, the Republicans claiming the 
ekc-ion of Stephen B. Packard as Govern- 
or by about 3,500 majority, and a Republi- 
can Legislature ; and the Democrats claim- 
ing the election of Francis T. Nicholls as 
Governor, by about 8,000 mnjority, and a 
Democratic Legislature. Committees of 
gentlemen visited New Orleans, by request 
of President Grant and of various politi- 
cal organizations, to witness the count of 
the vote^ by the Returning Board. And 
in December, 1876, on the meeting of Con- 
gress?, committees of investigation were ap- 
pointed by the Senate and by the House of 



Representatives. Exciting events were 
now daily transpiring. On the 1st of Jan- 
uary, 1877, the Legislature organized in the 
State House without exhibitions of vio- 
lence. The Democrats did not unite in the 
proceedings, but met in a separate build- 
ing, and organized a separate Legislature. 
Telegraphic communication was had be- 
tween the State House and the Custom 
House, where was the office of Marshal 
Pitkin, who with the aid of the United 
States troops, was ready for any emergency. 
About noon the Democratic members, ac- 
companied by about 500 persons^ called at 
the State House and demanded admission. 
The officer on duty replied that the mem- 
bers could enter, but the crowd could not. 
A formal demand was then made upon 
General Badger and other officials, by the 
spokesman, for the removal of the obstruc- 
tions, barricades, police, etc., which pre- 
vented the ingress of members, which being 
denied, Col. Bush, in behalf of the crowd, 
read a formal protest, and the Democrats 
retired. Gov. Kellogg was presented by a 
committee with a copy of the protest, and 
he replied, that as chief magistrate and 
conservator of the peace of the State, be- 
lieving that there was danger of the or- 
ganization of the General Assembly being 
violently interfered with, he had caused a 
police force to be stationed in the lower 
portion of the building ; that he had no 
motive but to preserve the peace; that no 
member or attache of either house will be 
interfered with in any way, and that no 
United States troops are stationed in the 
capitol building. Clerk Trezevant declined 
to call the House to order unless the police- 
men were removed. Upon the refusal to do 
so, he withdrew, when Louis Sauer^ a mem- 
ber, called the roll, and G8 members — a full 
House being 120 — answered to their names. 
Ex-Gov. Hahn was elected Speaker, re- 
ceiving 53 votes as agninst 15 for Ex-Gov. 
Warmoth. ^ 

The Senate was organized by Lieutenant- 
Governor Antoine with 19 present — a full 
Senate being 30 — eight of whom held over, 
and 11 were returned by the B<iarcL Gov. 
Kellogg's message was presented to each 
House. 

The Democrats organized their Legisla- 
ture in St. Patrick's hall. The Senators 
were called to order by Senator Ogden. 
Nineteen Senators, including nine holding 
over, and four, who were counted out by 
the board, were present. 

The Democratic members of the House 
were called to order by Clerk Trezevant, 
and 61 answered to their njunes. Louis 
Bush was elected Si)eukcr. 

January 3d — Republican Legislature 
passed a resolution asking for military pro- 
tection against apprehended Democratic 
violence, and it was telegraphed to the 
President. 



228 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



On Sunday, January 8th, Gov. Kellogg 
telegraphed to President Grant to the same 
effect. 

January 8th — Stephen B. Packard took 
the oath of office as Governor, and C. C. 
Antoine as Lieutenant-Governor, at the 
State House at 1 : 30, in the presence of the 
Legislature. 

January 8 — Francis T. Nicholls and L. 
-A. Wiltz to-day took the oath of office of 
Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, re- 
spectively, on the balcony of St. Patrick's 
hall. 

By the 11th of January both parties were 
waiting for the action of the authorities at 
Washington. Gov. Packard to-day com- 
missfoned A. S. Badger Major-General of 
the State National Guard, and directed him 
to organize the first division at once. Two 
members of the Packard Legislature, Mr. 
Barrett, of Rapides, and Mr. Kennedy, of 
St. Charles, had withdrawn from that 
body and gone over to the Nicholls Legis- 
lature 

Messrs. Breux, Barrett, Kennedy, Es- 
topival, Wheeler, and Hamlet, elected as 
Republicans, under the advice of Pinch- 
back— a defeated Republican candidate for 
U. S. Senator, left the Packard or Repub- 
lican, and joined the Nicholls Legislature. 

On the ir)th, Governor Packard, after 
receiving a copy of the telegram of the 
President to (leneral Augur, issued a 
proclamation aimed at the " organized and 
armed combination and conspiracy of men 
now offering unlawful and violent resist- 
ance to the lawful authority of the State 
government." 

The Nicholls court issued an order to 
Sheriff" Handy to provide the means for 
protecting the court from any violence or 
intrusion on the part of the adlierents of 
"S. B. Packard, a wicked and shameless 
impostor." 

Governor Packard on the 16th, in a let- 
ter to Gen. Augur, acknowledges the re- 
ceipt of a communication from his aide- 
de-camp asking for assurances from him 
that the President's wishes concerning the 
preservation of the present status be re- 
fipecfed, and says that the request would 
have been more appropriate if made im- 
mediately after his installation as Gov- 
ernor and before many of the main 
branches of the Government had been 
forcibly taken possession of by the oppo- 
sition. He savs : " I had scarcely taken 
the oath of office when the White League 
were called to arms; the Court room and 
the records of the Supreme Court of the 
State were forcibly taken possession of, 
and various precinct police-stations were 
captured in like manner by overwhelm- 
ing forces. Orders had been issued by the 
Secretary of War early on that day that 
all unauthorized armed bodie-i should de- 
sist A dispatch from yourself of the same 



date to the Secretar\' of War, conveyed 
the assurances that Nicholls had promised 
the disbandment of his armed forces. * 

* * * It was my understanding, that 
neither side should be permitted to inter- 
fere with the status of the other side. Yet 
the day after this order was received and 
the pledge given by Nicholls, a force of 
several hundred armed White Leaguers 
repaired to the State Arsenal and took there- 
from into their own keeping five pieces of 
artillery, and a garrison of armed men was 
placed in and around the Supreme Court 
building. That on the following day, Jan- 
uary 11, an armed company of the White 
League broke into and took possession of 
the office of the Recorder of Mortgages. ' 

* * * * In view of all these facts it 
seemed to me that to give the pledge ver- 
bally asked of me this morning would 
be to sanction revolution, and by acOjU'es- 
cence give it the force of accomplished 
fact, and I therefore declined." 

Many telegrams followed between the 
Secretary of War, J. Don. Cameron, Gen'l 
Augur and Mr. Packard, the latter daily 
complaining of new " outrages by the 
White League," while the Nicholls gov- 
ernment professed to accord rights to all 
classes, and to obey the instructions from 
Washington, to faithfully maintain the 
status of affairs until decisive action should 
be taken by the National government. 
None was taken, President Grant being 
unwilling to outline a Southern policy for 
his successor in office. 



Election ot Hayes and AVheeler. 

The troubles in the South, and the al- 
most general overthrow of the " carpet bag 
government," impressed all with the fact 
that the Presidential election of 1876 would 
be exceedingly close and exciting, and the 
result confirmed this belief. The Green- 
backers were the first to meet in National 
Convention, at Indianapolis, May 17th. 
Peter Cooper of New York was nominated 
for President, and Samuel F. Cary of Ohio, 
for Vice President. 

The Republican National Convention 
met at Cincinnati, June 14th, with James 
G. Blaine recognized as the leading candi- 
date. Grant had been named for a third 
term, and there Avas a belief that his name 
would be presented. Such was the feeling 
on this question that the House of Con- 
gress and a Republican State Convention 
in Pennsylvania, had passed resftlutions 
declaring that a third term for President 
would be a violation of the " unwritten 
law " handed down through the examples 
of Washington, and Jackson. His name, 
however, was not then presented. The ''unit 
rule" at this Convention was for the first 
time resisted, and by the friends of Blaine, 



THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 



229 



wi'tli ii view to release from instructions of 
St'diii Conventions some of his friends. 
New York had instructed for Conkling, 
and Pennsylvania for Hartranft. In both 
of these states some delegates had been 
chosen by their respective Congressional 
districts, in advance of any State action, 
and these elections wei"e as a rule confirmed 
by the State bodies. Where they were not, 
there were contests, and the right of dis- 
trict representation was jeopardized if not 
destroyed by the reinforcement of the 
unit rule. It was therefore thought to be 
a question of much importance by the war- 
ring interests. Hon. Edw. McPherson was 
the temporary Chairman of the Conven- 
tion, and he took the earliest opportunity 
presented to decide against the binding 
force of the unit rule, and to assert the lib- 
erty of each delegate to vote as he pleased. 
The Convention sustained the decision on 
an appeal. 

B.ilh)ts of the Cincinnati Republican 
Convention, 1876 : 

Ballots, 12 3 4 5 6 7 

Blaine, 285 29S 292 293 287 308 351 

Conkling, 113 114 121 126 114 111 21 

Bristow, 99 93 90 84 82 81 

Morton, 124 120 113 108 95 85 

Hayes, 61 64 67 68 102 113 384 

Hartranft, 58 63 6S 71 69 50 

Jewell, 11 

Washb'ne, 113 3 4 



Wheeler, 



3 3 



2 



Gen. Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, was 
nominated for President, and Hon. Win. A. 
Wheeler, of New York, for Vice President. 

The Democratic National Convention 
met at St. Louis, June 28th. Great interest 
was excited by the attitude of John Kel- 
ly, the Tammany leader of New*York, 
who was present and opposed with great 
bitterness the nomination of Tilden. He 
afterwards bowed to the will of the major- 
ity and supported him. Both the unit and 
the two-thirds rule were observed in this 
body, as they have long been by the Dem- 
ocratic party. On the second ballot, Hon. 
Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, had 535 
votes to 203 for all others. His leading 
competitor was Hon. Thomas A. Hen- 
dricks, of Indiana, who wais nominated for 
Vice President. 



The Electoral Connt. 

The election followed Nov. 7th, 1876, 
Hayes and Wheeler carrying all of the 
Northern States except O^nnecticut, New 
York, New Jersey and Indiana; Tilden 
and Hendricks carried all of the Southern 
States except South Carolina, Florida and 
Louisiana. The three last named States 
were claimed by the Democrats, but their 
members of the Congressional Investiga- 



ting Committee quieted rival claims as to 
South Carolina by agreeing that it had 
fairly chosen the Republican electors. So 
close was the result that success or failure 
hinged upon the returns of Florida and 
Louisiana, and for days and weeks conflict- 
ing stories and claims came from these 
States. The Democrats claimed that thev 
had won on the lace of the returns from 
Louisiana, and that there was no authority 
to go behind these. The Republicans pub- 
licly alleged frauds in nearly all of the 
Southern States ; that the colored vote had 
been violently suppressed in the (!ulf 
States, but they did not formally dispute 
the face of the returns in any S'.ate save 
where the returning boards gave them the. 
victory. This doubtful state of affairs in- 
duced a number of prominent politicians 
of both the great parlies to visit the State 
capitals of South Carolina, Florida and 
Louisiana to witness the count. Some of 
these were appointed by President Grant ; 
others by the Democratic National Com- 
mittee, and both sets were at the time 
called the " visiting statesmen," a phrase 
on which the political changes were rung 
for months and years thereafter. 

The electoral votes of Florida were de- 
cided by the returning board to be Repub- 
lican by a majority of 926, — this after 
throwing out the votes of several districti 
where fraudulent returns were alleged to bo 
apparent or shown by testimony. Th« 
Board was cited before the State Supreme 
Court, which ordered a count of the face 
of the returns ; a second meeting only led 
to a second Republican return^ and the 
Republican electors were then declared to 
have been chosen by a majority of 206. 
though before this was done, the Electoral 
College of the State had met and cast their 
four votes for Hayes and Wheeler. Both 
parties agreed very closely in their counts, 
except as to Baker county, from which the 
Republicans claimed 41 majority, the Dem- 
ocrats 95 majority — the returning board ac- 
cepting the Republican claim. 

In Louisiana the Packard returning 
board was headed by J. Madison Wells, 
and this body refused to permit the Demo- 
crats to be represented therein. It was in 
session three weeks, the excitement all the 
time being at fever heat, and finally mad« 
the following average returns : Eepublican 
electors, 74,436 ; Democratic, 70,505; Ee- 
publican majority, 3,931. McEnery, who 
claimed to be Governor, gave the Demo- 
cratic electors a certificate based on an 
average vote of 83,635 against 76,759, a 
Democratic majority of 7,876. 

In Oregon, the three Republican electoi^' 
had an admitted majority of the popuhir 
vote, but on a claim thatone of the nuii)b<'r 
was a Federal oflice-holder and then lb; o 
ineligible, the Democratic Governor gave 
a certificate to two of tlie Republican elec 



2a0 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



tors, and a Mr. C'luiiiu, Diinocrat. The 
three EepuMican electons were certified by 
the Becretary of State, who was the can- 
vassing officer by hiw. This Oregon busi- 
ness led to grave suspicions against Mr. 
Tilden, wiio was thereafter freely charged 
by the Republicans with the use of his 
immense private fortune to control the re- 
sult, and thereafter, the New York Tribune, 
with unexampled enterprise, exposed and 
reprinted the "cipher dispatches" from 
(iratnercy, which Mr. Pelton, the nephew 
.aid private secretary of Mr. Tilden, had 
>e.iit to Democratic " visiting statesmen " in 
I lie four disputed sections. In 1878, the 
I'otter Investigating Committee subse- 
i[uent!y confiinird the " cipher dispatches " 
but Mr. T;l(!eii denied any knowledge of 
them. 

The second session of the 44th Congress 
met on Dec. r)tli, 1876, and while by that 
time all knew the dangers of the approach- 
ing electoral count, yet neither House 
would consent to the revision of the joint 
rule regulating the count. The Republi- 
cans claimed that the President of the Sen- 
ate had the s<^le authority to open and an- 
nounce the returns in the presence of the 
two Houses ; the Democrats plainly disputed 
this right, and claimed that the joint body 
could contro'. the count under the law. 
Some Democrats went so far as to say that 
the House (which was Democratic, with 
Samuel J. Randall in the Speaker's chair) 
could for itself decide when the emergency 
had arrived in which it was to elect a 
President:. 

There was grave danger, and it was as- 
serted that the Democrats, fearing the 
President of the Senate would exercise 
the power of declaring the result, were 
preparing first to forcibly and at least with 
secrecy swear in and inaugurate Tilden. 
Mr. Watterson, member of the House from 
Kentucky, boasted that he had completed 
iwrangements to have 100,000 men at 
Washington on inauguration day, to see 
that Tilden was installed. President Grant 
and Secretary of War Cameron, thought 
the condition of affairs critical, and both 
made active though secret preparations to 
secure the safe if not the peaceful inaugu- 
ration of Hayes. Grant, in one of his sen- 
tentious utterances, said he " would have 
peace if he had to fight for it." To this 
end he sent for Gov. Hartranft of Penn- 
sylvania, to know if he could stop any at- 
tempted movement of New York troops to 
Washingt<^>n, jus he had information that 
the purpose was to forcibly install Tilden. 
Gov. Hartranft replied that he I'ould do it 
with the National Guard and the Grand 
Army of the Republic. He was told to 
return to Harrisl)urg and j)repare for such 
an emergency. This he did, and as the 
Legislature was then in session, a Repub- 
lican caucus was called, and it re-solved, 



without knowing exactly why, to sustain 
any action of the Governor with the re- 
sources of the State. Secretary Cameron 
also sent for GenT Sherman, and for a 
time went on with comprehensive prepa- 
rations, which if there had been need for 
completion, would certainly have put a 
speedy check upon the madness of any 
mob. There is a most interesting unwrit- 
ten history of events then transpiring 
which no one now living can fully relate 
without unjustifiable violations of political 
and personal confidences. But the danger 
was avoided by the patriotism of prominent 
members of Congress representing both of 
the great political parties. These gentle- 
men held several important and private 
conferences, and substantially agreed upon 
a result several days before the exciting 
struggle which followed the introduction 
of the Electoral Commission Act. The 
leaders on the part of the Republicans in 
these conferences were Conkling, Edmunds, 
Frelinghuysen ; on the part of the Demo- 
crats Bayard, Gordon, Randall and Hewitt, 
the latter a member of the House and 
Chairman of the National Democratic 
Committee. 

The Electoral Commission Act, the basis 
of agreement, was supported by Conkling 
in a .speech of great power, and of all men 
engaged in this great work he was at the 
time most suspected by the Republicans, 
who feared that his admitted dislike to 
Hayes would cause him to favor a bill 
wiiich would secure the return of Tilden, 
and as both of the gentlemen were New 
Yorkers, there was for several days grave 
fears of a combination between the two. 
The result showed the injustice done, and 
convinced theretofore doubting Republi- 
cans that Conkling, even as a partisan, was 
faithful and far-seeing. The Electoral 
Commission measure was a Democratic 
one, if we are to judge from the character 
of the votes cast for and against it. In the 
Senate the vote stood 47 for to 17 against. 
There were 21 Republicans for it and 16 
against, while there were also 26 Demo- 
crats for it to only 1 (Eaton) against. In 
the House much the same proportion was 
maintained, the bill passing that body by 
191 to 86. The following is the text of the 

ELECTORAL COMMISSION ACT. 

An act to provide for and regulate the 
counting of votes for President and Vice- 
President, and the decision of questions 
arising thereon, for the term commencing 
March fourth, Anno Domini eighteen 
hundred and seventy-seven. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, That the 
Senate and House of Representatives shall 
meet in the hall of the House of Represen- 
tatives, at the hour of one o'clock poat 



THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 



231 



meridian, on the first Thursday in Febru- 
ary, Anno Damini eighteen liundred and 
seventy-seven ; the President of the Senate 
shall be their presiding officer. Two tellers 
shall be previously appointed on the part 
of the Senate, and two on the part of the 
H )u^e of Representatives, to whom shall 
be handed, as they are opened by the Pre- 
sident of the Senate, all the certificates, 
;ind papers purporting to be certificates, of 
the electoral votes, which certificates and 
•)apers shall be opened, presented and 
acted upon in the alphabetical order of the 
States, beginning with the letter A; and 
said tellers having then read the same in 
presence and hearing of the two Houses, 
shall make a list of the votes as they shall 
appear from the said certificates ; and the 
votes having been ascertained and counted 
as in this act provided, the result of the 
8am<> shall be delivered to the President of 
the Senate, who shall thereupon announce 
the state of the vote, and the names of the 
persons, if any elected, which announce- 
ment shall be deemed a sufficient declara- 
tion of the persons elected President and 
Vice-President of the United States, and, 
together with a list of the votes, be entered 
■on the journals of the Houses. Upon such 
reading of any such certificate or paper 
when there shall only be one return from 
a State, the President of the Senate shall 
call for objections, if any. Every objection 
shall be made in writing, and shall state 
clearly and concisely, and without argu- 
ment, the ground thereof, and shall be 
signed by at least one Senator and one 
Member of the House of Representatives 
before the same shall be received. When 
all objections so made to any vote 
or paper from a State shall have been re- 
ceived and read, the Senate shall there- 
upon withdraw, and such objections shall 
be submitted to the Senate for its decision ; 
and the Sjx'aker of the House of Represen- 
tatives shall, in like manner, submit such 
objections to the House of Representatives 
for its decision ; and no electoral vote or 
votes from any State from which but one 
return has been received shall be rejected, 
except by the affirmative vote of the two 
Houses. When the two Houses have 
votes, they shall immediately again meet, 
and the presiding officer shall then an- 
nounce the decision of the question sub- 
mitted. 

Sec. 2. That if more than one return, or 
paper purporting to be a return from a State, 
shall have been received by the President 
of the Senate, purporting to be the cer- 
tificate of electoral votes given at the last 
preceding election for President and Vice- 
President in such State (unless they shall 
bo duplicates of the same return), all such 
returns and papers shall be opened by him 
in the presence of the two Houses when met 
'IS aforesaid, and read by the tellers, and 



all such returns and papers shall thereupon 
be submitted to the judgment and decision 
as to which is the true and lawful electoral 
vote of such State, of a commission consti- 
tuted as follows, namely : During the ses- 
sion of each House, on the Tuesday next 
preceding the first Thursday in February, 
eighteen hundred and seventy-seven, each 
House shall, by viva voce vote, appoint 
five of its members, with the five associate 
justices of the Supreme Court of the United 
States to be ascertained as hereinafter pro- 
vided, shall constitute a commission for the 
decision of all questions upon or in respect 
of such double returns named in this sec- 
tion. On the Tuesday next preceding the 
first Thursday in February, Anno Domini, 
eighteen hundred and seventy -seven, or as 
soon thereafter as may be, the associate 
justices of the Supreme Court of the United 
States now assigned to the first, third, 
eighth, and ninth circuits shall select, in 
such manner as a majority of them 
shall deem fit, another of the associ- 
ate justices of said court, which five per- 
sons shall be members of said commission ; 
and the person longest in commission of 
said five justices shall be the president of 
said commission. The members of said 
commission shall respectively take and 
subscribe the following oath : " I 



do solemnly swear (or affirm, as the case 
maybe,) that I will impartially examine 
and consider all questions submitted to the 
commission of which I am a member, and 
a true judgment give thereon, agri-eably 
to the Constitution and the laws : so help 
me God ; " which oath shall be filed with 
the Secretary of the Senate. When the 
commission shall have been thus organized, 
it shall not be in the power of either 
House to dissolve the same, or to with- 
draw any of its members ; but if any such 
Senator or member shall die or become 
])hysically unable to perform the duties 
required by this act, the fact of such death 
or physical inability shall be by said 
commission, before it shall proceed fur- 
ther, communicated to the Senate or 
House of Representatives, as the case may 
be, which body shall immediately and 
without debate proceed by viva voce vote 
to fill the place so vacated, and the pereon 
so appointed shall take and subscribe the 
oath hereinbefore prescribed, and become 
a member of said commission ; and in like 
manner, if any of said justices of the Su- 
preme Court shall die or become physically 
incapable of performing the duties re- 
quired by this act, the other of said jus- 
tices, members of the said commission, 
shall immediately appoint another justice 
of said court ameml)er of said (■(.mmission, 
and in like manner, if any cA' said justices 
of the Supreme Court shall die or become 
physically incapable of performing the 
duties required by this act, the other of said 



232 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



justices, members of the said commission, 
shall immediately appoint another justice 
of said court a member of said commission, 
and, ill such appointment, regard shall be 
had to the impartiality and freedom from 
bias sought by the original appointments 
to said commission, who shall thereupon 
immediately take and subscribe the oath 
hereinbeft)re prescribed, and become a 
member of said commission to fill the 
vacancy so occasioned. All the certificates 
and papers purporting to be certificates of 
tho electoral votes of each State shall be 
opened, in the alphabetical order of the 
States, as provided in section one of this 
act ; and when there shall be more than 
one such certificate or paper, as the certifi- 
cates and papeis from such State shall so be 
opened (excepting duplicates of the same 
return), they shall be read by the tellers, 
and thereupon the President of the Senate 
shall call for objections, if any. Every 
objection shall be made in writing, and 
shall state clearly and concisely, and with- 
out argument, the ground thereof, and 
.shall be signed by at least one Senator and 
one member of the House of Representa- 
tives before the same shall be received. 
When all such objections so made to any 
certificate, vote, or paper from a State shall 
have been received and read, all such cer- 
tificates, votes and papers so objected to, 
and all papers accompanying the same, 
together with such objections, shall be 
forthwith submitted to said commission, 
which shall proceed to consider the same, 
with the same powers, if any, now possessed 
for that purpose by the two Houses acting 
separately or together, and, by a majority 
of votes, decide whether any and what 
votes from such State are the votes provid- 
ed for by the Constitution of the United 
States, and how many and what persons 
were duly appointed electors in such State, 
and may therein take into view such peti- 
tions, depositions, and other papers, if any, 
as shall, by the Constitution and now exist- 
ing law, be competent and pertinent in such 
consideration ; which decision shall be 
made in writing, stating briefly the ground 
thereof, and signed by the members of said 
t;ommission agreeing therein ; whereupon 
the two Houses shall again meet, and 
such decision shall be read and entered in 
the journal of each house, and the count- 
ing of the vote shall proceed in conformity 
therewith, unless, upon objection made 
thereto in writing by at least five Senators 
and five members of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, the two Houses shall separately 
concur in ordering otherwise, in which case 
such concurrent order shall govern. No 
votes or papers from any other State shall 
be acted upon until the objections previ- 
ously macfe to the votes or papers from 
any State .shall have been finally disposed 



Sec. 3. That, while the two Houses shall 
be in meeting, as provided in this act, no 
debate shall be allowed and no question 
shall be put by the presiding ofiicer, except 
to either House on a motion to withdraw ; 
and he shall have power to preserve order. 

Sec. 4. That when the two Houses sepa- 
rate to decide upon an objection that may 
have been made to the counting of any 
electoral vote or votes from any State, or 
upon objection to a report of said conlmi^>- 
sion, or other (jucstion arising under thi< 
act, each Senator and Representative may 
speak to such objection or question ten min- 
utes, and not oitener than once; but alter 
such debate shall have lasted two hours, it 
shall be the duty of each House to put the 
main question without further debate. 

Sec. 5. That at such joint meeting of the 
two Houses, seats shall be provided as fol- 
lows : For the President of the Senate, the 
Speaker's chair ; for the Speaker, immedi- 
ately upon his left ; the Senators in the 
body of the hall upon the right of the pre- 
siding otficer ; for the Representatives, in 
the body of the hall not provided for the 
Senators ; for the tellers. Secretary of the 
Senate, and Clerk of the House of Rejire- 
sentatives, at the Clerk's desk ; for the other 
officers of the two Houses, in front of the 
Clerk's desk and upon each side of the 
Speaker's platform. Such joint meeting 
shall not be dissolved until the count of 
electoral votes shall be completed and the 
result declared ; and no recess shall be 
taken unless a question shall have arisen in 
regard to counting any such votes, or other- 
wise under this act, in which case it shall 
be competent for either House, acting sepa- 
rately, in the manner hereinbefore provid- 
ed, to direct a recess of such House not be- 
yond the next day, Sunday excepted, at the 
hour of ten o'clock in the forenoon. And 
while any question is being considered by 
said commission, either House may pro- 
ceed with its legislative or other business. 
Sec. 6. That nothing in this act shall be 
held to impair or affect any right now ex- 
isting under the Constitution and laws to 
question, by proceeding in the judicial 
courts of the United States, the right or 
title of the person who shall be declared 
elected, or who shall claim to be President 
or Vice-President of the United States, if 
any such light exists. 

Sec. 7. That said commission shall make 
its own rules, keep a record of its proceed- 
ings, and shall have power to employ such 
persons as may be necessarv for the trans- 
action of its business and the execution of 
its powers. 

Approved, January 29, 1877. 



Members of tlie Commission. 

Hon. Nathan Clifford, Associate Ji**- 
tice Suprane Court, First Circuit. 



THE TITLE OF PRESIDENT HAYES. 



233 



Hon. William Stuo:^q, Associate Justice 
Supreme Court, Third Circuit. 

Hon. Samuel F. Miller, Associate 
Justice Supreme Court, Eighth Circuit. 

Hon. Stephen J. Field, Associate Jus- 
tice Supreme Court, Ninth Circuit. 

Hon. Joseph P. Bradley, Associate 
Justice Supreme Court, Fifth Circuit. 

Hon. George F. Edmunds, United 
States Senator. 

Hon. Oliver P. Morton, United States 
Senator. 

Hon. Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, 
United States Senator. 

Hon. Allen G. Thurman, United 
States Senator. 

Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, United States 
Senator. 

Hon. Henry B. Payne, United States 
Representative. 

Hon. Eppa Hunton, United States Rep- 
resentative. 

Hon. JosiAH G. Abbott, United States 
Representative. 

Hon, James A. Garfield, United States 
Representative. 

Hon. George F. Hoar, United States- 
Representative. 

The Electoral Commission met Febru- 
ary 1st, and by uniform votes of 8 to 7, de- 
cided all objections to the Electoral votes 
of Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and 
Oregon, in favor of the Republicans, and 
while the two Houses disagreed on nearly 
all of these points by strict party votes, the 
electoral votes were, under the provisions 
of the law, given to Hayes and Wheeler, 
and the final result declared to be 185 
electors for Hayes and Wheeler, to 184 for 
Tilden and Hendricks. Questions of eligi- 
bility had been raised against individual 
electors from Michigan, Nevada, Pennsyl- 
vania, Rhode Island, Vermont and Wis- 
consin, but the Commi-ision did not sustain 
any of them, and as a rule they were un- 
supported by evidence. Thus closed the 
gravest crisis which ever attended an elec- 
toral count in this country, so far as the 
Nation was concerned ; and while for some 
weeks the better desire to peacefully settle 
all differences prevailed, in a few weeks 
partisan bitterness was manifested on the 
part of a great majority of Northern Demo- 
crats, who believed their party had been 
deprived by a partisan spirit of its right- 
ful President. 



Tile Title of President Hayes. 

The uniform vote of 8 to 7 on all im- 
portant propositions considered by the 
Electoral Commission, to their minds 
showed a partisan spirit, the existence of 
which it was difficult to deny. The action 
of the Republican " visiting statesmen " in 
Louisiana, in practically overthrowing the 



Packard or Republican government there, 
caused distrust and dissatisfaction in the 
minds of the more radical Republicans, 
who contended with every show of reason 
that if Hayes carried Louisiana, Packard 
must also have done so. The only sens blc 
excuse for seating Hayes on the one side 
and throwing out Governor Packard on 
the other, was a patriotic desire for peace 
in the settlement of both Presidential and 
Southern State issues. This desire was 
plainly manifested by President Hayes on 
the day of his inauguration and for two 
years thereafter. He took early occasion 
to visit Atlanta, Ga.,and while at that point 
and en route there made the most concilia- 
tory speeches, in which he called those 
who had engaged in the Rebellion, " broth- 
ers," " gallant soldiers," etc. These speech- 
es excited much attention. They had lit- 
tle if any effect upon the South, while the 
more radical Republicans accused the 
President of " slopping over." They did 
not allay the hostility of the Democratic 
party, and did not restore the feeling in 
the South to a condition better than that 
which it had shown during the exciting 
days of the Electoral count. The South 
then, under the lead of men like Stephens, 
Hill and Gordon, in the main showed every 
desire for a peaceful settlement. As a rule 
only the Border States and Northern Demo- 
crats manifested extreme distrust and bit- 
terness, and these were plainly told by 
some of the leaders from the Gulf States, 
that so far as they were concerned, they 
had had enough of civil war. 

As late as April 22, 1877, the Maryland 
Legislature passed the following : 

Resolved by the General Assemhh/ of 
Maryland, That the Attorney General of 
the State be, and he is hereby, instructed, 
in case Congress shall provide for expe- 
diting the action, to exhibit a bill in the 
Supreme Court of the United States, on 
behalf of the State of Maryland, with 
proper parties thereto, setting forth the 
fact that due effect has not been given to 
the electoral vote cast by this State on the 
6th day of December, 1876, by reason of 
fraudulent returns made from other States 
and allowed to be counted provisionally by 
the Electoral Commission, and subject to 
judicial revision, and praying said court to 
make the revision contem])lated by the act 
establishing said commission ; and upon 
such revision to declare the returns from 
the States of Louisiana and Florida, which 
were counted for Rutherford B. Hayes and 
William A. Wheeler, fraudulent and void, 
and that the legal electoral votes of said 
States were cast for Samuel J. Tilden as 
President, and Thomas A. Hendricks as 
Vice President, and that by virtue there- 
of and of 184 votes cast by other States, 
of which 8 were cast by the State of Mary- 
land, the said Tilden and Hendricks were 



234 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



duly elected, and praying said Court to 
decree accordingly. 

It was this resolution which induced the 
Clafkson N. Potter resolution of investi- 
gation, a resolution the passage of which 
was resisted by the Republicans through 
fi ibustering for many days, but was finally 
passed by 14G Democratic votes to 2 Demo- 
cratic vf)tes (Mills and Morse) against, the 
Republicans not voting. 



Tlie Ciplier Despatches. 

An amendment offered to the Potter 
resolution but not accepted, and defeated 
by the Democratic majority, cited some 
fair specimens of the cipher dispatches 
exposed by the New York Tribune. These 
are matters of historical interest, and con- 
vey information as to the methods which 
politicians will resort to in desperate emer- 
gencies. A\^e therefore quote the more per- 
tinent portions. 

Rf solved, That the select committee to 
whom this House has committed the in- 
vestigation of certain matters affecting, as 
is alleged, the legal title of the President 
of the United States to the high office 
which he now holds, be and is hereby in- 
structed in the course of .its investigations 
to fully inquire into all the facts connected 
with the election in the State of Florida in 
November, 1876, and especially into the 
circumstances attending the transmission 
and receiving of certain telegraphic dis- 
patches sent in said year between Tallahas- 
see in said State and New York City, viz. : 

"Tallahassee, November 9, 1876. 
" A. S. Hewitt, New York : 

"Comply if possible with my telegram. 
" Geo. P. Rarey." 

Also the following : 

"Tallahassee, December 1, 1876. 

"W. T. Pelton, Neiv York: 

" Answer Mac's dispatch immediately, 
or we will be embarrasssed at a critical 
time. Wilkinson Call." 

Also the following : 

" Tallahassee, December 4, 1876. 
" W. T. Pelton : 

" Things culminating here. Answer 
Mac's despatch to-day. W. Call." 

And also the facts connected with all 
telegraphic disi)atches between one John 
F. Coyle and said Pelton, under the lat- 
ter's real or fictitious name, and with any 
and all demands for money on or about 
December 1, 1876, from said Tallahassee, 
on said Pelton, or said Hewitt, or with any 
attempt to corrupt or bribe any official of 
the said State of Florida by any person 



acting for said Pelton, or in the interest of 
Samuel J. Tilden as a presidential candi- 
date. 

Also to investigate the charges of in- 
timidation at Lake City, in Columbia 
county, where Joel Niblack and other 
white men put ropes around the necks of 
colored men and proposed to hang them, 
but released them on their promise to join 
a Democratic club and vote for Samuel J. 
Tilden. 

Also the facts of the election in Jackson 
county, where the ballot-boxes were kept 
out of the sight of voters, who voted through 
openings or holes six feet above the ground, 
and where many more Republican votes 
were thus given into the hands of the De- 
mocratic inspectors than were counted or 
returned by them. 

Also the facts of the election in Waldo 
precinct, in Alachua county, where the 
passengers on an emigrant-train, passing 
through on the day of election, were al- 
lowed to vote. 

Also the facts of the election in Manatee 
county, returning 235 majority for the 
Tilden electors, where there were no county 
officers, no registration, no notice of the 
election, and where the Republican party, 
therefore, did not vote. 

Also the facts of the election in the third 
precinct of Key West, giving 342 Demo- 
cratic majority where tlie Democratic in- 
spector carried the ballot-box home, and 
pretended to count the ballots on the next 
day, outside of the precinct and contrary 
to law. 

Also the facts of the election in Hamil- 
ton, where the election-officers exercised 
no control over the ballot-box, but left it 
in unauthorized hands, that it might be 
tampered with. 

Also the reasons why the Attorney- 
General of the State, Wm. Archer Cocke, 
as a member of the Canvassing Board, offi- 
cially advised the board, and himself voted, 
to exclude the Hamilton county and Key 
West precinct returns, thereby giving, in 
any event, over 500 majority to the Re- 
publican electoral ticket, and afterwards 
protested against the result which he had 
voted for, and whether or not said Cocke 
was afterward rewarded for such protest 
by being made a State Judge. 

OREGON. 

And that said committee is further in- 
structed and directed to investigate into 
all the facts connected with an alleged at- 
tempt to secure one electoral vote in the 
State of Oregon for Samuel J. Tilden for 
President of the United States, and Thom- 
as A. Hendricks for Vice-President, by un- 
lawfully setting up the election of E. A. 
Cronin as one of such presidential electors 
elected from the State of Oregon on the 
7th of November, the candidates for the 



THE CIPHER DESPATCHES. 



235 



prL'>itIeruial electors on the two tickets be- 
ing as follows : 

On the Fvepublican ticket: W. C. Odell, 
J. C. Carhvright, and John W. Watts. 

On the Democratic ticket : E. A. Cronin, 
W. A. Laswell, and Henry Klippel. 

The votes received by each candidate, as 
shown by the official vote as canvassed, 
declared, and certified to by the Secretary 
of State under the seal of the State, — the 
Secretary being under the laws of Oregon 
sole canvassing-officer, as will be shown 
hereafter, — being as follows : 

W. K. Odell received 15,206 votes 

John C. Cartwright received.... 15,214 " 

John W. Watts received 15,206 " 

E. A. Cronin received 14,157 " 

W. A. Laswell receiyed 14,149 " 

Henry Klippel received 14,136 " 

And by the unlawful attempt to bribe one 
of said legally elected electors to recognize 
said Cronin as an elector for President and 
Vice-President, in order that one of the 
electoral votes of said State might be cast 
for said Samuel J.Tilden as President and 
for Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice-Presi- 
dent ; and especially to examine and inquire 
into all the facts relating to the sending of 
money from New York to some place in 
said Oregon for the purposes of such 
bribery, the parties sending and receiving 
the same, and their relations to and 
agency for said Tilden, and more particu- 
larly to investigate into all the circum- 
stances attending the transmission of the 
following telegraphic despatches : 

"Portland, Oregon, Nov. 14, 1876. 

*' Gov. L. F. Groveu : 

" Come down to-morrow if possible. 
" W. H. Effinger, 

" A. NOLTNER, 

" C. P. Bellinger." 

" Portland, November 16, 1876. 

•" To Gov. Grover, Sale7n ; 

" We want to see you particularly on 
account of despatches from the East. 

" William Strong, S. H. Reed, 
"C.P.Bellinger, W.W.Thayer, 
" C. E. Bronaugh." 

Also the following cipher despatch sent 
from Portland, Oregon, on the 28th day of 
November, 1876, to New York City : 

" Portland, Noveviber 28, 1876. 
"To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramerci/ Park, 
New York : 

" By vizier association innocuous negli- 
gence cunning minutely previously read- 
mit doltish to purchase afar act with 
cunning afar sacristy unweighed afar 
pointer tigress cattle superannuated sylla- 
bus dilatoriness misapprehension contra- 
band Kountz bisulcuous top usher spinifer- 
ous answer. J. H. N. Patrick. 



" I fully endorse this. 

" James K. Kelly." 

Of which, when the key was discovered, 
the following was found to be the true in- 
tent and meaning: 

" Portland, November 28, 1876. 
" To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park, 

New York: 

" Certificate will be issued to one Demo- 
crat. Must purchase a Republican elector 
to recognize and act with Democrats and 
secure the vote and prevent trouble. De- 
posit $10,000 to my credit with Kountz 
Brothers, Wall Street. Answer. 

J. H. N. Patrick. 

" I fuUv endorse this. 

"James K. Kelly." 

Also the following : 

" New York, November 25, 1876. 

"A. Bush, Salem: 

" Use all means to prevent certificate. 
Very important. C. E. Tilton." 

Also the following : 

" December 1, 1876. 

" To Hon. Sam. J. Tilden, No. 15 Gra- 
mercy Park, New York : 

" I shall decide every point in the case 
of post-office elector in favor of the highest 
Democratic elector, and grant certificate 
accordingly on morning of 6th instant. 
Confidential. Governor." 

Also the following : 

" San Francisco, December 5. 
" Ladd & Bush, Salem : 

" Funds from New York will be de- 
posited to your credit here to-morrow when 
bank opens. I know it. Act accordingly. 
Answer. W. C. Griswold." 

Also the following, six days before the 
foregoing : 

" New York, November 29, 1876. 
" To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland, Oregon : 

" Moral hasty sideral vizier gabble cramp 
by hemistic welcome licentiate muskeete 
compassion neglectful recoverable hathouse 
live innovator brackish association dime 
afar idolator session hemistic mitre." 

[No signature.] 

Of which the interpretation is as follows; 

" New York, November 29, 1876. 
" To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland, Oregon : 
" No. How soon will Governor decide 
certificate? If you make obligation con- 
tingent on the result in March, it can be 
done, and slightly if necessary." 

[No signature.] 

Also the following, one day latt-r : 



236 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



" Portland, November 30, 1876. 

" To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Ch-amercy Park, 

New York : 

"Governor all right without reward. 
Will issue certificate Tuesday. This is a 
secret. Republicans threaten if certificate 
issued to ignore Democratic claims and fill 
vacancy, and thus defeat action of Gover- 
nor. One elector must be paid to recog- 
nize Democrat to secure majority. Have 
employed three lawyers, editor of only Re- 
publican paper as one lawyer, fee $3,000. 
Will take $5,000 for Republican elector; 
must raise money ; can't make fee contin- 
gent. Sail Saturday. Kelly and Bellin- 
ger will act. Communicate with them. 
Must act promptly." (No signature]. 

Also the following : 

" San Francisco, December 5, 1876. 

" To Kountze Bros., No. 12 Wall St., New 

York : 

" Has my account credit by any funds 
lately ? How much ? 

" J. H. N. Patrick." 

Also the following : 

" New York, December 6. 
" J. H. N. Patrick, San Francisco : 

" Davis deposited eight thousand dollars 
December first. Kountze Bros." 

Also the following : 

" San Francisco, December 6. 
" To James K. Kelly : 

"The eight deposited as directed this 
morning. Let no technicality prevent 
winning. Use your discretion." 

[No signature.] 

And the following : 

"New York, December 6. 
"Hon. Jas. K. Kelly: 

"Is your matter certain? There must 
be no mistake. All depends on you. Place 
no reliance on any favorable report from 
three southward. Sonetter. Answer quick." 

[No signature.] 

Also the following: 

"December 6, 1876. 
"To Col. W. T. Pelton, 15 Oramercy 
Park, N. Y. : 

"Glory to God! Hold on to the one 
vote in Oregon! I have one hundred 
thousand men to back it up ! 

" Corse." 

And said committee is further directed 
to inquire into and bring to light, so far as it 
may be possible, the entire correspondence 
and conspiracy referred to in the above 
telegraphic despatches, and to ascertain 
\vliat were the relations existing between 
air» of the parties sending or receiving said 



despatches and W. T. Pelton, of New York, 
and also what relations existed between 
said W. T. Pelton and Samuel J. Tilden, of 
New York. 

April 15, 1878, Mr. Kimmel introduced 
a bill, which was never finally acted upon, 
to provide a mode for trying and deter- 
mining by the Supreme Court of the United 
States the title of the President and Vice- 
President of the United States to take their 
respective offices when their election to 
such offices is denied by one or more of the 
States of the Union. 

The question of the title of Presideni 
was finally settled June 14, 1878, by the 
following report of the House Judiciary 
Commitee : 



Report ot the Judiciary Committee. 

June 14 — Mr. Hartridge, from the 
Committee on the Judiciary, made the fol- 
lowing report: 

The Committee on the Judiciary, to 
whom were referred the bill (II. R. No. 
4315) and the resolutions of the Legisla- 
ture of the State of Maryland directing 
judicial proceedings to give effect to the 
electoral vote of that State in the last elec- 
tion of President and Vice-President of 
the United States, report back said bill 
and resolutions with a recommendation 
that the bill do not pass. 

Your committee are of the opinion that 
Congress has no power, under the Consti- 
tution, to confer upon tlie Supreme Court 
of the United States the original juris- 
diction sought for it by this bill. The 
only clause of the Constitution which 
could be plausibly invoked to enable Con- 
gress to provide the legal machinery ibr 
the litigation proposed, is that which gives 
the Supreme Court original jurisdiction 
in " cases " or " controversies " between a 
State and the citizens of another State. 
The committee are of the opinion that this 
expression " cases " and " controversies " 
was not intended by the franiers of the 
Constitution to embrace an original pro- 
ceeding by a State in the Supreme Court 
of the United States to oust any incum- 
bent from a political office filled by the de- 
claration and decision of the two Houses 
of Congress clothed with the constitutional 
power to count the electoral votes and de- 
cide as a final tribunal upon the election 
for President and Vice-President. The 
Forty-fourth Congress selected a commis- 
sion to count the votes for President and 
Vice-President, reserving to itself the rigut 
to ratify or reject such count, in the wny 
prescribed in the act creating such com- 
mission. By the joint action of the two 
Houses it ratified the count made by the 
commission, and thus made it the expres- 
sion of its own judgment. 

All the l~>c"i.art;!n-7it> of the Federal 



THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION, 



237 



Government, all the State governments in 
their relations to Federal authority, for- 
eign nations, the people of the United 
States, all the material interests and indus- 
tries of the country, have acquiesced in, 
and acted in accordance with, the pro- 
nounced finding of that Congress. In the 
opinion of this committee, the present 
Congress has no power to undo the work 
of its predecessor in counting the electoral 
vote, or to confer upon any judicial tri- 
bunal the right to pass upon and perhaps 
set aside the action of that predecessor in 
reference to a purely political question, the 
decision of which is confided by the Con- 
stitution in Congress. 

But apart from these fundamental ob- 
jections to the bill under consideration, 
there are features and provisions in it 
which are entirely impracticable. Your 
committee can find no warrant of authority 
to summon the chief-justices of the 
supreme courts of the several States to sit 
at Washington as a jury to try any case, 
however grave and weighty may be its 
nature. The right to summon must carry 
with it the power to enforce obedience to 
tha mandate, and the Committee can see 
no means by which the judicial officers of 
a State can be compelled to assume the 
functions of jurors in the Supreme Court 
of the United States. 

There are other objections to the prac- 
tical working of the bill under considera- 
tion, to which we do not think it necessary 
to refer. 

It may be true that the State of Mary- 
land has been, in the late election for 
President and Vice-President, deprived of 
her just and full weight in deciding who 
were legally chosen, by reason of frauds 
perpetrated by returning boards in some 
of the States. It may also be true that 
these friudulent acts were countenanced 
or encouraged or participated in by some 
who now enjoy high offices as the fruit of 
such frauds. It is due to the present gen- 
eration of the people of this country and 
their posterity, and to the principles on 
which our Government is founded, thit 
all evidence tending to establish the fact 
of .such fraudulent practices should be 
c ilmlv, carefully, and rigorouslv examined. 

But your committee are of the opinion 
that the consequence of such examination, 
if it disrloses guilt upon the part of any in 
high otfioial position, should not be an ef- 
fort to set aside the judj^ment of a former 
C->n:i:ress as to the election of a President 
and Vice-President, but should be confined 
to the punishment, by legal and constitu- 
tional means, of the oflenders, and to the 
preservation and perpetmtion of the evi- 
dences of their guilt, so that the American 
people may be protected from a recurrence 
of the crime. 

Your committee, therefore, recommend 



the adoption of the accompanying resolu- 
tion : 

Resolved, That the two Houses of the 
Forty- fourth Congress having counted the 
votes cast for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent of the United States, and having de- 
clared Rutherford B. Hayes to be elected 
President, and William A. Wheeler to be 
elected Vice-President, there is no power 
in any subsequent Congress to reverse that 
declaration, nor can any such power be 
exercised by the courts of the United 
States, or any other tribunal that Congress 
can create under the Constitution. 



We agree to the foregoing report so far 
as it states the reasons for the resolution 
adopted by the committee, but dissent from 
the concluding portion, as not having re- 
ference to such reasons, as not pertinent 
to the inquiry before us, and as giving an 
implied sanction to the propriety of the 
pending investigation ordered by a ma- 
jority vote of the Houseof Representatives, 
to which we were and are opposed. 

Wm. p. Frye. 
O. D. Conger. 
E. G. Lapham. 

Leave was given to Mr. Knott to pre- 
sent his individual views, also to Mr. But- 
ler (the full committee consisting of 
Messrs. Knott, Lynde, Harris, of Virginia, 
Hartridge, Sfenger, McMahon, Culberson, 
Frye, Butler, Conger, Lapham.) 

The question being on the resolution re- 
ported by the committee, it was agreed to 
— yeas 235, nays 14, not voting 42. 



The Hayes Admluistrationi. 

It can be truthfully said that from the 
very beginning the administration of Pre- 
sident Hayes had not the cordial support 
of the Republican party, nor was it solidly 
opposed by the Democrats, as was the last 
administration of General Grant. His 
early withdrawal of the troops from the 
Southern States, — and it was this with- 
drawal and the suggestion of it from the 
" visiting statesmen " which overthrew the 
Packard government in Louisiana, — em- 
bittered the hostility of many radical Re- 
publicans. Senator Conkling was conspi- 
cuous in his opposition, as was Logan of 
Illinois; and when he reached Washing- 
ton, the younger Senator Cameron, of 
Pennsylvania. It was during this admi- 
nistration, and because of its conservative 
tendencies, that these three leaders formed 
the purpose to bring Grant again to the 
Presidency. Yet the Hayes' administra- 
tion was " not always conservative, and 
many Republicans believed that its mode- 
ration had afforded a much needed breath- 
ing spell to the country. Toward its close 
all became better satisfied, the radical por- 



288 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



tion by the President's later efTorts to pre- 
vent the intimidation of negro voters in 
the South, a form of intimidation which 
was now accomplished by means of rifle 
clubs, still another advance from the White 
League and the Ku Klux. He made this 
a leading feature in his annual message to 
the Congress which began December 2d, 
1878, and by a virtual abandonment of his 
earlier policy he succeeded in reuniting 
what were then fast separating wings of 
his own party. The conference report on 
the Legislative Appropriation Bill was 
adopted by both Houses June 18th, and 
approved the 21st. The Judicial Expenses 
Bill was vetoed by the President June 23d, 
on the ground that it would deprive him of 
the means of executing the election laws. 
An attempt on the part of the Democrats 
to pass the Bill over the veto failed for 
want of a two-thirds vote, the Repul)licans 
voting solidly against it. June 26th the 
veltoed bill was divided, the second division 
still forbidding the pay of deputy marshals 
at elections. This was again vetoed, and 
the President sent a .special message urging 
the necessity of an appropriation to pay 
United States marshals. Bills were accord- 
ingly introduced, but were defeated. This 
failure to appropriate moneys called for 
continued until the end of the session. 
The President was compelled, therefore, to 
call an extra session, which he did March 
19th, 1879, in words which briefly explain 
the cause : — 

THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 

"The failure of the last Congress to 
make the requisite appropriation for legis- 
lative and judicial purposes, for the ex- 
penses of the several executive departments 
of the Government, and for the support of 
the Army, has made it necessary to call 
a special session of the Forty-sixth Con- 
gress. 

"The estimates of the appropriations 
needed, which were sent to Congress by the 
Secretary of the Treasury at the opening 
of the last session, are renewed, and are 
herewith transmitted to both the Senate 
and the House of Representatives. 

" Regretting the existence of the emer- 
gency which requires a special session of 
Congress at a time when it is the general 
judgment of the country that the public 
welfare will be best promoted by perma- 
nency in our legislation, and by peace and 
rest, I commend these few necessary mea- 
sures to your considerate attention." 

By this time both Houses were Demo- 
cratic. Tn the Senate there were 42 De- 
mocrats, '^3 Republicans and 1 Independent 
(David Davisl. In the House 149 Demo- 
crats, 180 Republicans, and 14 Nationals — 
a name then assumed by the Greenbackers 
and Labor-Reformers. The House passed 
the Warner Silver Bill, providing for the 



unlimited coinage of silver, the Senate Fi- 
nance Committee refused to report it, the 
Chairman, Senator Bayard, having refused 
to report it, and even after a request to do 
so from the Democratic caucus, — a course 
of action which heralded him evory where 
as a " hard-money " Democrat. 

The main business of the extra session 
was devoted to the consideration of the 
Appropriation Bills which the regular ses- 
sion had failed to pass. On all of these 
the Democrats added " riders " for the 
purpose of destroying Federal supervision 
of the elections, and all of these political 
riders were vetoed by President Hayes. 
The discussions of the several measures 
and the vetoes were highly exciting, and 
this excitement cemented afresh the Re- 
publicans, and caused all of them to act in 
accord with the administration. The De- 
mocrats were equally solid, while the Na- 
tionals divided — Forsythe, Gillette, Kelley, 
Weaver, and Yocum generally voting with 
the Republicans; De La Matyr, Steven- 
son, Ladd and Wright with the Demo- 
crats. 

President Hayes, in his veto of the Army 
Appropriation Bill, said : 

" I have maturely considered the im- 
portant questions presented by the bill en- 
titled 'An Act making appropriations lor 
the support of the Army for the fiscal year 
ending June 30, 1880, and for other pur- 
poses,' and I now return it to the House of 
Representatives, in which it originated, 
with my objections to its approval. 

"The bill provides, in the usual form, for 
the appropriations required for the support 
of the Army during the next fiscal year. 
If it contained no other provisions, it would 
receive my prompt approval. It includes, 
however, further legislation, which, at- 
tached as it is to appropriations which are 
requisite for the efficient performance of 
some of the most necessary duties of the 
Government, involves questions of the 
gravest character. The sixth section of the 
bill is amendatory of the statute now in 
force in regard to the authority of j^ersons 
in the civil, military and naval service of 
the United States 'at the place where any 
general or special election is held in any 
State ' This statute was adopted February 
25, 1865, after a protracted debate in the 
Senate, and almost without opposition in 
the House of Representatives, by the con- 
current votes of both of the leading j)oli1 ical 
parties of the country, and became a law 
by the approval of President Lincoln. It 
was re-enacted in 1874 in the Revised Sta- 
tutes of the United States, sections 2002 

and 5528. 

******* 

" Upon the assembling of this Congress, 

in pursuance of a call for an extra session, 

which was made necessary by the failure 

! of the Fortv-fifth Congress to make the 



THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION. 



239 



needlul appropriations for the support of 
the Government, the question was presented 
whether the attempt made in the last Con- 
gress to engraft, by construction, a new 
principle upon the Constitution should be 
persisted in or not. This Congress has 
ample opportunity and time to pass the 
appropriation bills, and also to enact any 
political measures which may be deter- 
mined upon in separate bills by the usual 
and orderly methods of proceeding. But 
the majority of both HouiSes have deemed 
it wise to adhere to the principles asserted 
and maintained in the last Congress by the 
majority of the House of Representatives. 
That principle is that the House of Repre- 
sentatives has the sole right to originate 
bills for raising revenue, and therefore has 
the right to withhold appropriations upon 
which the existence of the Government may 
depend, unless the Senate and the Presi- 
dent shall give their assent to any legisla- 
tion which the House may see fit to attach 
to appropriation bills. To establish this 
principle is to make a radical, dangerous, 
and unconstitutional change in the charac- 
ter of our institutions. Tiie various De- 
partments of the Government, and the 
Army and Navy, are established by the 
Constitution, or by laws passed in pursuance 
thereof. Their duties are clearly defined, 
and their support is carefully provided for 
l)y law. The money required for this pur- 
pose has been collected from the people, 
and is now in the Treasury, ready to be 
paid out as soon as the appropriation bills 
are passed. Whether appropriations are 
made or not, the collection of the taxes 
will go on. The public money will accu- 
mulate in the Treasury. It was not the in- 
tention of the frimers of the Constitution 
that any single branch of the Government 
should have the power to dictate conditions 
upon which this treasure should be applied 
to the purpose for which it was collected. 
Any such intention, if it had been enter- 
tained, would have been plainly expressed 
in the Constitution." 

The vote in the House on this Bill, not- 
withstanding the veto, was 148 for to 122 
against — a party vote, save the division of 
the Na'ioiils, previously given. Not re- 
ceiving a two-third -i vote, the Bill filled. 

The other approoriation bills with po- 
litical riders shared the same fa*^e, as did 
the bi.l to prohibit military interference at 
elections, the modification of the law touch- 
m:r supervisors and marshals at congres- 
sionil election?, etc. The debates on these 
measures were bitterly partism in their 
character, as a few quotations from the 
Congressional Record will show : 

Th3 Republican view was succinctly and 
very eloquently stated by General Garfield, 
when, in his speech of the 29th of March, 
1879, he said to the revolutionary Demo- 
cratic House : 



" The last act of Democratic dominatioa 
in this Capitol, eighteen years ago, waa 
striking and dramatic, perhaps heroic. 
Then the Democratic party said to the Re- 
publicans, ' If you elect the man of your 
choice as President of the United States 
we will shoot your Government to death ; ' 
and the people of this country, refusing to 
be coerced by threats or violence, voted as 
they pleased, and lawfully elected Abra- 
ham Lincoln President of the United 
States. 

"Then your leaders, though holding a 
majority in the other branch of Congress, 
were heroic enough to withdraw from their 
seats and fling down the gage of mortal 
battle. We called it rebellion ; but we 
recognized it as courageous and manly to 
avow your purpose, take all the risks, and 
fight it out on the open field. Notwith- 
standing your utmost efforts to destroy it, 
the Government was saved. Year by year 
since the war ended, those who resisted you 
have come to believe that you have finally 
renounced your purpose to destroy, and are 
willing to maintain the Government. In 
that belief you have been permitted to re- 
turn to power in the two Houses. 

" To-day, after eighteen years of defeat, 
the book of your domination is again 
opened, and your first act awakens every 
unhappy memory and threatens to destroy 
the confidence which your professions of 
patriotism inspired. You turned down a leaf 
of the history that recorded your last act of 
power in 1861, and you have now signal- 
ized your return to power by beginning a 
second chapter at the same page; not this 
time by a heroic act that declares war on 
the battle-field, but you say if all the legis- 
lative powers of the Government do not 
consent to let you tear certain laws out of 
the statute-book, you will not shoot our 
Government to death as you tried to do in 
the first chapter; but you declare that if 
we do not consent against our will, if you 
cannot coerce an independent branch of 
this Government against its will, to allow 
you to tear from the statute-books some laws 
put there by the will of the people, you 
will starve the Government to death. [Great 
apnlause on the Republican side.] 

" Between death on the field and death 
by starvation, I do not know that the 
American people will see any great differ- 
ence. The end, if successfullv reached, 
would be death in either case. Gentlemen, 
you have it in your power to kill this Gov- 
ernment; you have it in your power, by 
withholding these two bills, to smite the 
nerve-centres of our Constitution with the 
paralysis of death ; and you have declared 
your purpose to do this, if you cannot break 
down that fundamental element of free 
consent which up to this hour has always 
ruled in the legislation of this Govern- 
ment." 



24U 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



The Democratic view was ably given by 
Representative Tucker of Virginia, April 
3, 1879 : " I tell you, gentlemen of the 
House of Representatives, the Army dies 
on the oOfh dai/ ■>/ June, unless we resuscitate 
it by legislation. And what is the (juestion 
here on this bill ? Will you resuscitate the 
Army after the 30th of June, with the 
power to use it as keepers of the polls ? 
That is the question. It is not a question | 
of repeal. It is a que-tion of re-enact- 
ment. If you do not appropriate this 
money, there will be no Army after the 
30th of June to be used at the polls. The 
only way to secure an Army at the polls is 
to appropriate the money. Will you ap- 
propriate the money for the Army in order 
that they may be used at the polls f We say 
no, a thousand times no. * * * The 
gentlemen on the other side say there must 
be no coercion. Of whom ? Of the Presi- 
dent ? But what right has the President 
to coerce us ? There may be coercion one 
way or the other. He demands an uncon- 
ditional supply. Tie say we will give him 
no supply but upon co)iditions. * * * 
When, therefore, vicious laws have fas- 
tened themselves upon the statute-book 
which imperil the liberty of the people, 
this House is bound to say it will appro- 
priate no money to give effect to such laws 
until and except upon condition that they 
are repealed. [Applause on the Demo- 
cratic side.J * -^ We will give him the 
Army on a single condition that it shall 
never be used or be present at the polls 
when an election is held for members of 
this House, or in any presidential election, 
or in any State or municipal election. * * * 
Clothed thus with unquestioned power, 
bound by clear duty, to expunge these vi- 
cious laws from the statute-book, following 
a constitutional method sanctioned by 
venerable precedents in English history, 
we feel that we have the undoubted right, 
and are beyond cavil in the right, in de- 
claring that with our grant of supply there 
must be a cessation of these grievances, 
and we make these appropriations condi- 
tioned on securing a free ballot and fair 
juries for our cit zons." 

The ■'~^enate, July 1, passed the House 
bill placing quinine on the free list. 

The extra session finally passed the Ap- 
propriation bills without riders, and ad- 
journed July 1st, 1879, with the Republi- 
can party far more firmly united than at 
the beginning of the Hayes administra- 
tion. The attempt on the part of the Demo- 
crat:; to pass these political r'ders, and their 
threat, in the words of Garfield, who had 
then succeeded Stevens and Blaine as the 
Republican Commoner of the House, re- 
awakened all the partisan animosities 
which the administration of President 
Hayes had up to that time allayed. Even 
the President caught its spirit, and plainly 



manifested it in his veto messages. It was 
a losing battle to the Democrats, for they 
had, with the view not to " starve the gov- 
ernment," to abandon their position, and 
the temporary demoralization which fol- 
lowed bridged over the questions pertain- 
ing to the title of President Hayes, over- 
shadowed the claims of Tiklen, and caused 
the North to again look with grave con- 
cern on the establishment of Democratic 
power. If it had not been lor this extra 
session, it is asserted and believed by 
many, the Republicans could not have so 
soon gained control of the lower House, 
which they did in the year following; and 
that the plan to nominate General Han- 
cock i'or the Presidency, which originated 
with Senator Wallace of Pennsylvania, 
could not have otherwise succeeded if Til- 
den's cause had not been kept before his 
party, unclouded by an extra session which 
was freighted with disaster to the Demo- 
cratic party. 



The Ifcgro Exodus. 

During this summer political comment, 
long after adjournment, was kept active by 
a great negro exodus from the South to the 
Northwest, most of the emigrants going to 
Kansas. The Republicans ascribed this to 
ill treatment, the Democrats to the opera- 
tions of railroad agents. The people of 
Kansas welcomed them, but other States, 
save Indiana, were slow in their manifes- 
tations of hospitality, and the exodus soon 
ceased for a time. It was renewed in South 
Carolina in the winter of 1881-82, the de- 
sign being to remove to Arkansas, but at 
this writing it attracts comparatively little 
notice. The Southern journals generally 
advise more liberal treatment of the blacks 
in matters of education, labor contracts, 
etc., while none of the Northern or W^est- 
ern States any longer make efforts to get 
the benefit of their labor, if indeed they 
ever did. 



Closing Hours of the Hayes Administra- 
tion. 

At the regular session of Congress, which 
met December 1st, 1879, President Hayes 
advised Congress against any further legis- 
lation in reference to coinage, and favored 
the retirement of the legal tenders. 

The most important political action ta- 
ken at this session was the passage, for 
Congress was still Democratic, of a law to 
nrevent the use of the army to keep the 
peaio at the polls. To this was added the 
G.vrfie'.d proviso, that it should not be con- 
strued to prevent the Constitutional use of 
the army to suppress domestic violence in 
a State — a proviso which in the view of 
the Republicans rid the bill of material 
partisan objections, and it was therefore 



CLOSING HOURS OF HAYES' ADMINISTRATION. 



241 



passed and approved. The " political ri- 
ders " were again added to the Appropria- 
tion and Deficiency bills, but were again 
vetoed and failed in this form to become 
laws. Uj^on these questions President 
Hayes showed much firmness. During the 
session the Democratic opposition to the 
General Election Law was greatly tem- 
pered, the Supreme Court having made an 
important decision, which upheld its con- 
stitutionality. Like all sessions under the 
administration of President Hayes and 
since, nothing was done to provide perma- 
nent and safe methods for completing the 
electoral count. On this question each 
party seemed to be afraid of the other. 
The session adjourned June 16th, 1880. 

The second session of the 46th Congress 
began December 1st, 1880. The last an- 
nual message of President Hayes recom- 
mended the earliest practicable retirement 
of the legal-tender notes, and the niainte- 
nance of the present laws for the accumula- 
tion of a sinking fund sufficient to extin- 
guish the public debt within a limited peri- 
od. The laws against polygamy, he said, 
should be firmly and effectively executed. 
In the course of a lengthy discussion of 
the civil service the President declared 
that in his opinion " every citizen has an 
equal right to the honor and profit of en- 
tering the public service of his country. 
The only just ground of discrimination is 
the measure of character and capacity he 
has to make that service most useful to the 
people. Except in cases where, upon just 
and recognized principles, as ujjon the 
theory of pensions, offices and promotions 
are bestowed as rewards for past services, 
their bestowal upon any theory which dis- 
regards personal merit is an act of injus- 
tice to the citizen, as well as a breach of 
that trust subject to which the appointing 
power is held. Considerable space was 
given in the Message to the condition of 
the Indians, the President recommending 
the passage of a law enabling the govern- 
ment to give Indians a title-fee, inaliena- 
ble for twenty-five years, to the farm lands 
assigned to them by allotment. He also 
repeats the recommendation made in a 
former message that a law be passed admit- 
ting the Indians who can give satisfactory 
prool' of having by their own labor sup- 
ported their families for a number of years, 
and who are willing to detach themselves 
fi'om their tribal relations, to the benefit of 
the Homestead Act, and authorizing the 
government to grant them patents contain- 
ing the same provision of inalienability 
for a certain period. 

The Senate, on the 19th, appointed a 
committee of five to investigate the causes 
of the recent negro exodus from the South. 
On the same day a committee was appoint- 
ed by the House to examine into tne> sub- 
ject of an inter-oceanic ship-canal. 

16 



The payment of the award of the Hali- 
fax Fisheries Commission — $5,500,000 — to 
the British government was made by the 
American minister in London, November 
23, 1879, accompanied by a communica- 
tion protesting against the payment being 
understood as an acquiesqence in the re- 
sult of the Commission " as furnishing any 
just measure of the value of a participa- 
tion by our citizens in the inshore fishei'ies 
of the British Provinces." 

On the 17th of December 1879, gold was 
sold in New York at par. It was first sold 
at a premium January 13,1862. It reached 
its highest rate, $2.85, July 11, 1864. 

The electoral vote was counted without 
any partisan excitement or disagreement. 
Georgia's electoral college had met on the 
second instead of the first Wednesday of 
December, as required by the Federal law. 
She actually voted under her old Confed- 
erate law, but as it could not change the 
result, both parties agreed to the count of 
the vote of Georgia " in the alternative," 
i. e. — "if the votes of Georgia were counted 
the number of votes for A and B. for Presi- 
dent and Vice-President would be so 
many, and if the votes of Georgia were not 
counted, the number of votes for A and B. 
for President and Vice-President would be 
so many, and that in either case A and B 
are elected." 

Among the bills not disposed of by this 
session were the electoral count joint rule; 
the funding bill ; the Irish relief bill ; the 
Chinese indemnity bill ; to restrict Chinese 
immigration ; to amend the Constitution 
as to the election of Presidejit ; to regulate 
the pay and number of supervisors of elec- 
tion and special deputy-marshals ; to abro- 
gate the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty ; to pro- 
hibit military interference at elections ; to 
define the terras of office of the Chief Su- 
pervisors of elections ; for the appointment 
of a tariff commission; the political assess- 
ment bill ; the Kellogg-Spofford case ; and 
the Fitz-John Porter bill. 

The regular appropriation bills were all 
completed. The total amount appropria- 
ted was about .$186,000 000. Among the 
special sums voted were $30,000 for the cen- 
tennial celebration of the Yorktown vic- 
tory, and $100,000 for a monument to com- 
memorate the same. 

Congress adjourned March 3d, 1881, and 
President Hayes on the following day re- 
tired from office. The effect of his admin- 
istration was, in a political sense, to 
strengthen a growing independent senti- 
ment in the ranks of the Republicans — an 
element more conservative generally in its 
views than those represented by Conkling 
and Blaine. This sentiment began with 
Bristow, who while in the cabinet made a 
show of seeking out and punishing all cor- 
ruptions in government office or service. 
On this platform and record he had con- 



242 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



tested with Hayes the honors of the Presi- 
dential nominations, and while the latter 
was at the time believed to well represent 
the same views, they were not urgently 
pressed during his administration. Indeed, 
without the knowledge of Hayes, what is 
believed to be a most gigantic " steal," 
and which is now being prosecuted under 
the name of the Star Route cases, had its 
birth, and thrived so well that no import- 
ant discovery was made until the incoming 
of the Garfield administration. The Hayes 
administration, it is now fashionable to 
say, made little impress for good or evil 
upon the country, but impartial historians 
will give it the credit of softening party as- 
perities and aiding very materially in the 
restoration of better feeling between the 
North and South. Its conservatism, al- 
ways manifested save on extraordinary oc- 
casions, did that much good at least. 



Tlie Campaign of 1880. 

The Republican National Convention 
met June 5th, 1880, at Chicago, in the Ex- 
position building, capable of seating 20,000 
people. The excitement in the ranks of 
the Republicans was very high, because of 
the candidacy of General Grant for what 
was popularly called a "third term," 
though not a third consecutive term. His 
three powerful Senatorial friends, in the 
face of bitter protests, had secured the in- 
structions of their respective State Conven- 
tions for Grant. Conkling had done this 
in New York, Cameron in Pennsylvania, 
Logan in Illinois, but in each of the three 
States the opposition was so impressive that 
no serious attempts were made to substi- 
tute other delegates for those which had 
previously been selected by their Congres- 
sional districts. As a result there was a 
large minority in the delegations of these 
States opposed to the nomination of Gene- 
ral Grant, and the votes of them could only 
be controlled by the enforcement of the 
unit rule. Senator Hoar of Massachusetts, 
the President of the Convention, decided 
against its enforcement, and as a result all 
of the delegates were free to vote upon ei- 
ther State or District instructions, or as they 
chose. The Convention was in session three 
days. We present herewith the 



Ballots. 



BALLOTS. 

2 3 



Grant, 304 305 305 305 305 305 
Blaine, 284 282 282 281 281 281 



Sherman, 93 


94 


93 


95 


95 


95 


Edmunds, 34 


32 


32 


32 


32 


31 


Washburne,30 


32 


31 


31 


31 


31 


Windom, 10 


10 


10 


10 


10 


10 


Garfield, 


1 


1 


1 


2 


2 


Harrison, 


1 











Ballots. 7 8 9 10 11 12 

Grant, 305 306 308 305 305 304 

Blaine, 281 284 282 282 281 283 

Sherman, 94 91 90 91 62 93 

Edmunds, 32 31 31 30 31 31 

Washburne,31 32 32 22 32 33 

Windom, 10 10 10 10 10 10 

Garfield, 1112 2 1 

Hayes, 1 2 

Ballots, 13 14 16 16 17 18 

Grant, 305 305 309 306 303 305 

Blaine, 285 285 281 283 284 283 

Sherman, 89 89 88 88 90 92 

Edmunds, 31 31 31 31 31 31 

Washburne,33 35 36 36 34 35 

Windom, 10 10 10 10 10 10 
Garfield, 1 

Hayes, 1 1 

Davis, 1 
McCrary, 1 

Ballots, 19 20 21 22 23 24 

Grant, 305 308 305 305 304 305 

Blaine, 279 276 276 275 274 279 

Sherman, 95 93 96 95 98 93 

Edmunds, 31 31 31 31 31 31 

Washburne,31 35 35 35 36 35 

Windom, 10 10 10 10 10 10 

Garfield, 11112 2 
Hartranft, 1111 

Ballots, 25 26 27 

Grant, 302 303 306 

Blaine, 281 280 277 

Sherman, 94 93 93 

Edmunds, 31 31 31 

Washburne, 36 35 36 

Windom, 10 10 10 

Garfield, 2 2 2 

There was little change from the 27th 
ballot until the 36th and final one, which 
resulted as follows : 

Whole number of votes 755 

Necessary to a choice 378 

Grant 306 

Blaine 42 

Sherman S 

Washburne 5 

Garfield 399 

As shown. General James A. Garfield, 
of Ohio, was nominated on the 36th ballot, 
the forces of General Grant alone remain- 
ing solid. The result was due to a sudden 
union of the forces of Blaine and Sherman,, 
it is believed with the full consent of both,, 
for both employed the same wire leading 
from the same room in Washington in 
telegraphing to their friends at Chicago. 
The object was to defeat Grant. After 
Garfield's nomination there was a tempo- 
rary adjournment, during which the 
friends of the nominee consulted Conkling 
and his leading friends, and the result was 
the selection of General Chester A. Arthur 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880. 



243 



of New York, for Vice-President. The 
object of this selection was to carry New 
York, the great State which was then al- 
most universally believed to hold the key 
to the Presidential position. 

The Democratic National Convention 
met at Cincinnati, June 22d. Tilden had 
up to the holding of the Pennsylvania 
State Convention been one of the most 
prominent candidates. In this Convention 
there was a bitter struggle between the 
Wallace and Randall factions, the former 
favoring Hancock, the latter Tilden. Wal- 
lace, after a contest far sharper than he 
expected, won, and bound the delegation 
by the unit rule. When the National 
Convention met, John Kelly, the Tam- 
many leader of New York, was again 
there, as at St. Louis four years before, to 
oppose Tilden, but the latter sent a letter 
disclaiming that he was a candidate, and 
yet really inviting a nomination on the is- 
sue of " the fraudulent counting in of 
Hayes." There were but two ballots, as 
follows : 

FIRST BALLOT. 



Hancock 171 

Bayard 153i 

Payne 81 

Thurman G?A 

Field 66 

Morrison 62 

Hendricks 46 \ 

Tilden 38 

Ewing 10 

Seymour 8 



Randall 6 

Loveland 5 

McDonald 3 

McClellan 3 

English 1 

Jewett 1 

Black 1 

Lothrop 1 

Parker 1 



SECOND BALLOT. 

Hancock 705 

Tilden 1 

Bayard 2 

Hendricks 30 

Thus General Winfield S. Hancock, of 
New York, was nominated on the second 
ballot. Wm. H. English, of Indiana, was 
nominated for Vice-President. 

The National Greenback-Labor Conven- 
tion, held at Chicago, June 11, nominated 
General J. B. Weaver, of Iowa, for Presi- 
dent, and General E. J. Chambers, of 
Texas, for Vice-President. 

In the canvass which followed, the Re- 
publicans were aided by such orators as 
Conkling, Blaine, Grant, Logan, Curtis, 
Boutwell, while the Camerons, father and 
son, visited the October States of Ohio and 
Indiana, as it was believed that these 
would determine the result, Maine having 
in September very unexpectedly defeated 
the Republican State ticket by a" small ma- 
jority. The Democrats were aided bv 
Bayard, Voorhees, Randall, Wallace, Hill, 
Hampton, Lamar, and hosts of their best 
orators. Every issue was recalled, but for 
the first time in the history of the Repub- 
licans of the West, they accepted the tariff 



issue, and made open war on Watterson's 
plank in the Democratic platform — " a 
tariff for revenue only." Iowa, Ohio, and 
Indiana, all elected the Republican State 
tickets with good margins ; West Virginia 
went Democratic, but the result was, not- 
withstanding this, reasonably assured to 
the Republicans. The Democrats, how- 
ever, feeling the strong personal popularity 
of their leading candidate, persisted with 
high courage to the end. In November 
all of the Southern States, with New Jer- 
sey, California,* and Nevada in the North, 
went Democratic ; all of the others Re- 
publican. The Greenbackers held only a 
balance of power, which they could not 
exercise, in California, Indiana, and New 
Jersey. The electoral vote of Garfield and 
Arthur was 214, that of Hancock and Eng- 
lish 155. The popular vote was Republi- 
can, 4,442,950; Democratic, 4,442,035; 
Greenback or National, 306,867 ; scatter- 
ing, 12,576. The Congressional elections 
in the same canvass gave the Republicans 
147 members ; the Democrats, 136 ; Green- 
backers, 9 ; Independents, 1. 

Fifteen States elected Governors, nine 
of them Republicans and six Democrats. 

General Garfield, November 10, sent to 
Governor Foster, of Ohio, his resignation 
as a Senator, and John Sherman, the 
Secretary of the Treasury, was in the win- 
ter following elected as his successor. 

The third session of the Forty-sixth 
Congress was begun December 6. The 
President's Message was read in both 
Houses. Among its recommendations to 
Congress were the following : To create 
the office of Captain-General of the Army 
for General Grant ; to defend the inviola- 
bility of the constitutional amendments ; 
to promote free popular education by 
grants of public lands and appropriations 
from the United States Treasury ; to ap- 
propriate $25,000 annually for the expen- 
ses of a Commission to be appointed by 
the President to devise a just, uniform, 
and efficient system of competitive exami- 
nations, and to supervise the application 
of the same throughout the entire civil 
service of the government ; to pass a law 
defining the relations of Congressmen to 
appointments to oflBce, so as to end Con- 
gressional encroachment upon the appoint- 
ing power ; to repeal the Tenure-of- office 
Act, and pass a law protecting ofiice- 
holders in resistance to political assess- 
ments ; to abolish the present system of 
executive and judicial government in 
Utah, and substitute for it a government 
by a commission to be appointed by the 
President and confirmed by the Senate, or, 
in case the present government is con- 
tinued, to withhold from all who practice 



• One Democratic elector was defeated, being cut by 
over 500 voters on a local issue. 



244 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



polygamy the right to vote, hold office, and 
sit on juries ; to repeal the act authorizing 
the coinage of the silver dollar of 412^ 
grains, and to authorize the coinage of a 
new silver dollar equal in value as bullion 
with the gold dollar; to take favorable ac- 
tion on the bill providing for the allotment 
of lands on the different reservations. 

Two treaties between this country and 
China were signed at Pekin, November 17, 
1881, one of commerce, and the other se- 
curing to the United States the control and 
regulation of the Chinese immigration. 

President Hayes, February 1, 1881, sent 
a message to Congress sustaining in the 
main the findings of the Ponca Indian 
Commission, and approving its recom- 
mendation that they remain on their reser- 
vation in Indian Territory. The Presi- 
dent suggested that the general Indian 
policy for the future should embrace the 
following ideas : First, the Indians should 
be prepared for citizenships by giving to 
their young of both sexes that industrial 
and general education which is requisite 
to enable them to be self-su])p()rting and 
capable of self-protection in civilized com- 
munities; second, lands should be allot- 
ted to the Indians in severalty, inalienable 
for a certain period ; third, the Indians 
should have a fair compensation for their 
lands not required for individual allot- 
ments, the amount to be invested, with 
suitable safeguards, for their benefit ; 
fourth, with these prerequisites secured, 
the Indians should be made citizens, and 
invested with the rights and charged with 
the responsibilities of citizenship. 

The Senate, February 4, passed Mr. 
Morgan's concurrent resolution declaring 
that the President of the Senate is not in- 
vested by the Constitution of the United 
States with the right to count the votes of 
electors for President and Vice-President 
of the United States, so as to determine 
what votes shall be received and counted, 
or what votes shall be rejected. An 
amendment was added declaring in effect 
that it is the duty of Congress to pass a 
law at once providing for the orderly 
counting of the electoral vote. The House 
concurred February 5, but no action by 
l)ill or otherwise has since been taken. 

Senator Pendleton, of Ohio, December 
1/), 1881, introduced a bill to regulate the 
civil service and to promote the efficiency 
thereof, and also a bill to prohibit Federal 
officers, claimants, and contractors from 
making or receiving assessments or contri- 
butions for political purposes. 

The Burnside Educational Bill passed 
the Senate December 17, 1881. It pro- 
vides that the proceeds of the sale of pub- 
lic land and the earnings of the Patent 
Office shall be funded at four per cent., 
and the interest divided among the States 
in proportion to their illiteracy. An 



amendment by Senator Morgan provides 
for the instruction of women in the State 
agricultural colleges in such branches of 
technical and industrial education as are 
suited to their sex. No action has yet 
been taken by the House. 

On the 9th of February the electoral 
votes were counted by the Vice-President 
in the presence of both Houses, and Gar- 
field and Arthur were declared elected 
President and Vice-President of the United 
States. There was no trouble as to the 
count, and the result previously stated was 
formally announced. 



The Three Per Cent. Fniiding BlU. 

The .3 per cent. Funding Bill passed the 
House March 2, and was on the following 
day vetoed by President Hayes on the 
ground that it dealt unjustly with the Na- 
tional Banks in compelling them to accept 
and employ this security for their circu- 
lation in lieu of the old bonds. This fea- 
ture of the bill caused several of the Banks 
to surrender their circulation, conduct 
which for a time excited strong political 
prejudices. The Republicans in Congres8 
as a rule contended that the debt could 
not be surely funded at 3 per cent. ; that 
3j was a safer figure, and to go below this 
might render the bill of no effect. The 
same views were entertained by President 
Hayes and Secretary Sherman. The Dem- 
ocrats insisted on 3 per cent., until the 
veto, when the general desire to fiind at 
more favorable rates broke party lines, and 
a Sh per cent, funding bill was passed, with 
the feature objectionable to the National 
Banks omitted. 

The Republicans were mistaken in their 
view, as the result proved. The loan was 
floated so easily, that in the session of 1882 
Secretary Sherman, now a Senator, him- 
self introduced a 3 per cent, bill, which 
passed the Senate Feb. 2d, 1882, in this 
shape :— 

Be it enacted, &c. That the Secretary of 
the Treasury is hereby authorized to 
receive at the Treasury and at the office of 
any Assistant Treasurer of the United 
States and at any postal money order of- 
fice, lawful money of the United States to 
the amount of fifty dollars or any multiple 
of that sum or any bonds of the United 
States, bearing three and a-half per cent, 
interest, which are hereby declared valid, 
and to issue in exchange therefore an 
equal amount of registered or coupon 
bonds of the United States, of the denom- 
ination of fifty, one hundred, five hundred, 
one thousand and ten thousand dollars, of 
such form as he may prescribe, bearing in- 
terest at the rate three per centum per 
annum, payable either quarterly or semi- 
annually, at the Treasury of the United 



iliSTURY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 



245 



States. Such bonds shall be exempt from 
all taxation by or under state authority, 
and be payable at the pleasure of the 
United States. " Provided, That the bonds 
herein authorized shall not be called in and 
paid so long as any bonds of the United 
^5tates heretofore issued bearing a higher 
rate of interest than three per centum, and 
w'li ^h shall be redeemable at the pleasure 
of the United States, shall be outstanding 
and uncalled. The last of the said bonds 
originally issued and their substitutes 
under this act shall be first called in and 
this order of payment shall be followed 
until all shall have been paid." 

The money deposited under this act 
shall be promptly applied solely to the re- 
demption of the bonds of the United States 
bearing three and a-half per centum in- 
terest, and the aggregate amount of de- 
posits made and bonds issued under this 
act shall not exceed the sum of two hun- 
dred million dollars. The amount of law- 
ful money so received on deposit, as afore- 
said, shall not exceed, at any time, the 
sum of twenty-five million dollars. Be- 
fore any deposits are received at any pos- 
tal money office under this act, the post- 
master at such offi:;e shall file with the 
Secretary of the Treasury his bond, with 
satisfactory security, conditioned that he 
will promptly transmit to the Treasury of 
the United States the money received by 
him in conformity with regulations to be 
prescribed by such secretary ; and the de- 
posit with any postmaster shall not at any 
time, exceed the amount of his bond. 

Sectiox 2. Any national banking asso- 
ciation now organized or hereafter or- 
ganized desiring to withdraw its circulat- 
ing notes upon a deposit of lawful money 
with the Treasury of .the United States as 
provided in section 4 of the Act of June 
20, 1874, entitled " An act fixing the 
amount of United States notes providing 
for a redistribution of National bank cur- 
rency and for other purposes," shall be re- 
quired to give thirty days' notice to the 
Controller of the Currency of its intention 
to deposit lawful money and withdraw its 
circulating notes ; provided that not more 
than five million of dollars of lawful 
money shall be deposited during any cal- 
ender month for this purpose ; and pro- 
vided further, that the provisions of this 
section shall not apply to bonds called for 
redemption by the Secretary of the Trea- 
sury. 

Sectiont 3. That nothing in this act 
shall be so construed as to authox'ize an in- 
crease of the public debt. 

In the past few years opinions on the 
rates of interest have undergone wonderful 
changes. ]\Iany supposed — indeed it was 
a "standard" argument — that rates must 
ever be higher in new than old countries, 
that these higher rates comported with and 



aided the higher rates paid for commodi- 
ties and labor. The funding operations 
since the war have dissipated this belief, 
and so shaken political theories that no 
party can now claim a monopoly of sound 
financial doctrine. So high is the credit 
of the government, and so abundant are 
the resources of our people after a com- 
paratively short period of general prosper- 
ity, that they seem to have plenty of sur- 
plus funds with which to aid any funding 
operation, however low the rate of interest, 
if the government — State or National — 
shows a willingness to pay. As late as 
February, 1882, Pennsylvania funded seven 
millions of her indebtedness at 3, 3J and 4 
per cent., the two larger sums commanding 
premiums sufficient to cause the entire 
debt to be floated at a little more than 3 
per cent., and thus floating commands an 
additional premium in the money ex- 
changes. 



History of tlie National Loans. 

In Book VII of this volume devoted to 
Tabulated History, we try to give the read- 
er at a glance some idea of the history of 
our National finances. An attempt to go 
into details would of itself fill volumes, for 
no class of legislation has taken so much 
time or caused such a diversity of opinion. 
Yet it is shown, by an admirable review of 
the loans of the United States, by Rafael 
A. Bayley, of the Treasury Department 
published in the February (1882) number 
of the International Review, that the "finan- 
cial system of the government of the 
United States has continued the same from 
its organization to the present time." Mr. 
Bayley has completed a history of our Na- 
tional Loans, which will be published in 
the Census volume on " Public Debts." 
From his article in the Review we con- 
dense the leading facts bearing on the his- 
tory of our national loans. 

The financial system ofthe United States, 
in all its main features, is simple and well 
defined, and its very simplicity may proba- 
bly be assigned as the reason why it ap- 
pears so difficult of comprehe ision by 
many people of intelligence and education. 
It is based upon the principles laid down 
by Alexander Hamilton, and the practical 
adoption ofthe fundamental maxim which 
he regarded as the true secret for render- 
ing public credit immortal, viz., " that the 
creation of the debt should always be ac- 
companied with the means of extinguish- 
ment." A foithful adherence to this sys- 
tem by his successors has stood the test of 
nearly a century, with the nation at peace 
or at war, in prosperity or adversity ; so 
that, with all the change that progress has 
entailed upon the people of the age, no 
valid grounds exist for any change here. 

" During the colonial period, and under 



246 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



the confederation, the financial operations 
of the Government were based on the law 
of necessity, and depended for success 
upon the patriotism of the people, the co- 
operation of the several States, and the 
assistance of foreign powers friendly to our 
cause. 

" It was the willingness of the people to 
receive the various kinds of paper money 
issued under authority of the Continental 
Congress, and used in payment for services 
and supplies, together with the issue of 
similar obligations by the different States, 
for the redemption of which they assumed 
the responsibility ; aided by the munificent 
gift of money from Louis XVI. of France, 
followed by loans for a large amount from 
both France and Holland, that made vic- 
tory possible, and laid the foundations for 
the republic of to-day, with its credit un- 
impaired, and with securities command- 
ing a ready sale at a high premium in all 
the principal markets of the world. 

" Authorities vary as to the amount of 
paper money issued and the cost of the war 
for independence. On the 1st of Septem- 
ber, 1779, Congress resolved that it would 
' on no account whatever emit more bills 
of credit than to make the whole amount 
of such bills two hundred millions of dol- 
lais.' Mr. Jefferson estimates the value 
of this sum at the time of its emission at 
$36,367,719.83 in specie, and says ; ' If we 
estimate at the same value the like sum of 
$200,000,000 supposed to have been 
emitted by the States, and reckon the 
Federal debt, foreign and domestic, at 
about $43,000,000, and the State debt at 
$25,000,000, it will form an amount of 
$140,000,000, the total sum which the war 
cost the United States. It continued eight 
years, from the battle of Lexington to the 
cessation of hostilities in America. The 
annual expense was, therefore, equal to 
about !|?17,500,000 in specie,' 

" The first substantial aid rendered the 
colonies by any foreign power was a free 
gift of money and military supplies from 
Louis XVI. of France, amounting in the 
aggregate to 10,000,000 livres, equivalent 
to $1,815,000. 

" These supplies were not furnished 
openly, for the reason that France was not 
in a i)osition to commence a war with 
Great Britain. The celebrated Caron de 
Beaumarchais was employed as a secret 
agent, between whom and Silas Deane, as 
the political and commercial agent of the 
United States, a contract was entered into 
whereby the former agreed to furnish a 
large amount of military supplies from the 
arsenals of France, and to receive Ameri- 
can produce in payment therefor. 

" Under this arrangement supplies were 
furnished bv the French Government to 
the amount of 2,000,000 livres. An addi- 
tional 1,000,000 was contributed by tlie 



Government of Spain for the same pur- 
pose, and through the same agency. The 
balance of the French subsidy was paid 
through Benjamin Franklin. In 1777 a 
loan of 1,000,000 livres was obtained from 
the ' Farmers General of France ' under 
a contract for its repayment in American 
tobacco at a stipulated price. From 1778 
to 1783, additional loans were obtained 
from the French King, amounting to 34,- 
000,000 livres. From 1782 to 1789, loans 
to the amount of 9,000,000 guilders were 
negotiated in Holland, through the agency 
of John Adams, then the American Minis- 
ter to the Hague. 

" The indebtedness of the United States 
at the organization of the present form of 
government (including interest to Decem- 
ber 31, 1790) may be briefly stated, as fol- 
lows : 

Foreign debt $11,883,315.96 

Domestic debt 40,256,802.45 

Debt due foreign officers... 198,208.10 
Arrears outstanding (since 

discharged) 450,395.52 

Total $52,788,722.03 

To this should be added the individual 
debts of the several States, the precise 
amount and character of which was then 
unknown, but estimated by Hamilton at 
that time to aggregate about $25,000,000. 

" The payment of this vast indebtedness 
was virtually guarantied by the provisions 
of Article VI. of the Constitution, which 
says : ' All debts contracted, and engage- 
ments entered into, before the adoption of 
this Constitution shall be as valid against 
the Unitedf States under this Constitution 
as under the confederation.' On the 21st 
of September, 1789, the House of Repre- 
sentatives adopted the following resolu- 
tions : 

Resolved, That this House consider an 
adequate provision for the support of the 
public credit as a matter of high import 
ance to the national honor and prosperity. 

Resolved, That the Secretary of the 
Treasury be directed to prepare a plan for 
that purpose, and to report the same to 
this House at its next meeting. 

" In reply thereto Hamilton submitted 
his report on the 9th of January, 1790, in 
which he gave many reasons for assuming 
the debts of the old Government, and of 
the several States, and furnished a plan 
for supporting the public credit. His rec- 
ommendations were adopted, and embodied 
in the act making provision for the pay- 
ment of the debt of the United States, 
approved August 4, 1790. 

"This act authorized a loan of $12,000,- 
000, to be applied to the payment of the 
foreign debt, principal and interest ; a loan 
equal to the full amount of the domestic 
debt, jaayable in certificates issued for its 



HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 



247 



amount according to their specie value, 
and computing the interest to December 
31, 1791, upon such as bore interest; and a 
further loan of $21,500,000, payable in the 
principal and interest of the certificates or 
notes which, prior to January 1, 179(), 
were issued by the respective States as evi- 
dences of indebtedness incurred by them 
for the expenses of the late war. ' In the 
case of the debt of the United States, in- 
terest upon two-thirds of the principal 
only, at 6 per cent., was immediately paid ; 
interest upon the remaining third was de- 
ferred for ten years, and only three per 
cent, was allowed upon the arrears of in- 
terest, making one-third of the whole debt. 
In the case of the separate debts of the 
States, interest upon four-ninths only of 
the entire sum was immediately paid ; in- 
terest upon two-ninths was deferred for ten 
years, and only 3 per cent, allowed on three- 
ninths.' Under this authority 6 per cent, 
stock was issued to the amount of $30,060,- 
511, and deferred 8 per cent, stock, bear- 
ing interest from January 1, 1800, amount- 
ing to $14,635,386. This stock was made 
subject to redemption by payments not ex- 
ceeding, in one year, on account both of 
principal and interest, the proj^ortion of 
eight dollars upon a hundred of the sum 
mentioned in the certificates ; $19,719,237 
was issued in 3 per cent, stock, subject to 
redemption whenever provision should be 
made by law for that purpose. 

" The money needed for the payment of 
the principal and interest of the foreign 
debt was procured by new loans negotiated 
in Holbmd and Antwerp to the amount of 
$9,-400,0i)0, and the issue of new stock for 
the balance of $2,024,900 due on the 
French debt, this stock bearing a rate of 
interest one-half of one per cent, in ad- 
vance of the rate previously paid, and re- 
deemable at the pleasure of the Govern- 
ment. Subsequent legislation provided 
for the establishment of a sinking fund, 
under the management of a board of com- 
missioners, consisting of the President of 
the Senate, Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court, Secretary of State, Secretary of the 
Treasury, and Attorney General, for the 
time being, who, or any three of whom, 
were authorized, under the direction of tlie 
President of the United States, to make 
purchases of stock, and otherwise provide 
for the gradual liquidation of the entire 
debt, from funds set apart for this purpose. 
On assuming the position of Secretary of 
the Treasury, Hamilton found himself en- 
tirely without funds to meet the ordinaiy 
expenses of the Government, except by 
borrowing, until such time as the revenues 
from duties on imports and tonnage began 
to come into the Treasury. Under thesu 
circumstances, he was forced to make ar- 
rangements with the Bank of New York 
and the Bank of North America for tem- 



porary loans, and it was from the moneys 
received from these banks that he paid the 
first installment of salary due President 
Washington, Senators, Representatives and 
officers of Congress, during the first ses- 
sion under the Constitution, which began 
at the city of New York, March 4, 1789. 

" The first ' Bank of the United States ' 
appears to have been proposed by Alex- 
ander Hamilton in December, 1790, and it 
was incorporated by an act of Congress, 
approved February 25, 1791, with a capi- 
tal stock of $10,000,000 divided into 25,- 
000 shares at $400 each. The government 
subscription of $2,000,000, under authority 
of the act, was paid by giving to the bank 
bills of exchange on Holland equivalent 
to gold, and borrowing from the bank a 
like sum for ten years at 6 per cent, inter- 
est. The bank went into operation very 
soon after its charter was obtained, and 
declared its first dividend in July, 1792. 
It was evidently well managed, and was of 
great benefit to the Government and the 
people at large, assisting the Government 
by loans in cases of emergency, and forc- 
ing the 'wildcat' banks of the country 
to keep their issues ' somewhere within 
reasonable bounds.' More than $100,000,- 
000 of Government money was received 
and disbursed by it without the loss of a 
single dollar. It made semi-annual divi- 
dends, averaging about 8^ per cent., and 
its stock rose to a high price. The stock 
belonging to the United States was sold 
out at different times at a profit, 2,220 
shares sold in 1802 bringing an advance of 
45 per cent. The government subscription, 
vv ith ten years' interest amounted to $3,200- 
000, while there was received in dividends 
and for stock sold $3,773,580, a profit of 
nearly 28.7 per cent. In 1796 the credit of 
the Government was very low, as shown by 
its utter failure to negotiate a loan for the 
l)urpose of paying a debt to the Bank of 
the United (States for moneys borrowed and 
used, partly to pay the expenses of sup- 
pressing the whisky insurrection in Penn- 
sylvania and to buy a treaty with the 
pirates of Algiers. On a loan authorized 
for $5,000,000, only $80,000 could be ob- 
tained, and this at a discount of 12j per 
cent.; and, there being no other immediate 
resource, United States Bank stock to the 
amount of $1,304,260 was sold at a pre- 
mium of 25 per cent. 

" Under an act approved June 30, 1798, 
the President was authorized to accept 
such vessels as were suitable to be armed 
for the public service, not exceeding twelve 
in number, and to issue certificates, or 
other evidences of the public debt of the 
United States, in payment. Tlie ships 
George Washington, Merrimack, Maryland 
and Patapsco, brig Richmond, and frigates 
Boston, Philadelphia, John Adams, Essex 
and New York, were purchased, and 6 per 



248 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



cent, stock, redeemable at the pleasure of 
Congress, was issued in payment to the 
amount of fe^711,700. 

"The idea of creating a navy by the 
purchase of vessels built by private parties 
and issuing stock in payment therefor, 
seems to have originated with Hamilton. 

" In the years 1797 and 1798 the United 
States, though nominally at peace with all 
the world, was actually at war with France 
— a war not formally declared, but carried 
on upon the ocean with very great viru- 
lence. John Marshall, Elbridge Gerry and 
Charles C. Pinckney were appointed en- 
voys extraordinary to the French Repub- 
lic, with power for terminating all differ- 
ences and restoring harmony, good under- 
standing and commercial and friendly in- 
tercourse between the two nations ; but 
their efforts were in vain, and extensive 
preparations were made to resist a French 
invasion. It was evident that the ordinary 
revenues of the country would be inade- 
quate for the increased expenditure, and a 
loan of $5,000,000 was authorized by an 
act approved July 16, 1798, redeemable at 
pleasure after fifteen years. The rate of 
interest was not specified in the act, and 
the market rate at the time being 8 per 
cent, this rate was paid, and it was thought 
by a committee of Congress that the loan 
was negotiated ' upon the best terms that 
could be procured, and with a laudable 
eye to the public interest. ' A loan of 
$3,500,000 was authorized by an act ap- 
proved May 7, 1800, for the purpose of 
meeting a large deficit in the revenues of 
the preceding year, caused by increased 
expenditures rendered necessary on ac- 
count of the difliculties with France, and 
stock bearing 8 per cent, interest, reim- 
bursable after fifteen years, was issued to 
the amount of $1,481,700, on which a pre- 
mium was realized of nearlj' 5| per cent. 
These are the only two instances in which 
the Government has paid 8 per cent, in- 
terest on its bonds. 

" The province of Louisiana was ceded 
to the United States by a treaty with 
France, April 30, 1803, in payment for 
which 6 per cent, bonds, payable in fifteen 
years, were issued to the amount of $11,- 
250,000, and the balance which the Gov- 
ernment agreed to pay for the province, 
amounting to $3,750,000, was devoted to 
reimbursing American citizens for French 
depredations on their commerce. These 
claims were paid in money, and the stock 
redeemed by purchases made under the di- 
rection of the Commissioners of the Sink- 
ing Fund within twelve years. Under an 
act approved February 11, 1807, a portion 
of the 'old 6 per cent.' and 'deferred 
stocks" was refunded into new stock, bear- 
ing the same rate of interest, but redeema- 
ble at the pleasure of the United States. 
This was done for the purpose of placing 



it within the power of the Government to 
reimburse the amount refunded within a 
short time, as under the old laws these 
stocks could only be redeemed at the rate 
of 2 per cent, annually. Stock was issued 
amounting to $6,294,051, nearly all of 
which was redeemed within four years. 
Under the same act old ' 3 per cent, stock ' 
to the amount of $2,861,309 was converted 
into 6 i^er cents., at sixty-five cents on the 
dollar, but this was not reimbursable with- 
out the assent of the holder until after the 
whole of certain other stocks named in the 
act was redeemed. The stock issued under 
this authority amouifted to $1,859,871. It 
would appear that the great majority of the 
holders of the "' old stock " j)referred it to 
the new. A loan equal to the amount of 
the principal of the public debt reimbursa- 
ble during the current year was authorized 
by an act approved May 1, 1810, and $2,- 
750,000 was borrowed at 6 per cent, interest 
from the Bank of the United States, for the 
purpose of meeting any deficiency arising 
from increased expenditures on account of 
the military and naval establishments. 
This was merely a temporary loan, which 
was repaid the following year. 

" The ordinary expenses for the year 1812 
were estimated by the Committee of Ways 
and Means of the House of Representatives 
at $1,200,000 more than the estimated re- 
ceipts for the same period, and the impend- 
ing war with Great Britain made it abso- 
lutely necessary that some measures should 
be adopted to maintain the public credit, 
and provide the requisite funds for carrying 
on the Government. Additional taxes were 
imposed upon the people, but as these 
could not be made immediately available 
there was no other resource but new loans 
and the issue of Treasury notes. This was 
the first time since the formation of the new 
Government that the issue of such notes 
had been pro])osed, and they were objected 
to as engrafting on our system of finance a 
new and untried measure. 

" Under various acts of Congress ap- 
proved between March 4, 1812, and Feb- 
ruary 24, 1815, 6 per cent, bonds were is- 
sued to the amount of $50,792,674. These 
bonds were negotiated at rates varying from 
20 per cent, discount to par, the net cash 
realized amounting to $44,530,123. A fur- 
ther sum of $4,025,000 was obtained by 
temporary loans at par, of which sum 
$225,000 was for the purpose of repairing 
the public buildings in Washington, dam- 
agecl by the enemy on the night of August 
24, 1814. These 'war loans' were all 
made redeemable at the pleasure of the 
Government after a specified date, and the 
fiiith of the United States was solemnly 
pledged to provide sufficient revenues for 
this purpose. The ' Treasury note system ' 
was a new feature, and its success waa re- 
garded as somewhat doubtful. 



HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 



249 



" Its subsequent popularity, however, 
\ra8 owing to a variety of causes. The 
notes were made receivable everywhere for 
dues and customs, and in payment for pub- 
lic lands. They were to bear interest from 
the day of issue, at the rate of 5 2-5 per 
cent, per annum, and their payment was 
guaranteed by the United Stiites, principal 
and interest, at maturity. They thus fur- 
nished a circulating medium to the coun- 
try, superior to the paper of the suspend- 
ed and doubtful State banks. These 
issues were therefore considered more 
desirable than the issue of additional 
stock, which could be realized in cash 
only by the payment of a ruinous dis- 
count. The whole amount of Treasury 
notes issued during the war period was 
$36,680,794. The Commissioners of the 
Sinking Fund were authorized to provide 
for their redemption by purchase, in the 
same manner as for other evidences of the 
public debt, and by authority of law $10,- 
575,738 was redeemed by the issue of cer- 
tificates of funded stock, bearing interest at 
from 6 to 7 per cent, per annum, redeenaa- 
ble at any time after 1824. 

" During the years 1812-13 the sum of 
$2,984,747 of the old 6 per cent, and de- 
ferred stocks were refunded into new 6 per 
cent, stock redeemable in twelve years ; and 
by an act approved March 31, 1814, Con- 
gress having authorized a settlement of the 
' Yazoo claims ' by an' issue of non-interest- 
bearing stock, payable out of the first re- 
ceipts from the sale of public lands in the 
Missisipi territory, $4,282,037 was issued for 
this purpose. On the 24th of February, 
1815, Secretary Dallas reported to Congress 
that the public debt had been increased, in 
consequence of the war with Great Bri- 
tain, !?68,783,122, a large portion of which 
was due and unpaid, while another con- 
siderahl 'i proportion was fast becoming 
due. Tlieie unpaid or accruing demands 
were in part for temporary loans, and the 
balance for Treasury noxcs either due or 
maturing daily. To provide for their pay- 
ment a new loan for the full amount 
needed was authorized by act of March 3, 
1815, and six per. cent stock redeemable in 
fifteen years, was issued in the sum of 
$12,288,148. This stock was sold at from 
95 per cent, to par, and was nearly all re- 
deemed in 1820 by purchases made by the 
Commissioners of the Sinking Fund. 

" The Government became a stockholder 
in the second Bank of the United States, to 
the amount of 70,000 shares, under the act 
of incorporation, approved April 10, 1816. 
The capital stock was limited to $35,000,000, 
divided into 350,000 s]i;ire-i of $100 each. 
The Government snliscrijition was paid by 
the issue of 5 per cent, stock to the amount 
of $7,000,000, redeemable at the pleasure 
of the Government. This was a profitable 
investment for the United States, as in ad- 



dition to $1,500,000 which the bank paid as a 
bonus for its charter, the net receipts over 
and above disbursements amounted to 
$4,993,167. The available funds in the 
Treasury on the 1st of January, 1820, were 
less than $250,000, and the estimated defi- 
ciency for the year amounted to nearly 
$4,000,000. This state of affairs was owing 
partly to the disastrous effects of the com- 
mercial crisis of 1819, heavy payments for 
the redemption of the public debt, contin- 
ued through a series of years, and large 
outstanding claims, amounting to over 
$30,000,000, resulting from the late war 
with Great Britain. To meet the emer- 
gency, a loan was authorized by act of May 
15, 1820, and $999,999.13 was borrowed at 5 
per cent., redeemable in twelve years, and 
$2,0000,000 at 6 per cent., reimbursable at 
pleasure, this latter stock realizing a pre- 
mium of 2 per cent. By act of March 3, 
1821, 5 per cent, stock amounting to $4,735,- 
276 was issued at a premium of over 5^ per 
cent., and the proceeds used in payment of 
the principal and interest of the public 
debt falling due within the year. 

" An effort was made in 1822 to refund a 
portion of the 6 per cent, war loans of 
1812-14 into 5 per cents., but only $56,705 
could be obtained. Two years later the 
Government was more successful, and, un- 
der the act of Mav 26, 1824, 6 per cent, 
stock of 1813 to the amount of $4,454,728 
was exchanged for new stock bearing 42- 
per cent, interest, redeemable in 1833-34. 
During the same year $5,000,000 was bor- 
rowed at 42" per cent, to provide for the 
payment of the awards made by the Com- 
missioners under the treaty with Spain of 
February 22, 1819, and a like amount, at 
the same rate of interest, to be applied in 
paying off that part of the 6 ])er cent, 
stock of 1812 redeemable the following 
year. The act of March 3, 1825, author- 
ized a loan of $12,000,000, at 4i per cent, 
interest, the money borrowed to be applied 
in jJaying off prior loans, but only $1,539,- 
336 was exchanged for an equal amount of 
6 per cent, stock of 1813. 

" In the year 1836 the United States was, 
for the first time in the history of the coun- 
try, practically out of del)t. Secretary 
Woodbury, in his report of December 8, 
1836, estimated the amount of public debt 
still outstanding at about $328,582, and this 
remained unpaid solely because payment 
had not been demanded, amjile funds to 
meet it having been deposited in the 
United States Bank and loan offices. The 
debt outstanding consisted mainly of un- 
claimed interest and dividends, of claims 
for services and supplies during the Revo- 
lution, and of old Treasury notes, and it is 
supposed that payment of these had not 
been asked for solely because the evidences 
of the debt had been lost or destroyed. 
The estimates showed the probability of a 



250 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



surplus of at least $14,000,000 in the Trea- 
Bury at the close of the year 1836, and this 
estimate proved to be far below the truth. 
In this favorable condition of the public 
finances, Congress adopted the extraordi- 
nary resolution of depositing the surplus 
over $5,000,000 with the several States, and 
under the act of June 23, 1836, surplus 
revenue amounting to $28,101,644.91 was 
•so deposited. 

" In 1837, however, the state of the 
country had changed. The ' flush ' times 
•of 1835 and 1836 had been succeeded by 
extraordinary depression, which ultimately 
j)rotluced a panic. In May most of the 
t)anks suspended specie payments. The 
sales of public lands, and the duties on the 
importations of foreign goods, which had 
helped to swell the balance in the Treasury 
to over $42,000,000, had fallen off enor- 
mously. Even on the goods that were im- 
ported it was difficult to collect the duties, 
for the law compelled them to be paid in 
specie, and specie was hard to obtain. It 
had become impossible not only to pay the 
fourth installment of the surplus at the end 
of 1836 to the several States, but even to 
meet the current expenses of the Govern- 
ment from its ordinary revenues. In this 
■emergency the Secretary of the Treasury 
suggested that contingent authority be 
given the President to cause the issue of 
Treasury notes. This measure was gener- 
ally supported on the ground of absolute 
necessity, as there was a large deficit al- 
ready existing, and this was likely to in- 
crease from the condition of the country at 
that time. The measure was opposed, 
however, by some who thought that greater 
economy in expenditures would relieve 
the Treasury, Avhile others denounced it as 
an attempt "to start a Treasury bank." 

" However, an act was aj^proved October 
12, 1837, authorizing an issue of $10,000,- 
000 in Treasury notes in denomination- 
not less than fifty dollars, redeemable in 
one year from date, with interest at 
rates fixed by the Secretary, not exceed- 
ing 6 per cent. These notes, as usual, 
were receivable in payment of all duties 
and taxes levied by the United States, and 
in payment for public lands. Prior to 
1846, the issue of notes of this character 
amounted to $47,002,900, bearing interest 
at rates varying from one-tenth of one per 
cent, to 6 per cent. To provide in part for 
their redemption, authority was granted 
for the negotiation of several loans, and 
$21,021,094 was borrowed for this purpose, 
bonds being issued for a like sum, bearing 
interest at from 5 to 6 per cent., redeema- 
ble at specified dates. These bonds were 
sold at from 2^ per cent, discount to 3 J per 
cent, premium, and redeemed at from par 
to 191 per cent, advance. 

" War with Mexico was declared May 13, 
1846, and in order to provide against a 



deficiency a further issue of $10,000,000 in 
Treasury notes was authorized by act of 
July 22, 1846, under the same limitations 
and restrictions as were contained in the act 
of October, 1837, except that the authority 
given was to expire at the end of one year 
from the passage of the act. The sum of 
$7,687,800 was issued in Treasury notes, 
and six per cent, bonds having ten years to 
run were issued under the same act to the 
amount of $4,999,149. These were sold at 
a small advance, and redeemed at various 
rates from par to eighteen and two-thirds 
per cent, premium. 

" The expenses incurred on account of 
the war with Mexico were much greater 
than the original estimates, and the failure 
to provide additional revenues sufficient to 
meet the increased demands made a new 
loan necessary, as well as an additional 
issue of notes, wliich had now become a 
popular method of obtaining funds. Under 
the authority granted by act of January 
28, 1847, Treasury notes to the amount of 
$26,122,100 were issued at par, redeemable 
one and two years from date, with interest 
at from 5 2-5 to 6 per cent. More money 
still being needed, a 6 per cent, loan, hav- 
ing twenty years to run, was placed upon 
the market, under the authority of the 
same act, and bonds to the amount of $28,- 
230,350 were sold at various rates, ranging 
from par to 2 per cent, premium. Of this 
stock the sum of $18,815,100 was redeemed 
at an advance of from 11 to 211 per cent., 
the premium paid (exc'usive of commis- 
sions) amounting to $3,466,107. Under 
the act of March 31, 1848, 6 per cent, 
bonds, running twenty years, were issued 
to the amount of $16,O0(),O00, and sold at a 
premium ranging from 3 to 4.05 per cent. 
This loan was made for the same purpose 
as the preceding one, and $7,091,658 was 
redeemed by purchase at an advance 
ranging from 8 to 22.46 per cent., the 
premium paid amounting to $1,251,258. 

" The widespread depression of trade 
and commerce which occurred in 1857 was 
severely felt by the Government, as well as 
by the people, and so great was the de- 
crease in the revenues from customs that it 
became absolutely necessary to provide 
the Treasury with additional means for 
meeting the demands upon it. Treasury 
notes were considered as preferable to a 
new loan, and by the act of December 23, 
1857, a new issue was authorized for such 
an amount as the exigencies of the public 
service might require, but not to exceed at 
any one time $20,000,000, These notes 
were receivable in payment for all debts 
due the United States, including customs, 
and were issued at Various rates of inter- 
est, ranging from 3 to 6 per cent., to the 
amount of $52,778,900, redeemable one 
year from date, the interest to cease at the 
expiration of sixty days' notice after 



HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 



251 



maturity. In May, 1858, the Secretary of 
the Treasury informed Congress that, 
owing to the appropriations having been 
increased by legislation nearly $10,000,000 
over the estimates, while the customs 
revenue had fallen off to a like amount, it 
would be necessary to provide some means 
to meet the deficit. In these circumstances, 
a new loan was authorized by act of June 
14, 1858, and 5 per cent, bonds amounting 
to $20,000,000, redeemable in fifteen years, 
were sold at an average premium of over 
8V per cent. Under the act of December 
17, 1873, $13,957,000 in bonds of the loan 
of 1881, and $260,000 in bonds of a loan of 
19)7, were issued in exchange for a like 
amount of bonds of this loan. 

" The act of June 22, 1860, authorized 
the President to borrow $21,000,000 on the 
credit of the United States, the money to 
be used only in the redemption of Trea- 
sury notes, and to replace any amount of 
such notes in the Treasury which should 
have been paid in for public dues. Only 
$7,022,000 was b(^rrowed at 5 per cent, in- 
terest, the certificates selling at from par 
to 1.45 per cent, premium. The failure to 
realize the whole loan was caused by the 
political troubles which culminated in the 
civil war. In September, bids were in- 
vited for $10,000,000, and the whole amount 
offered was speedily taken. It soon be- 
came evident, however, that war was inevi- 
table, and a commercial crisis ensued, dur- 
ing which a portion of the bidders forfeit- 
ed their deposits, and the balance of the 
loan was withdrawn from the market. Au- 
thority was granted by the act of Decem- 
ber 17, 1860, for a new issue of Treasury 
notes, redeemable in one year from date, 
but not to exceed $10,000,000 at any one 
time, with interest at such rates as might 
be offered by the lowest responsible bid- 
ders after advertisement. An unsuccess- 
ful attempt was made to pledge the receipts 
from the sale of public lands specifically 
for their redemption. The whole amount 
of notes issued under this act was $10,010,- 
900, of which $4,840,000 bore interest at 
12 per cent. Additional offers followed, 
ranging from 15 to 36 per cent., but the 
Treasury declined to accept them. 

" Up to this period of our national exist- 
ence the obtaining of the money necessary 
for carrying on the Government and the 
preservation inviolate of the public credit 
had been comparatively an easy task. The 
people of the several States had contributed 
in proportion to their financial resources ; 
and a strict adherence to the fundamental 
maxim laid down by Hamilton had been 
inaintained by a judicious system of taxa- 
tion to an extent artlply sufficient to pro- 
vide for the redemption of all our national 
securities as they became due. But the 
time had come when we were no longer a 
united people, and the means required for 



defraying the ordinary expenses of the 
Government were almost immediately cur- 
tailed and jeopardized by the attitude of 
the States which attempted to secede. The 
confusion which followed the inauguration 
of the administration of President Lincoln 
demonstrated the necessity of providing 
unusual resources without delay. A sys- 
tem of internal revenue taxation was in- 
troduced, and the tariff adjusted with a 
view to increased revenues from customs. 
As the Government had not only to exist 
and pay its way, but also to provide for an 
army and navy constantly increasing in 
numbers and equipment, new and extiaor- 
dinary methods were resorted to for the 
purpose of securing the money which must 
be had in order to preserve the integrity 
of the nation. Among these were the issue 
of its own circulating medium in the form 
of United States notes* and circulating 
notes, t for the redemption of which the 
faith of the nation was solemnly pledged. 
New loans were authorized to an amount 
never before known in our history, and 
the success of our armies was assured by 
the determination manifested by the peo- 
ple themselves to sustain the Government 
at all hazards. A brief review of the loan 
transactions during the period covered by 
the war is all that can be attempted within 
the limited space afforded this article. The 
first war loan may be considered as having 
been negotiated under the authority of an 
act approved February 8, 1861. The cred- 
it of the Government at this time was very 
low, and a loan of $18,415,000, having 
twenty years to run, with 6 per cent, inter- 
est, could only be negotiated at a discount 
of $2,019,776.10, or at an average rate of 
$89.03 per one hundred dollars. From 
this time to June 30, 1865, Government se- 
curities of various descrijjtions were issued 
under authority of law to the amount of 
$3,888,686,575, including the several issues 
of bonds. Treasury notes, seven-thirties, 
legal tenders and fractional currency. The 
whole amount issued under the same au- 
thority to June30, 1880, was $7,137,646,836, 
divided as follows : 

Six per cent, bonds $1,130,279,000 

Five per cent, bonds 196,118,300 

Temporarv loan certificates.. 969,992,250 

Seven-thirty notes 716,099,247 

Treasurv notes and certifi- 
cates of indebtedness 1,074,713,132 

Old demand notes, legal tend- 
ers, coin certificates and 

fractional currency 3,050,444,907 

Total $7,137,646,836 

"This increase may be readily accounted 
for by the continued issue of legal tenders, 

* Commonly sailed " Greenbacks," or " Legal Ten»ie» 
notes " 
t (tommonly called " National Bank notes." 



252 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



compound interest notes, fractional cur- 
rency and coin certificates, together with a 
large amount of bonds issued in order to 
raise the money necessary to pay for mili- 
tary supplies, and other forms of indebted- 
ness growing out of the war. The rebel- 
lion was practically at an end in May, 
1865, yet the large amount of money re- 
quired for immediate use in the payment 
and disbandment of our enormous armies 
necessitated the still further negotiation of 
loans under the several acts of Congress 
then in force, and it was not until after the 
31st of August, 1865, that our national 
debt began to decrease. At that time the 
total indebtedness, exclusive of the " old 
funded and unfunded debt " of the Revo- 
lution, and of cash in the Treasury, 
amounted to $2,844,646,626.56. The course 
of our financial legislation since that date 
has been constantly toward a reduction of 
the interest, as well as the principal of the 
public debt. 

" By an act approved March 3, 1865, a 
loan of $600,000,000 was authorized upon 
similar terms as had been granted for pre- 
vious loans, with the exception that no- 
thing authorized by this act should be 
made a legal tender, or be issued in smaller 
denominations than fifty dollars. The rate 
of interest was limited to 6 per cent, in 
coin, or 7.3 per cent, in currency, the bonds 
issued to be redeemable in not less than 
five, nor more than forty, years. Authority 
was also given for the conversion of Trea- 
sury notes or other interest-bearing obliga- 
tions into bonds of this loan. An amend- 
ment to this act was passed April 12, 1866, 
authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury, 
at his discretion, to receive any Treasury 
notes or other obligations issued under any 
act of Congress, whether bearing interest 
or not, in exchange for any description of 
bonds authorized by the original act ; and 
also to dispose of any such bonds, either in 
the United States or elsewhere, to such an. 
amount, in such manner, and at such rates 
as he might deem advisable, for lawful 
money, Treasury notes, certificates of in- 
debtedness, certificates of deposit, or other 
representatives of value, which had been or 
might be issued under any act of Congress ; 
the proceeds to be used only for retiring 
Treasury notes or other national obligations, 
provided the public debt was not increased 
thereby. As this was the first important 
measure presented to Congress since the 
close of the war tending to place our secu- 
rities upon a firm basis, the action of Con- 
gress in relation to it was looked forward 
to with a great deal of interest. The dis- 
cussion took a wide range, in which the 
whole financial administration of the Go- 
vernment during the war was reviewed at 
length. After a long and exciting debate 
the bill finally passed, and was approved by 
the President. Under the authority of 



these two acts, 6 per cent, bonds to the 
amount of $958,483,550 have been issued to 
date. These bonds were disposed of at an 
aggregate premium of $21,522,074, and un- 
der the acts of July 14, 1870, and January 
20, 1871, the same bonds to the amount of 
$725,582,400 have been refunded into other 
bonds bearing a lower rate of interest. The 
success of these several loans was remarka- 
ble, every exertion being used to jirovide lor 
their general distribution among the people. 

" In 1867 the first issue of 6 per cent, 
bonds, known as five-twenties, authorized 
by the act of Feb. 25, 1862, became re- 
deemable, and the question of refundirig 
them and other issues at a lower rate of in- 
terest had been discussed by the Secretary 
of the Treasury in his annual reports, but 
the agitation of the question as to the kinds 
of money in which the various obligations 
of the Government should be paid, had so 
excited the apprehension of investors as to 
prevent the execution of any refunding 
scheme. 

" The act to strengthen the public credit 
was passed March 18, 1869, and its effect 
was such as secured to the public the strong- 
est assurances that the interest and princi- 
pal of the public debt outstanding at that 
time would be paid in coin, according to 
the terms of the bonds issued, without any 
abatement. 

" On the 12th of January, 1870, a bill 
authorizing the refunding and consolidation 
of the national debt was introduced in the 
Senate, and extensively debated in both 
Houses for several months, during which 
the financial system i>ursued by the Go- 
vernment during the war was freely re- 
viewed. The adoption of the proposed 
measure resulted in an entire revolution of 
the refunding system, under which the 
public debt of the United States at that 
time was provided for, by the transmission 
of a large amount of debt to a succeeding 
generation. The effect of this attempt at 
refunding the major portion of the public 
debt was far more successful than any si- 
milar effort on the part of any Government, 
so far as known. 

The act authorizing refunding certifi- 
cates convertible into 4 per cent, bonds, 
approved February 20, 1879, was merely 
intended for the benefit of parties of limit- 
ed means, and was simply a continuation 
of the refunding scheme authorized by 
previous legislation. 

" The period covered precludes any at- 
tempt toward reviewing the operation by 
which the immediate predecessor of the 
present Secretary reduced the interest on 
some six hundred millions of 5 and 6 per 
cent, bonds to So per cent. It is safe to say, 
however, that under the administration of 
the present Secretary there will be no de- 
viation from the original law laid down by 
Hamilton. 



REPUBLICAN FACTIONS. 



253 



James A. Garfield. 

James A. Garfield and Chester A. Ar- 
thur were publicly inaugurated President 
and Vice President of the United States 
March 4, 1881. 

President Garfield in his inaugural ad- 
dress promised full and equal protection of 
the Constitution and the laws for the negro, 
advocated universal education as a safe- 
guard of suffrage, and recommended such 
an adjustment of our monetary system 
"that the purchasing power of every coined 
dollar will be exactly equal to its debt- 
paying power in all the markets of the 
world." The national debt should be re- 
funded at a lower rate of interest, without 
compelling the withdrawal of the National 
Bank notes, polygamy should be prohibit- 
ed, and civil service regulated by law. 

An extra session of the Senate was 
opened March 4. On the 5th, the follow- 
ing cabinet nominations were made and 
confirmed: Secretary of State, James G. 
Blaine, of Maine ; Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, William Windom, of Minnesota; 
Secretary of the Navy, William H. Hunt, 
of Louisiana ; Secretary of War, Kobert 
T. Lincoln, of Illinois ; Attorney General, 
Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania ; Post- 
master General, Thomas L. James, of New 
York ; Secretary of the Interior, Samuel 
J. Kirkwood, of Iowa. 

In this extra session of the Senate Vice 
President Arthur had to employ the cast- 
ing vote on all questions where the parties 
divided, and he invariably cast it on the 
side of the Republicans. The evenness of 
the parties caused a dead-lock on the ques- 
tion of organization, for when David Davis, 
of Illinois, voted with the Democrats, the 
Republicans had not enough even with the 
Vice President, and he was not, therefore, 
called upon to decide a question of that 
kind. The Republicans desired new and 
Republican officers ; the Democrats de- 
sired to retain the old and Democratic 
ones. 



Repnltllcaix Factions. 

President Garfield, March 23d, sent in a 
large number of nominations, among which 
was that of William H. Robertson, the 
leader of the Blaine wing of the Republi- 
can party in New York, to be Collector of 
Customs. He had previously sent in five 
names for prominent places in New York, 
at the suggestion of Senator Conkling, who 
had been invited by President Garfield to 
name his friends. At this interview it was 
stated that Garfield casually intimated that 
he would make no immediate change in 
the New York Collectorship, and both fac- 
tions seemed satisfied to allow Gen'l Edwin 
A. Merritt to retain that place for a time 
at least. There were loud protests, however, 
at the first and early selection of the friends 



of Senator Conkling to five important 
places, and these protest* were heeded by 
the President. With a view to meet them, 
and, doubtless, to quiet the spirit of faction 
rapidly developing between the Grant and 
anti-Grant elements of the party in New 
York, the name of Judge Robertson was 
sent in for the Collectorship. He had bat- 
tled against the unit rule at Chicago, dis- 
avowed the instructions of his State Con- 
vention to vote for Grant, and led the 
Blaine delegates from that State while 
Blaine was in the field, and when with- 
drawn went to Garfield. Senator Conkling 
now sought to confirm his friends, and hold 
back -his enemy from confirmation ; but 
these tactics induced Garfield to withdraw 
the nomination of Conkling's friends, and 
in this way Judge Robertson's name was 
alone presented for a time. Against this 
course Vice-President Arthur and Senators 
Conkling and Piatt remonstrated in a let- 
ter to the President, but he remained firm. 
Senator Conkling, under the plea of " the 
privilege of the Senate," — a courtesy and 
custom which leaves to the Senators of a 
State the right to say who shall be con- 
firmed or rejected from their respective 
States if of the same party — now sought to 
defeat Robertson. In this battle he had 
arrayed against him the influence of his 
great rival, Mr. Blaine, and it is presumed 
the whole power of the administration. 
He lost, and the morning following the 
secret vote. May 17th, 1881, his own and 
the resignation of Senator Piatt were read. 
These resignations caused great excitement 
throughout the entire country. They were 
prepared without consultation with any 
one — even Vice-President Arthur, the in- 
timate friend of both, not knowing any- 
thing of the movement until the letters 
were opened at the chair where he pre- 
sided. Logan and Cameron — Conkling's 
colleagues in the great Chicago battle — 
were equally unadvised. The resignations 
were forwarded to Gov. Cornell, of New 
York, who, by all permissible delays, 
sought to have them reconsidered and 
withdrawn, but both Senators were firm. 
The Senate confirmed Judge Robertson 
for Collector, and General Merritt as Con- 
sul-General at London, May 18th, Presi- 
dent Garfield having Avisely renewed the 
Conkling list of appointees, most of whom 
declined under the changed condition of 
affairs. 

These events more widely separated the 
factions in New York — one wing calling 
itself " Stalwart," the other " Half-Breed," 
a term of contempt flung at the Indepen- 
dents by Conkling. Elections must follow 
to fill the vacancies, the New York Legis- 
lature being in session. These vacancies 
gave the Democrats for the time control of 
the United States Senate, but they thought 
it unwise to pursue an advantage which 



254 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



would compel them to show their hands 
for or against one or other of the opposing 
Republican factions. The extra session of 
the Senate adjourned May 20th. 

"The New York Legislature began ballot- 
ing for successors to Senators Conkling and 
Piatt on the 31st of May. The majority of 
the Republicans (Independents or "Half- 
breeds") supported Chauncey M. Depew 
as the successor of Piatt for the long term, 
and William A. Wheeler as the successor 
of Conkling for the short term, a few sup- 
porting Cornell. The minority (Stalwarts) 
renominated Messrs. Conkling and Piatt. 
The Democrats nominated Francis Keruan 
for the long term, and John C. Jacobs for 
the short term ; and, on his withdrawal, 
Clarkson N. Potter. The contest lasted 
until July 22, and resulted in a compro- 
mise on Warner A. Miller as Piatt's suc- 
cessor, and Elbridge G. Lapham as Conk- 
ling's successor. In Book VII., our Tabu- 
lated History of Politics, we give a correct 
table of the ballots. These show at a sin- 
gle glance the earnestness and length of 
the contest. 

The factious feelings engendered thereby 
were carried into the Fall nominations for 
the Legislature, and as a result the Demo- 
crats obtained control, which in part they 
subsequently lost by the refusal of the 
Tammany Democrats to support their 
nominees for presiding officers. This De- 
mocratic division caused a long and tire- 
some deadlock in the Legislature of New 
York. It was broken in the House by a 
promise on the part of the Democratic 
candidate for Speaker to favor the Tam- 
many men with a just distribution of the 
committees — a promise which was not 
satisfactorily carried out, and as a result 
the Tammany forces of the Senate joined 
hands with the Republicans. The Repub- 
lican State ticket would also have been 
lost in the Fall of 1881, but for the inter- 
position of President Arthur, who quickly 
succeeded in uniting the warring factions. 
This work was so well done, that all save 
one name on the ticket (Gen'l Husted) 
succeeded. 

The same factious spirit was manifested 
in Pennsylvania in the election of U. S. 
Senator in the winter of 1881, the two wings 
taking the names of " Regulars " and " In- 
dependents." The division occurred be- 
fore the New York battle, and it is trace- 
able not alone to the bitter nominating 
contest at Chicago, but to the administra- 
tion of President Hayes and the experi- 
ment of civil service reform. Administra- 
tions which are not decided and firm upon 
political issues, invariably divide their 
parties, and while these divisions are not 
always to be deplored, and sometimes lead 
to good results, the fact that undecided 
administrations divide the parties which 
they represent, ever remains. The exam- 



ples are plain : Van Buren's, Tyler's, Fill- 
more's, Buchanan's, and Hayes'. The lat- 
ter's indecision was more excusable than 
that of any of his predecessors. The in- 
exorable firmness of Grant caused the most 
bitter partisan assaults, and despite all his 
efforts to sustain the " carpet-bag govern- 
ments " of the South, they became unpopu- 
lar and were rapidly supplanted. As they 
disappeared. Democratic representation 
from the South increased, and this increase 
continued during the administration of 
Hayes — the greatest gains being at times 
when he showed the greatest desire to con- 
ciliate the South. Yet his administration 
did the party good, in this, that while at 
first dividing, it finally cemented through 
the conviction that experiments of that 
kind with a proud Southern people were 
as a rule unavailing. The re opening of 
the avenues of trade and other natural 
causes, apparently uncultivated, have ac- 
complished in this direction much more 
than any political effort. 

In Pennsylvania a successor to U. S. 
Senator Wm. A. Wallace was to be chosen. 
Henry W. Oliver, Jr., received the nomi- 
nation of the Republican caucus, the 
friends of Galusha A. Grow refusing to 
enter after a count had been made, and 
declaring in a written paper that they 
would not participate in any caucus, and 
would independently manifest their choice 
in the Legislature. The following is the 
first vote in joint Convention • 



OLIVER. 

Senate 

House 



WALLACE. 

20 Senate 16 

75 House 77 



Total 95 Total 93 

GROW. AGNEW. 

Senate 12 Senate 1 

House 44 House 

Total 56 Total 1 

BREWSTER. BAIRD. 

Senate Senate 

House 1 House 1 



Total 1 

m'veagh. 

Senate 

House 1 



Total. 



Total. 



Whole number of votes cast, 248 ; ne- 
cessary to a choice, 125. 

On the 17th of January the two factions 
issued opposing addresses. From these 
we quote the leading ideas, which divided 
the factions. The " Regulars " said : 

"Henry W. Oliver, jr., of Allegheny 
county, was nominated on the third ballot, 
receiving 79 of the 95 votes present. Un- 
der the rules of all parties known to th« 



REPUBLICAN FACTIONS. 



255 



present or past history of our country, a 
majority of tliose participating should have 
been sufficient ; but such was the desire for 
party harmony and for absolute fairness, 
that a majority of all the Republican mem- 
bers of the Senate and House was required 
to nominate. The effect of this was to 
give those remaining out a negative voice 
in the proceedings, the extent of any priv- 
ilege given them in regular legislative ses- 
sions by the Constitution. In no other 
caucus or convention has the minority ever 
found such high consideration, and we be- 
lieve there remains no just cause of com- 
plaint against the result. Even captious 
faultfinding can find no place upon which 
to hang a sensible objection. Mr. Oliver 
was, therefore, fairly nominated by the 
only body to which is delegated the power 
of nomination and by methods which were 
more than just, which, from every stand- 
point, must be regarded as generous ; and 
in view of these things, how can we, your 
Senators and Representatives, in fairness 
withhold our support from him in open 
sessions ; rather how can we ever abandon 
a claim established by the rules regulating 
the government of all parties, accepted by 
all as just, and which are in exact harmony 
with that fundamental principle of our 
Government which proclaims the right of 
the majority to rule? To do otherwise is 
to confess the injustice and the failure of 
that principle — something we are not pre- 
pared to do. It would blot the titles to 
our own positions. There is not a Senator 
or member who does not owe his nomina- 
tion and election to the same great prin- 
ciple. To profit by its acceptance in our 
own cases and to deny it to Mr. Oliver 
would be an exhibition of selfishness too 
flagrant for our taste. To acknowledge 
the right to revolt when no unfairness can 
be truthfully alleged and when more than 
a majority have in the interest of harmony 
been required to govern, would be a tra- 
vesty upon every American notion and 
upon that sense of manliness which yields 
when fairly beaten." 

The " Independent " address said : 
" First. We recognize a public senti- 
ment which demands that in the selection 
of a United States Senator we have regard 
to that dignity of the office to be filled, its 
important duties and functions, and the 
qualifications of the individual with refer- 
ence thereto. This sentiment is, we un- 
derstand, that there are other and higher 
qualifications for this distinguished posi- 
tion than business experience and success, 
and reckons among these the accomplish- 
ments of the scholar, the acquirements of 
the student, the mature wisdom of experi- 
ence and a reasonable familiarity with 
public affairs. It desires that Pennsylva- 
nia shall be distinguished among her sister 
Commonwealths, not only by her populous 



cities, her prosperous communities, her 
vast material wealth and diversified indus- 
tries and resources, but that in the wis- 
dom, sagacity and statesmanship of her 
representative she shall occupy a corres- 
ponding rank and influence. To meet 
this public expectation and demand we are 
and have at all times been willing to su- 
bordinate our personal preferences, all 
local considerations and factional difier- 
ences, and unite with our colleagues in the 
selection of a candidate in whom are com- 
bined at least some of these important and 
essential qualifications. It was only when 
it became apparent that the party caucus 
was to be used to defeat this popular desire 
and to coerce a nomination which is con- 
spicuously lacking in the very essentials 
which were demanded, that we determined 
to absent ourselves from it. * * * * 

" Second, Having declined to enter the 
caucus, we adhere to our determination to 
defeat, if possible, its nominee, but only by 
the election of a citizen of unquestioned 
fidelity to the principles of the Republi- 
can party. In declaring our independency 
from the caucus domination we do not 
forget our allegiance to the party whose 
chosen representatives we are. The only 
result of our policy is the transfer of the 
contest from the caucus to the joint con- 
vention of the two houses. There will be 
afforded an opportunity for the expression 
of individual preferences and honorable 
rivalry for an honorable distinction. If 
the choice shall fall upon one not of ap- 
proved loyalty and merit, the fault will not 
be ours." 

After a long contest both of the leading- 
candidates withdrew, and quickly the Reg- 
ulars substituted General James A. Beaver, 
the Independent Congressman, Thomas 
M. Bayne. On these names the dead-lock 
remained unbroken. Without material 
change the balloting continued till Febru- 
ary 17th, when both Republican faction* 
agreed to appoint conference committees 
of twelve each, with a view to selecting by 
a three-fourths vote a compromise candi- 
date. The following were the respective 
committees: For the Independents: Sena- 
tors Davis, Bradford ; Lee, Venango ; Stew- 
art, Franklin ; Lawrence, Washington ; 
Representatives Wolfe, Union ; Silver- 
thorne, Erie ; Mapes, Venango ; McKee, 
Philadelphia ; Slack, Allegheny ; Stubs, 
Chester; Niles, Tioga; and Derickson, 
Crawford. For the Regulars : Senators 
Greer, Butler ; Herr, Dauphin ; Smith, 
Philadelphia ; Keefer, Schuylkill ; Cooper, 
Delaware ; Representatives Pollock, Phila- 
delphia ; Moore, Allegheny ; Marshall, 
Huntingdon; Hill, Indiana; Eshleman, 
Lancaster; Thomson, Armstrong; and 
Billingsley, Washington. 

The joint convention held daily sessions 
and balloted without result until February 



256 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



22d, when John I. Mitchell, of Tioga, 
Congressman from the 16th district, was 
unanimously agreed upon as a compro- 
mise candidate. He was nominated by a 
full Republican caucus on the morning of 
February 23d, and elected on the first bal- 
lot in joint convention on that day, the 
vote standing: Mitchell, 150; Wallace, 92; 
MacVeagh, 1; Brewster, 1. 

The spirit of this contest continued until 
fall. Senator Davies, a friend of Mr. Grow, 
was a prominent candidate for the Repub- 
lican nomination for State Treasurer. He 
was beaten by General Silas M. Baily, 
and Davies and his friends cordially made 
Baily's nomination unanimous. Charles 
S. Wolfe, himself the winter before a can- 
didate for United Stales Senator, was dis- 
satisfied. He suddenly raised the Inde- 
pendent flag, in a telegram to the Phila- 
delphia Press, and as he announced was 
"the nominee of a convention of one" for 
State Treasurer. After a canvass of re- 
markable energy on the part of INIr. Wolfe, 
General Baily was elected, without sufier- 
ing materially from the division. Mr. 
Wolfe obtained nearly 50,000 votes, but as 
almost half of them were Democratic, the 
result was, as stated, not seriously affected. 

The Independents in Pennsylvania, 
however, were subdivided into two wings, 
known as the Continental and the Wolfe 
men — the former having met since the 
election last fall, (State Senator John 
Stewart, chairman) and proclaimed them- 
selves willing and determined to abide all 
Republican nominations fairly made, and 
to advocate " reform within the i)arty 
lines." These gentlemen supported Gen. 
Baily and largely contributed to his suc- 
cess, and as a rule they regard with dis- 
favor equal to that of the Regulars, what 
is known as the Wolfe movement. These 
divisions have not extended to other States, 
nor have they yet assumed the shape of 
third parties unless Mr. Wolfe's individual 
canvass can be thus classed. Up to this 
writing (March 10, 1882,) neither wing 
has taken issue with President Arthur or 
his appointments, though there were some 
temporary indications of this when Attor- 
ney General MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania, 
persisted in having his resignation ac- 
cepted. President Arthur refused to ac- 
cept, on the ground that he desired Mac- 
Veagh's services in the prosecution of the 
Star Route cases, and Mr. MacVeagh with- 
drew for personal and other reasons not 
yet fully explained. In this game of po- 
litical fence the position of the President 
was greatly strengthened. 

Singularly enough, in the only two 
States where factious divisions have been 
recently manifested in the Republican 
ranks, they effected almost if not quite as 
seriously the Democratic party. There 
can be but one deduction drawn from this. 



to wit: — That a number in both of the 
great parties, were for the time at least, 
weary of their allegiance. It is possible 
that nothing short of some great issue will 
restore the old partisan unity, and partisan 
unity in a Republic, W'here there are but 
two great parties, is not to be deplored if 
relieved of other than mere political dif- 
ferences. The existence of but two great 
parties, comparatively free from fiictions, 
denotes government health ; where divi- 
sions are numerous and manifest increas- 
ing growth and stubbornness, there is grave 
danger to Republican institutions. We 
need not, however, philosophize when 
Mexico and the South American Repub- 
lics are so near. 



Tlie Caucus. 

Both the " Independents " of Pennsyl- 
vania and the " Half-Bi-eeds " of New York 
at first proclaimed their opposition to the 
caucus system of nominating candidates 
for U. S. Senators, and the newspapers in 
their interest wrote as warmly for a time 
against " King Caucus" as did the dissat- 
tisfied Democratic journals in the days of 
De Witt Clinton. The situation, however, 
was totally different, and mere declamation 
could not long withstand the inevitable. 
In Pennsylvania almost nightly " confer- 
ences " were held by the Independents, as 
indeed they were in New York, though in 
both States a show of hostility was kept up 
to nominating in party caucus men who 
were to be elected by representative, more 
plainly legislative votes. It was at first 
claimed that in the Legislature each man 
ought to act for himself or his constituents, 
but very shortly it was found that the cau- 
cuses of the separate wings were as binding 
upon the respective wings as they could 
have been upon the whole. Dead-locks 
were interminable as long as this condition 
of affairs obtained, and hostility to the . 
caucus system was before very long quietly 
discouraged and finally flatly abandoned, 
for each struggle was ended by the ratifi- 
cation of a general caucus, and none of 
them could have been ended without it. 
The several attempts to find other means 
to reach a result, only led the participants 
farther away from the true principle, under 
republican forms at least, of the right of 
the majority to rule. In Pennsylvania, 
when Mr. Oliver withdrew, fifty of his 
friends assembled and informally named 
General Beaver, and by this action sought 
to bind the original 95 friends of Oliver. 
Their conduct was excused by the plea that 
they represented a majority of their fac- 
tion. It failed to bind all of the original 
number, though some of the Independents 
were won. The Independents, rather the 
original 44, bound themselves in writing 
not to change their course of action unleaa 



THE CAUCUS. 



257 



there wai secured the previous concurrence 
of two-thirds, and this principle was ex- 
tended to the; 56 who supported Mr. Buyne. 
Tlien wlien tlie joint committee of 24 w;ts 
agreed upon, it was bound by a rule re- 
quiring thrsc-fourths to recommend a can- 
didate. All of these were plain departures 
from a great principle, and the deeper the 
contest became, the greater the departure. 
True, the->e were but voluntary forms, but 
they were indefensible, and are only re- 
ferred to now to show the danger of mad 
assaults upon great principles when per- 
sonal and factious aims are at stake. Op- 
position to the early Congressional caucus 
was plainly right, since one department of 
the Government was by voluntary agencies 
actually controlling anotlier, while the law 
gave legal lorms which could be more pro- 
perly initiated through voluntary action. 
The writer believes, and past contests all 
confirm the view that the voluntary action 
can only be safely employed by the power 
by the l.iw with the right of selection. 
Thus the people elect township, county and 
State officers, and it is their right and duty 
by the best attainable voluntary action to 
indicate their choice. This is done through 
the caucus or convention, the latter not 
differing from the former save in extent 
and possibly breadth of representation. 
The same rule applies to all offices elective 
by the people. It cannot properly apply 
to appointive offices, and while the attempt 
to apply it to the election of U. S. Senators 
shows a strong desire on the part, frequently 
of the more public-spirited citizens, to ex- 
ercise a greater share in the selection of 
these officers than the law directly gives 
them, yet their representatives can very 
properly be called upon to act as they would 
act if they had direct power in the pre- 
mises, and such action leads them into a 
party caucus, where the will of the majority 
of their respective parties can be fairly 
ascertained, and when ascertained re- 
spected. The State Legislatures appoint 
U. S. Senators, and the Eepresentative-J 
and Senators of the States are bound to 
consider in their selection the good of the 
entire State. If this comports with the 
wish of their respective districts, very 
well ; if it does not, their duty is not less 
plain. Probably the time will never come 
when the people will elect United States 
Senators ; to do that is to radically change 
the Federal system, and to practically de- 
stroy one of the most important branches 
of the Government; yet he is not a careful 
observer who does not note a growing dis- 
position on the part of the people, and 
largely the people of certain localities, and 
imaginary political sub-divisions, to control 
these selections. The same is true of 
Presidential nominations, where masses of 
people deny the right of State Conventions 
to instruct their delegates-at-Iarge. la 
17 



many States the people composing either 
of the great parties now select their 
own representative delegates to National 
Conventions, and where their selections 
are not respected, grave party danger is. 
sure to follow. There is nothing wrong in 
this, since it points to, and is but paving 
the way for a more popular s'^'ection of 
Presidents and Vice Presidents — to an 
eventual selection of Presidential electors 
probably by Congressional districts. Yet 
those to be selected at large must through 
practical voluntary forms be nominated in 
that way, and the partisan State Conven- 
tion is the best method yet devised for this- 
work, and its instructions should be as- 
binding as those of the people upon their 
representatives. In this government of 
ours there is voluntary and legal work 
delegated to the people directly ; there i» 
legal work delegated to appointing powera, 
and an intelligent discrimination should 
ever be exercised between the two. " Ren- 
der unto Csesar those things which are 
Caesar's," unless there be a plain desire, 
backed by a good reason, to promote popu- 
lar reforms as enduring as the practices and 
principles which they are intended to 
support. 

Fredrick W. Whitridge, in an able re- 
view of the caucus system published * in La- 
lor's Encydopcedia of Political Science, says : 

"A caucus, in the political vocabulary 
of the United States, is primarily a private 
meeting of voters holding similar views, 
held prior to an election for the purpose oi 
furthering such views at the election. 
With the development of parties, and the 
rule of majorities, the caucus or some 
equivalent has become an indispensable- 
adjunct to party government, antl it may 
now be defined as a meeting of the majority 
of the electors belonging to the same party 
in any political or legislative body held 
preliminary to a meeting thereof, for the 
purpose of selecting candidates to be 
voted for, or for the purpose of de- 
termining the course of the party at 
the meeting of the whole body. The 
candidates of each party are univer- 
sally selected by caucus, either directly or 
indirectly through delegates to conven- 
tions chosen in caucuses. In legislative 
bodies the course of each party is oftea 
predetermined with certainty in caucus, 
and often discussion between parties has 
been, in consequence, in some degree 
superseded. The caucus system is, in 
short, the basis of a complete electoral 
system Avhich has grown up within each 
party, side by side with that which is alone 
contemplated by the laws. This condition 
has in recent years attracted much atten- 
tion, and has been bitterly announced as 
an evil. It was, however, early foreseen. 
John Adams, in 1814, wrote in the " Tenth 
* By Rand Jt.MtNally, Chicago, IlL, 1883. 



258 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Letter on Government:" "They have 
invented a balance to all balance in their 
caucuses. We have congressional caucuses, 
state caucuses, county caucuses, city cau- 
cuses, district caucuses, town caucuses, 
parish caucuses, and Sunday caucuses at 
church doors, and in these aristocrat! cal 
caucuses elections have been decided." The 
caucus is a necessary consequence of 
majority rule. If the majority is to define 
the policy of a party, there must be some 
method within each party of ascertaining 
the mind of the majority, and settling the 
party programme, before it meets the op- 
posing party at the polls. The Carlton 
and Keform clubs discharge for the Tories 
and Liberals many of the functions of a 
congressional caucus. Meetings of the 
members of the parties in the reichstag, 
the corps legislatif and the chamber of 
deputies are not unusual, although they 
have generally merely been for consulta- 
tion, and neither in England, France, 
Germany or Italy, has any such authority 
been conceded to the wish of the majority 
of a party as we have rested in the deci- 
sion of a caucus. What has been called a 
caucus has been established by the 
Liberals of Birmingham, England, as to 
which, see a paper by W. Eraser Rae, in 
the " International Eeview " for August, 
1880. The origin of the term caucus is 
obscure. It has been derived from the 
Algonquin word Kaio-kaiv-wus — to con- 
sult, to speak — but the more probable 
derivation makes it a corruption of 
caulkers. In the early politics of Boston, 
and particularly during the early difficul- 
ties between the townsmen and the British 
troops, the seafaring men and those em- 
ployed about the ship yards were promi- 
nent among the town-people, and there 
■were numerous gatherings which may 
have very easily come to be called by 
way of reproach a meeting of caulkers, 
after the least influential class who at- 
tended them, or from the caulking house 
or caulk house in which they were held. 
What was at first a derisive description, 
came to be an appellation, and the gather- 
ings of so-called caulkers became a cau- 
cus. John Pickering, in a vocabulary of 
wojrds and phrases peculiar to the United 
States (Boston, 1816), gives this derivation 
of the word, and says, several gentlemen 
mentioned to him that they had heard 
this derivation. Gordon, writing in 1774, 
says : " More than fifty years ago Mr. 
Samuel Adams' father and twenty others, 
one or two from the north end of the town 
where all the shin business is carried on, 
used to meet, make a caucus and lay their 
plan for introducing certain persons into 
places of trust and power. When they had 
settled it they separated, and each used 
their particular influence within his own 
circle. He and his friends would furnish 



1 themselves with ballots, including the 
names of the parties fixed upon, which 
they distributed on the days of election. 
By acting in concert, together with a care- 
ful and extensive distribution of ballots, 
they generally carried their elections to 
their own mind. In like manner it was 
that Mr. Samuel Adams ^rst became a 
representative for Boston." [History oj 
the American Revolution, vol. i., p. 365.) 
February, 1763j>-»Adams writes in his 
diary : " This duy I learned that the cau- 
cus club meets at certain times in the gar- 
ret of Tom Dawes, the adjutant of the Bos- 
ton regiment. He has a large house and 
he has a movable partition in his garret 
which he takes down and the whole club 
meets in his room. There they smoke 
tobacco until they cannot see one end of 
the room from another. There they drink 
flip, I suppose, and there they choose a 
moderator who puts questions to the vote 
regularly ; and selectmen, assessors, col- 
lectors, wardens, fire wards and representa- 
tives are regularly chosen in the town. 
Uncle Fairfield, Story, Euddock, Adams, 
Coo])er, and a rudis indigestaques moles or 
others, are members. They send commit- 
tees to wait on the merchants' club, and to 
propose in the choice of men and measures. 
Captain Cunningham says, they have of- 
ten solicited him to go to the caucuses ; 
they have assured him their benefit in his 
business, etc." [Adams' Works, vol. ii., p. 
144.) Under the title caucus should be 
considered the congressional nominating 
caucus ; the caucuses of legislative assem- 
blies ; primary elections, still known out- 
side the larger cities as caucuses ; the evils 
which have been attributed to the latter, 
and the remedies which have been pro- 
posed. These will accordingly be men- 
tioned in the order given. 

" The democratic system is the result of 
the reorganization of the various anti- 
Tammany democratic factions, brought 
about, in 1881, by a practically self-ap- 
pointed committee of 100. Under this sys- 
tem primary elections are to be held annu- 
ally in each of 678 election districts, at 
which all democratic electors resident in 
the respective districts may participate, pro- 
vided they were registered at the last gene- 
ral election. The persons voting at any 
primary shall be members of the election 
district association for the ensuing year, 
which is to be organized in January of each 
year. The associations may admit demo- 
cratic residents in their respective districts, 
who are not members, to membership, and 
they have general supervision of the inte- 
rests of the party within their districts. 
Primaries are held on not less than four 
days' public notice, through the newspa- 
pers, of the time and place, and at the ap- 
pointed time the meeting is called to order 
by the chairman of the election district as- 



THE CAUCUS. 



259 



soc'.ation, provided twenty persons be pre- 
sent; if tliat number shall not be present, 
the meeting may be called to order with a 
less number, at the end of fifteen minutes. 
The fir-it business of the meeting is to se- 
lect a cliairman, and all elections of dele- 
gates or committeemen shall take place in 
open meeting. E ich person, as he offers to 
vote, states his name and residence, which 
may be compared with the registration list 
at the last election, and each person shall 
state for whom he votes, or he may hand to 
the judges an open ballot, having designated 
thereon the persons for whom he votes, and 
for what positions. Nominations are all 
made by conventions of delegates from the 
districts within which the candidate to be 
cho ;en is to be voted for. There is an as- 
sembly district committee in each assembly 
district, composed of one delegate for each 
100 votes or fraction thereof, from each 
election district within the assembly dis- 
trict. There is also a county committee 
composed of delegates from each of the as- 
sembly district committees. The function 
of these committees is generally to look af- 
ter the interests of the parties within their 
respective spheres. This system is too new 
for its workings to be as yet fairly criti- 
cised. It may prove a really popular sys- 
tem, or it may prove only an inchoate form 
of the other systems. At present it can 
only be said that the first primaries under 
it were participated in by 27,000 electors. 

"The evils of the caucus and primary 
election systems lie in the stringent obliga- 
tion which is attached to the will of a for- 
mal ma,jority ; in the fact that the process 
of ascertaining what the will of the major- 
ity is, has been surrounded with so many 
restrictions that the actual majority of votes 
are disfranchised, and take no part in that 
process, so that the formal majority is in 
consequence no longer the majority in fact, 
although it continues to demand recogni- 
tion of its decisions as such. 

" The separation between the organiza- 
tion and the party, between those who no- 
minate and those who elect, is the sum of 
the evils of the too highly organized cau- 
cus system. It has its roots in the notion 
that the majority is right, because it is the 
majority, which is the popular view thus 
expressed by Hammond : ' I think that 
when political friends consent to go into 
caucus for the nomination of officers, eveiy 
member of such caucus is bound in honor 
to support and carry into effect its deter- 
mination. If you suspect that determina- 
tion will be so preposterous that you can- 
not in conscience support it, then you ought 
on no account to become one of its mem- 
bers. To try your chance in a caucus, and 
then, because your wishes are not gratified, 
to attempt to defeat the result of the deli- 
berat'on of your friends, strikes me as a 
palpable violation of honor and good faith. 



You caucus for no other possible purpose 
than under the implied argument that the 
opinion and wishes of the minority shall be 
yielded to the opinions of the majority, and 
the sole object of caucusing is to ascertain 
what is the will of the majority. I repeat 
that unless you intend to carry into effect 
the wishes of the majority, however con- 
trary to your own, you have no business at 
a caucus.' [Political History nf New Yorl:, 
vol. i., p. 192). — In accordance with this 
theory, the will of the majority becomes 
obligatory as soon as it is made known, aiul 
one cannot assist at a caucus in order to 
ascertain the will of the majority, without 
thereby being bound to follow it; and the 
theory is so deeply rooted that, under the 
caucus and primary election system, it has 
been extended to cases in which the ma- 
jorities are such only in form. 

" The remedies as well as the evils of the 
caucus and nominating system have been 
made the subject of general discussion in 
connection with civil service reform. It is 
claimed that that reform, by giving to pub- 
lic officers the same tenure of their positions 
which is enjoyed by the employes of a cor- 
poration or a private business house, or 
during the continuance of efficiency or good 
behaviour, would abolish or greatly dimi- 
nish the evils of the caucus system by de- 
priving public officers of the illegitimate 
incentive to maintain it under which they 
now act. Other more speculative remedies 
have been suggested. It is proposed, on 
the one hand, to very greatly diminish the 
number of elective officers, and, in order to 
do away with the pre-dctermination of elec- 
tions, to restrict the political action of the 
people in their own persons to districts so 
small that they can meet together and act 
as one body, and that in all other affairs 
than those of these small districts the 
people should act by delegates. The the- 
ory here seems to be to get rid of the ne- 
cessity for election and nominating ma- 
chinery. (See 'A True Republic,' by Al- 
bert Strickney, New York, 1879; and a se- 
ries of articles in Scribner's Monthly for 
1881, by the same writer). On the other 
hand, it is proposed to greatly increase the 
number of elections, by taking the whole 
primary system under the protection of the 
law.* This plan proposes: 1. The direct 
nomination of candidates by the members 
of the respective political parties in place 
of nominations by delegates in conventions. 
2. To apply the election laws to primary 
elections. 3. To provide that both politi- 
cal parties shall participate in the same 
primary election instead of having a differ- 
ent caucus for each party. 4. To provide 
for a final election to be held between two 
candidates, each representative of a party 

* This was partially done by the Legislature cl 
Pennsylvania m 1881. 



260 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



who have been selected by means of the 
primary election. This plan would un- 
doubtedly do away with the evils of the 
present caucus system, but it contains no 
guarantee that a new caucus system would 
not be erected for the purpose of influ- 
encing ' the primarj' election' in the same 
manner in which the present primary sys- 
tem now influences the final election. (See 
however ' The Elective Franchise in the 
United States,' New York, 18$0, by D. C. 
McClellan.) — The effective remedy for the 
evils of the caucus system will probably be 
found in the sanction of primary elections 
by law. ■•"' * * Bills for this purpose were 
introduced by the Hon. Erastus Brooks in 
the New Y(n-k Legislature in 1881, which 
provided substantially ibr the system pro- 
posed by Mr. McClellan, but they were left 
unacted upon, and no legislative attempt 
to regulate primaries, except by providing 
for their being called, and for their pro- 
cedeure, has been made elsewhere. In 
Ohio what is known as the Baber law pro- 
vides that where any voluntary political 
association orders a primary, it must be by 
a majority vote of the central or control- 
ling committee of such party or association ; 
that the call must be published for at least 
five days in the newsjjapers, and state the 
time and place of the meeting, the autho- 
rity by which it was called, and the name 
of the person who is to represent that au- 
thority at each poll. The law also provides 
for challenging voters, for punishment of 
illegal voting, and for the bribeiy or inter- 
vention of elertors or judges. [Rev. Stat. 
OAj'o, sees. 291(5-2921.) A similar law in 
Missouri is made applicable to counties 
only of over 100,000 inhabitants, but by 
this law it is made optional with the volun- 
tary political association whether it will or 
not hold its primaries under the law, and 
if it does, it is provided that the county 
shall incur no expense in the conduct of 
Buch elections. [Laws of Missouri, 1815, 
p. 54.) A similar law also exists in Cali- 
fornia. (Laws of California, 1865-1866, p. 
438.) These laws comprise all the existing 
legislation on the subject, except what is 
known as the Landis Bill of 1881, which 
requires primary officers to take an oath, 
and which punishes fraud." 



Assassination of President Garfleld. 

At 9 o'clock on the morning of Satur- 
day, July 2d, 1881, President Garfield, ac- 
companied by Secretary Blaine, left the 
Executive Mansion to take a special train 
from the Baltimore and Potomac depot 
for New England, where he intended to 
visit the college from which he had gradu- 
ated. Arriving at the depot, he was walk- 
ing arm-in-arm through the main waiting- 
room, when Charles J. Guiteau, a persist- 
ent applicant for an office, who had some 



time previously entered through the main 
door, advanced to the centre of the room, 
and having reached within a few feet of 
his victim, fired two shots, one of which 
took fatal effect. The bullet was of forty- 
four calibre, and striking the President 
about four inches to the right of the spinal 
column, struck the tenth and badly shat- 
tered the eleventh rib. The President 
sank to the floor, and was conveyed to a 
room where temporary conveniences were 
attainable, and a couch was improvised. 
Dr. Bliss made an unsuccessful effort to 
find the ball. The shock to the President's 
system was very severe, and at first appre- 
hensions were felt that death would ensue 
speedily. Two hours after the shooting, 
the physicians decided to remove him to 
the Executive Mansion. An army ambu- 
lance was procured, and the removal ef- 
fected. Soon after, vomiting set in, and the 
patient exhibited a dangerous degree of 
prostration, which threatened to end speed- 
ily in dissolution. This hopeless condition 
of affairs continued until past midnight, 
when more favorable symptoms were ex- 
hibited. Dr. Bliss was on this Sunday 
morning designated to take charge of the 
case, and he called Surgeon -General 
Barnes, Assistant Surgeon-General Wood- 
ward, and Dr. Royburn as consulting phy- 
sician. To satisfy the demand of the 
country, Drs. Agnew, of Philadelphia, and 
Hamilton, of New York, were also sum- 
moned by telegraph, nnd arrived on a 
special train over the Pennsylvania Rail- 
road, Sunday afternoon. For several days 
immediately succeeding the shooting, the 
patient suffered great inconvenience and 
pain in the lower limbs. This created an 
apprehension that the spinal nerves had 
been injured, and death was momentarily 
expected. On the night of July 4th a 
favorable turn was observed, and the morn- 
ing of the 5th brought with it a vague but 
undefined hope that a favorable issue 
might ensue. Under this comforting con- 
viction, Drs. Agnew and Hamilton, after 
consultation with the resident medical at- 
tendants, returned to their homes; first 
having published to the country an in- 
dorsement of the treatment inaugurated. 
During July 5th and 6th the patient con- 
tinued to improve, the pulse and respira- 
tion showing a marked approach to the 
condition of healthfulness, the former 
being reported on the morning of the 6th 
at 08, and in the evening it only increased 
to 104. On the 7th Dr. Bliss became very 
confident of ultimate triumph over the 
malady. In previous bulletins meagre 
hope was given, and the chances for reco- 
very estimated at one in a hundred. 

From July 7th to the 16th there was a 
slight but uninterrupted improvement, and 
the country began to entertain a confident 
hope that the patient would recover. 



"BOSS RULE." 



261 



Hope and fear alternated from day to 
day, amid the most j)aiiilul excitement. 
Oa the 8th of August Drs. Agnew and 
Hamilton had to perform their second 
operation to allow a free flow of pus from 
the wound. This resulted in an important 
discovery. It was ascertained that the 
track of the bullet had turned from its 
downward detlection to a lorward course. 
The operation lasted an hour, and ether 
was administered, the eflect of which was 
very unibrtunate. Nausea succeeded, and 
vomiting followed every effort to adminis- 
ter nourishment for some time. However, 
he soon rallied, and the operation was pro- 
nounced successful, and, on the following 
day, the Prevd^nt, for the first time, wrote 
his name. On the 10th he signed an im- 
portant extradition paper, and on the 11th 
wrote a letter of hopefulness to his aged 
mother. On the 12th Dr. Hamilton ex- 
pressed the opinion that the further at- 
tendance of hlnnelf and Dr. Agnew was 
unnecessary. The stomach continued 
weak, however, and on the i'")tli nausea re- 
turned, and the most menacing physical 
prostration followed the frequent vomiting, 
and the evening bulletin announced that 
" the President's condition, on the whole, 
is less satisfactory." 

Next a new complication forced itself 
upon the attention of the physicians. This 
was described as " inflammation of the 
right parotid gland." On August 24th it 
was decided to make an incision below 
and forward of the right ear, in order to 
prevent suppuration. Though this opera- 
tion was pronounced satisfactory, the pa- 
tient gradually sank, until August 25th, 
when all hope seemed to have left those 
in attendance. 

Two days of a dreary watch ensued ; on 
the 27th an improvement inspired new 
hope. This continued throughout the 
week, but failed to build up the system. 
Then it was determined to remove the pa- 
tient to a more favorable atmosphere. On 
the 6th of September this design was exe- 
cuted, he having been conveved in a car 
arranged for the purpose to Long Branch, 
where, in a cottage at Elberon, it was 
hoped vigor wouM return. At first, indi- 
cations justified the most sanguine expec- 
tations. On the 9th, however, fever re- 
turned, and a cough came to harass the 
wasted sufferer. It was attended with 
purulent expectoration, and became so 
troublesome as to entitle it to be regarded 
as the leading feature of the case. The 
surgeons attributed it to the septic condi- 
tion of the blood. The trouble increased 
until Sa*^urdav, September 10th, when it 
was thought the end was reichod. He 
rallied, however, and improved rapidly, 
during the su 'ceeding few davs, and on 
Tuesday, the 13th, was lifted from the bed 
and placed in a chair at the window. The 



improvement was not enduring, however, 
and on Saturday, September 17th, the 
rigor returned. During the nights and 
days succeeding, until the final moment, 
hope rose and tell alternately, and though 
the patient's spirits fluctuated to justify 
this change of feeling, the improvement 
failed to bring with it the strength neces- 
sary to meet the strain. 

President Garfield died at 10.35 on the 
night of Sept. 19th, 1881, and our nation 
mourned, as it had only done once before, 
when Abraham Lincoln also fell by the 
hand of an assassin. The assassin Guiteau 
was tried and convicted, the jury rejecting 
his plea of insanity. 



President Arthnr. 

Vice-President Arthur, during the long 
illness of the President, and at the time of 
his death, deported himself so well that he 
won the good opinion of nearly all classes 
of the people, and happily for weeks and 
months all factious or partisan spirit was 
hushed by the nation's great calamity. 
At midnight on the 19th of Sejitember the 
Cabinet telegraphed him from Long 
Branch to take the oath of office, and this 
he very properly did before a local judge. 
The Government cannot wisely be lef^ 
without a head for a single day. He was 
soon afterwards again sworn in at Washing- 
ton, with the usual ceremonies, and took 
occasion to make a speech which improved 
the growing better feeling. The new 
President requested the Cabinet to hold 
on until Congress met, and it would have 
remained intact had Secretary Windom 
not found it necessary to resume his place 
in the Senate. The vacancy was offered 
to ex-Governor Morgan, of New York, 
who was actually nominated and confirmea 
before he made up his mind to decline it. 
Judge Folger now fills the place. The 
several changes since made will be found 
in the Tabulated History, Book VII. 

It has thus far been the effort of Presi- 
dent Arthur to allay whatever of factious 
bitterness remains in the Republican party. 
In his own State of New York the terms 
" Half-Breed " and "Stalwart" are pass- 
ing into comparative disuse, as are the 
terms " Regulars " and " Independents " 
in Pennsylvania. 



'<Bo88 Rnle." 

The complaint of " Boss Rule " in these 
States — by which is meant the control of 
certain leaders — still obtains to some ex- 
tent. Wayne MacVeagh was the author of 
this very telling political epithet, and he 
used it with rare force in his street speeches 
at Chicago when opposing the nomination 
of Grant. It was still further cultivated 



2G2 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



by Rufus E. Shapley, Esq,, of Philadel- 
phia, the iuithor of " Solid tor Mulhuoly," 
a most admirable political satire, which 
had an immense sale. Its many hits were 
freely quoted by the Reformers of Phila- 
delphia, who organized under the Com- 
mittee of One Hundred, a body of mer- 
chants who first banded themselves 
together to promote reforms in the munici- 
pal government. This organization, aided 
by the Democrats, defeated Mayor Wm. 
S. vStokley for his third term, electing Mr. 
King, theretofore a very popular Demo- 
cratic councilman. In return for this sup- 
port, the Democrats accepted John Hun- 
ter, Committee's nominee tor Tax Receiver, 
and the combination succeeded. In the 
fall of 1881 it failed on the city ticket, but 
in the spring of 1882 secured material suc- 
cesses in the election of Councilmen, wdio 
were nominees of both parties, but aided 
by the endorsement of the Committee of 
One Hundred. A similar combination 
failed as between Brown (Rep.) and Eisen- 
brown (Dem.) for Magistrate. On this 
part of the ticket the entire city voted, and 
the regular Republicans won by about 500 
majority. 

The following is the declaration of prin- 
ciples of the Citizens' Republican Associ- 
ation of Philadelphia, which, under the 
banner of Mr. Wolfe, extended its organi- 
zation to several counties : 

I. We adhere to the platform of the 
National Convention of the Republican 
])aity, adopted at Chicago, June 2d, 1880, 
and we proclaim our unswerving alle- 
giance to the great principles upon which 
that party was founded, to wit : national 
supremacy, universal liberty, and govern- 
mental probity. 

II. The Republican party, during its 
glorious career, having virtually estab- 
lished its principles of national supremacy 
and universal liberty as the law of the 
land, we shall, while keeping a vigilant 
watch over the maintenance of those prin- 
ciples, regard the third one, viz. : govern- 
mental probity, as the living issue to be 
struggled for in the future ; and as the 
pure administration of government is es- 
sential to the permanence of Republican 
institutions, we consider this issue as in no 
way inferior in importance to any other. 

III. The only practical method of re- 
storing purity to administration is through 
the adoption of a system of civil service, 
under which public officials shall not be 
the tools of any man or of any clique, sub- 
ject to dismissal at their behest, or to as- 
sessment in their service ; nor appoint- 
ment to office be "patronage" at the 
disposal of any man to consolidate his 
power within the party. 

IV. It is the abuse of this appointing 
power which has led to the formation of 
the " machine," and the subjection of the 



party to " bosses." Our chosen leader, the 
late President Garfield, fell a martyr in his 
contest with the " bosses." We take up 
the struggle where he lelt it, and we hereby 
declare iliat we will own no allegiance to 
any " boss," nor be subservient to iiny 
" machine ;" but that we will do our ut- 
most to liberate the party from the '' boss" 
domination under which it has fallen. 

V. Recognizing that political parties 
are simply instrumentalities for the en- 
forcement of certain recognized principles, 
we shall endeavor to promote the princij)le3 
of the Republican party by means of that 
party, disenthralled and released from the 
domination of its " bosses." But should 
we fail in this, we shall have no hesitation 
in seeking to advance the principles of the 
party through movements and organiza- 
tions outside of the party lines. 

The idea of the Committee of One Hun- 
dred is to war against " boss rule" in muni- 
cii)al affairs. James McManes has long 
enjoyed the leadership of the Republican 
party in Philadelphia, and the relorm ele- 
ment has directed its force against his 
power as a leader, though he joined at 
Chicago in the MacVeagh war against the 
form of " boss rule," which was then di- 
rected against Grant, Conkling, Logan and 
Cameron. This episode has really little, 
if anything, to do with Federal politics, 
but the facts are briefly recited with a view 
to explain to the reader the leading force 
which supported Mr. Wolfe in his inde- 
pendent race in Pennsylvania. Summed 
up, it is simply one of those local wars 
against leadership which precede and fol- 
low factions. 

The factious battles in the Republican 
party, as we have stated, seem to have 
spent their force. The assassination of 
President Garfield gave them a most seri- 
ous check, for men were then compelled to 
look back and acknowledge that his plain 
purpose was to check divisions and heal 
wounds. Only haste and anger as.sailed, 
and doubtless as quickly regretted the as- 
sault. President Arthur, with commend- 
able reticence and discretion, is believed 
to be seeking the same end. He has made 
few changes, and these reluctantly. His 
nomination of ex-Senator Conkling to a 
seat in the Supreme Bench, which, though 
declined, is generally accepted as an assu- 
rance to New Yorkers that the leader 
hated by one side and loved by the other, 
should be removed from partisan politics 
peculiar to his own State, but removed 
with the dignity and honor becoming his 
high abilities. It has ever been the policy 
of wise administrations, as with wise gene- 
rals, to care for the wounded, and Conk- 
ling was surely and sorely wounded in his 
battle against the confirmation of Robert- 
son and his attempted re-election to the 
Senate. He accepted the situation with 



THE READJUSTEES. 



263 



quiet composure, and saw his friend Ar- 
thur unite the ranks which liis resignation 
had sundered. Alter this there remained 
little if any cause for further quarrel, and 
while in writing iiistory it is dangerous to 
attempt a prophecy, the writer believes 
that President Arthur will succeed in 
keeping his party, if not fully united, at 
least as compact as the opposing Democra- 
tic forces. 



The Rcadjusters. 

This party was founded in 1878 by Gen'l 
William Mahone, a noted Brigadier in 
the rebel army. lie is of Scotch-Irish de- 
scent, a man of very small stature but 
most remarkable energy, and acquired 
wealth in the construction and develop- 
ment of Southern railroads. He sounded 
the first note of revolt against what he 
styled the Bourbon rule of Virginia, and 
being classed as a Democrat, rapidly di- 
vided that party on the question of the 
Virginia debt. His enemies charge that 
he sought the repudiation of this debt, but 
in return he not only denied the charge, 
but said the Bourbons were actually re- 
pudiating it by making no provision for 
its payment, either in appropriations or 
the levying of taxes needed for tbe pur- 
pose. 'Doubtless his views on this ques- 
tion have unlergone some modification, 
and that earlier in the struggle the uglier 
criticisms were partially correct. Certain 
it is that he and his friends now advocate 
full payment less the proportion equitably 
assigned to West Virginia, which sepa- 
rated from the parent State during the 
war, and in her constitution evaded her 
responsibility by declaring that the State 
should never contract a debt except one 
created to resist invasion or in a war for the 
government. This fact shows how keenly 
alive the West Virginians were to a claim 
which couM very justly be pressed in the 
event of Virginia being restored to the 
Union, and this claim Gen'l Mahone has 
persistently pressed, and latterly urged a 
funding of the debt of his State at a 3 per 
cent, rate, on the ground that the State is 
unable to pay more and that this is in ac- 
cord with proper rates of interest on the 
bonds of State governments — a view not 
altogether tair or sound, since it leaves the 
creditors powerless to do otherwise than 
accept. The regular or Bourbon Demo- 
crats proclaimed in favor of full payment, 
and in this respect differed from their 
party associates as to ante-war debts in 
most other Southern States. 

Gen. Mahone rapidly organized his re- 
volt, and as the Republican party was then 
in a hopeless minority in Virginia, public- 
ly invited an alliance by the passage of a 
platf )rm which advocated free schools for 
the blacks and a full enforcement of the 



National laws touching their civil rights. 
The Legislature was won, and on the 16th 
of December, 1880, Gen'l Mahone was 
elected to the U. S. Senate to succeed Sen- 
ator ^V'ithers, whose term expired March 
4, 1881. 

In the Presidential campaign of 1880, 
the Readjusters supported Gen'l Hancock, 
but on a separate electoral ticket, while 
the Republicans supported Garfield on aa 
electoral ticket of their own selection. 
This division was pursuant to an under- 
standing, and at the time thought advi- 
sable by Mahone, who, if his electors won, 
could go for Hancock or not, as circum- 
stances might suggest; while if he failed 
the Republicans might profit by the sepa- 
ration. There was, however, a third horn 
to this dilemma, for the regular Democratic 
electors were chosen, but the political 
complexion of the Legislature was not 
changed. Prior to the Presidential nomi- 
nations Mahone's Readjuster Convention 
had signified their willingness to support 
Gen'l Grant if he should be nominated at 
Chicago, and this fact was widely quoted 
by his friends in their advocacy of Grant's 
nomination, and in descanting upon his 
ability to carry Southern States. 

The Readjuster movement at first had 
no other than local designs, but about the 
time of its organization there was a great 
desire on the part of the leading Republi- 
cans to break the '"Solid South," and 
every possible expedient to that end was 
suggested. It was solid for the Democratic 
party, and standing thus could with the 
aid of New York, Indiana and New Jersey 
(them all Democratic States) assure the 
election of a Democratic President. 

One of the favorite objects of President 
Hayes was to break the " Solid South." 
He first obtained it by conciliatory speech- 
es, which were so conciliatory in fact that 
they angered radical Republicans, and 
there were thus threatened division in un- 
expected quarters. He next tried it 
through Gen'l Key, whom he made Post- 
master General in the hope that he could 
resurrect and reorganize the old Whig 
elements of the South. Key was to attend 
to Southern postal patronage with this end 
in view, while Mr. 'Tener, his able First As- 
sistant, was to distribute Northern or Re- 
publican patronage. So far as dividing 
the South was concerned, the scheme was 
a flat failure. 

The next and most quiet and effectual 
effort was made by Gen'l Simon Cameron, 
Ex-Senator from Pennsylvania. He started 
on a brief Southern tour, ostensibly for 
health and enjoyment, but really to meet 
Gen'l Mahone, his leading Readjuster 
friends, and the leading Republicans. 
Conferences were held, and the union of 
the two forces wiis made to embrace Na- 
tional objects. This was in the Fall of 1879. 



264 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Not long thereafter Gen'l Mahone consult- 
ed with Senator J. Don. Cameron, who 
was of course familiar with his father's 
movements, and he actively devised and 
carried out schemes to aid the new combi- 
nation by which the " Solid Soutli " was 
to be broken. In the great State campaign 
of 1881, when the Bourbon and anti-Bour- 
bon candidates for Governor, were stump- 
ing the State, Gen'l Mahone found that a 
large portion of his colored friends were 
handicapped by their inability to pay the 
taxes imposed upon them by the laws of 
Virginia, and this threatened defeat. He 
sought aid from the National administra- 
tion. President Garfield favored the com- 
bination, as did Secretary Windom, but 
Secretary Blaine withheld his support for 
several months, finally, however, acceding 
to the wishes of the President and most of 
the Cabinet. Administration influences 
caused the abandonment of a straight-out 
Republican movement organized by Con- 
gressman Jorgensen and others, and a 
movement which at one time threatened a 
disastrous division was overcome. The 
tax question remained, and this was first 
met by Senator J. Don. Cameron, who 
while summeriiig at Manhattan Island, 
was really daily engaged in New York 
City raising funds for Mahone, with which 
to pay their taxes. Still, this aid was insuf- 
ficient, and in the heat of the battle the 
revenue officers throughout the United 
States, were asked to contribute. Many of 
them did so, and on the eve of election all 
taxes were paid and the result was the 
election of William E. Cameron (Read- 
juster) as Governor by about 20,000 ma- 
jority, with other State officers divided be- 
tween the old Readjusters and Republi- 
cans. The combination also carried the 
Legislature. 

In that great struggle the Readjusters 
became known as the anti-Bourbon move- 
ment, and efforts are now being made to 
extend it to other Southern States. It has 
taken root in South Carolina, Georgia, 
Tennessee, Arkansas, Mississippi, and 
more recently in Kentucky, where the 
Union War Democrats in State Convention 
as late as March 1, 1882, separated from 
the Bourbon wing of the party. For a 
better idea of these two elements in the 
South, the reader is referred to the recent 
speeches of Hill and Mahone in the me- 
morable Senate scene directly after the 
latter took the oath of office, and cast his 
vote with the Republicans. These speeches 
will be found in Book III of this volume. 



Suppressing Blomionlsm. 

Polygamy, justly denounced as " the 
true relic of barbarism " while slavery ex- 
isted, has ever since the settlement of the 



Mormons in Utah, been one of the vexed 
questions in American politics. Laws 
passed lor its suppression have proved, thus 
far, unavailing ; troops could not crush it 
out, or did not at a time when battles were 
fought and won ; United States Courts 
were powerless where juries could not be 
found to convict. Latterly a new and 
promising effort has been made for its sup- 
pression. This was begun in the Senate 
in the session of 1882. On the 16th of 
February a vote was taken by sections on 
Senator Edmunds' bill, which like the law 
of 1862 is penal in its provisions, but di- 
rectly aimed against the crime of poly- 
gamy. 

President Arthur signed the Edmunds 
anti-polygamy bill on the 23d of March, 
1882. 

Delegate Cannon of .Utah, was on the 
floor of the Senate electioneering against 
the bill, and he plead with some success, 
for several Democratic Senators made 
speeches against it. The Republicans were 
unanimously for the bill, and the Demo- 
crats were not solidly against it, though the 
general tenor of the debate on this side 
was against it. 

Senator Vest (Democrat) of Missouri, 
said that never in the darkest days of the 
rule of the Tudors and Stuarts had any 
measure been advocated which came so 
near a bill of attainder as this one. It 
was monstrous to contend thiit the people 
of the United States were at the mercy of 
Congress without any appeal. If this bill 
passed it would establish a prcc edent that 
would come home to plague us for all 
time to come. The pressure agninst poly- 
gamy to-day might exist to-morrow against 
any church, institution or clas-s in this 
broad land, and when the crested waves of 
prejudice and passion mounted high they 
would be told that the Congress of the 
United States had trampled upon the Con- 
stitution. In conclusion, he said : " I am 
prepared for the abuse and calumny that 
will follow any man who dares to criticise 
any bill against polygamy, and yet, if my 
official life had to terminate to-morrow, I 
would not give my vote for the unconsti- 
tutional principles contained in this bill." 
Other speeches were made by Messrs. Mor- 
gan, Brown, Jones, of Florida, Saulsbury, 
Call, Pendleton, Sherman, and Lamar, and 
the debate was closed by Mr. Edmunds in 
an eloquent fifteen-minutes' speech, in 
which he carefiilly reviewed and contro- 
verted the objections urged against the 
bill of the committee. 

He showed great anxietj' to have the 
measure disposed of at once and met a re- 
quest from the Democratic side for a post- 
ponement till other features should be em- 
bodied in the bills with the remark that 
this was the policy that had hitherto proven 
a hindrance to legi^ilation on this subject 



SUPPRESSING MORMONISM. 



265 



and that he was tired of it. In the bill aa 
amended the following section provoked 
more opposition than any other, although 
the Senators refrained from making any 
particular mention of it : " That it any 
male person in a Territory or other place 
over which the United States have exclu- 
sive jurisdiction hereafter cohabits with 
more than one woman he shall be deemed 
guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction 
thereof he shall be punished by a fine of 
not more than $300 or by imprisonment 
for not more than six months, or by both 
said punishments in the discretion of the 
court." The bill passed viva voce vote 
after a re-arrangement of its sections, one 
of the changes being that not more than 
three of the commissioners shall be mem- 
bers of the same party. The fact that the 
yeas and nays were not called, shows that 
there is no general desire on either side to 
make the bill a partisan measure. 

The Edmunds Bill passed the House 
March 14, 1882, without material amend- 
ment, the Republican majority, refusing to 
allow the time asked by the Democrats for 
discussion. The vote was 19.3 for to only 
45 against, all of the negative votes being 
Democratic save one, that of Jones, Green- 
backer from Texas. 

The only question was whether the bill, 
as passed by the Senate, would accomplish 
that object, and whether certain provisions 
of this l)ill did not provide a remedy which 
was worse than the disease. Many Demo- 
crats thought that the precedent of inter- 
fering with the right of suffrage at the 
polls, when the voter had not been tried 
and convicted of any crime, was so dan- 
gerous that they could not bring them- 
selves to vote for the measure. Among 
these democrats were Belmont and Hew- 
itt, of New York, and a number of others 
eiually prominent. But they all professed 
their readiness to vote for any measure 
which would affect the abolition of poly- 
gamy without impairing the fundamental 
rights of citizens in other parts of the coun- 
try. 

THE TEXT OF THE BILL. 

Be if enacted, d'c, That section 5,352 of 
•he Revised Statutes of the United States 
be, and the same is hereby amended so as 
10 read .as follows, namely: 

" Every person who has a husband or 
wife living who, in a Territory or other 
place over which the United States have 
exclusive jurisdiction, hereafter marries 
another, whether married or single, and 
any man who hereafter simultaneously, or 
on the same day, marries more than one 
woman, in a Territory or other place over 
which the United States has exclusive 
jurisdiction, is guilty of polygamy, and shall 
be punished by a fine of not more than 
$500 and by imprisonment for a term of not 



more than five years ; but this section shall 
not extend to any person by reason of any 
former marriage whose husband or wife by 
such marriage shall have been absent for 
five successive years, and is not known to 
such person to be living, and is believed by 
such person to be dead, nor to any person 
by reason of any former marriage which 
shall have been dissolved by a valid de- 
cree of a competent court, nor to any per- 
son by reason of any former marriage which 
shall have been pronounced void by a val- 
id decree of a competent court, on the 
ground of nullity of the marriage con- 
tract." 

Sec. 2. That the foregoing provisions 
shall not affect the prosecution or punish- 
ment of any offence already committed 
against the section amended by the first 
section of this act. 

Sec". 3. That if any male person, in a 
Ten-itory or other place over which the 
United States have exclusive jurisdiction, 
hereafter cohabits with more than one wo- 
man, he shall be deemed guilty of a mis- 
demeanor, and on conviction thereof shall 
he punished by a fine of not more than 
$300, or by imprisonment for not more 
than six months, or by both said punish- 
ments in the discretion of the court. 

Sec. 4. That counts for any or all of the 
offences named in sections 1 and 3 of this 
act may be joined in the same information 
or indictment. 

Sec. 5. That in any prosecution for biga- 
my, polygamy or unlawful cohabitation 
under any statute of the United States, it 
shall be sufficient cause of challenge to any 
person drawn or summoned as a juryman 
or talesman, first, that he is or h is been 
living in the practice of bigamy, poly- 
gamy, or unlawful cohabitation with more 
than one woman, or that he is or has been 
guilty of an offence punishable by either 
of the foregoing sections or by section 5352 
of the Revised Statutes of the United 
States or the act of July 1, 18G2, entitled 
" An act to punish and prevent the prac- 
tice of polygamy in the Territories of the 
United States and other places, and disap- 
l)roving and annulling certain acts of the 
Legislative Assembly of the Territory of 
Utah ;" or, second, that ho believes it right 
for a man to have more than one living and 
undivorced wife atthe same time, or to live 
in the practice of cohabiting with more 
than one woman, and any person appear- 
ing or offered as a jurcr or talesman and 
challenged on either of the foregoing 
grounds may be questioned on liis oath as 
to the existence of any such cause of chal- 
lenge, and other evidence may be intro- 
dnced bearing upon the question raised by 
such challenge, and this question shall be 
tried bv the court. But as to the first ground 
of cliallenge before mentioned the person 
challenged shall be bound to answer if he 



266 



•AMERICAN POLITICS. 



shall say upon his oath that he declines on 
the ground that his answer may tend to 
criminate himself, and if he shall answer 
to said first ground his answer shall not be 
given in evideute in any criminal prose- 
cution against him for any ofi'ense named 
in sections 1 or 3 of this act, but if he 
declines to answer on any ground he shall 
be rejected as incompetent. 

Sec. 6. That the President is hereby au- 
thorized to grant amnesty to such classes 
of offenders guilty before the passage of 
this act of bigamy, polygamy, or unlawful 
cohabitation before the passage of this act, 
on such conditions and under such limita- 
tions as he shall think proper ; but no such 
amnesty shall have eflect unless the condi- 
tions thereof shall be complied with. 

Sec. 7. That the issue of bigamous or 
polygamous marriages known as Mormon 
marriages, in cases in which such marriages 
have been solemnized according to the 
ceremonies of the Mormon sect, in any 
Territory of the United States, and such 
issue shall have been born before the Ist 
day of January, A. D. 1883, are hereby 
legitimated. 

Sec. 8. That no polygamist, bigamist, or 
any person cohabiting with more than one 
woman, and no woman cohabiting with 
any of the persons described as aforesaid 
in this section, in any Territory or other 
place over which the United States have ex- 
clusive jurisdiction, shall be entitled to vote 
at any election held in any such Territory 
or other place, or be eligible for election or 
appointment to or be entitled to hold any 
oflice or place of public trust, honor or 
emolument in, under, or for such Territory 
or place, or under the United States. 

Sec. i). That all the registration and 
election offices of every description in the 
Territory of Utah are hereby declared va- 
cant, and each and every duty relating to 
the registration of voters, the conduct of 
elections, the receiving or rejection of votes, 
and the canvassing and returning of the 
same, and the issuing of certificates or 
other evidence of election in said Terri- 
tory, shall, until other provision be made 
by the Legislative Assembly of said Terri- 
tory as is hereinafter by this section pro- 
vided, be performed under the existing 
laws of the United States and of said Ter- 
ritory by proper persons, who shall be ap- 
pointed to execute such offices and perform 
such duties by a board of five persons, to 
be appointed by the President, by and with 
the advice and consent of the Senate, and 
not more than three of whom shall be mem- 
bers of one political party, and a majority 
of whom shall constitute a quorum. The 
members of said board so appointed by the 
President shall each receive a salary at the 
rate of $3,000 per annum, and shall con- 
tinue in office until the Legislative As- 
sembly of said Territory shall make pro- 



vision for filling said offices as herein au- 
thorized. The secretary of the Territory 
shall be the secretaiy of said board, and 
keep a journal of its proceedings, and at- 
test the action of said board under this 
section. The canvass and return of all 
the votes at elections in said Territory for 
members of the Legislative Assembly 
thereof shall also be returned to said board, 
which shall canvass all such returns and 
issue certificates of election to those per- 
sons who, being eligible for such election, 
shall appear to have been lawfully elected, 
which certificate shall be the only evidence 
of the right of such persons to sit in such 
Assembly : rrovided, That said board of 
five persons shall not exclude any person 
otherwise eligible to vote from the polls on 
account of any opinion such person may 
entertain on the subject of bigamy or po- 
lygamy, nor shall they refuse to count any 
such vote on account of the opinion of the 
person casting it on the suljject of bigamy 
or polygamy ; but each house of such As- 
sembly, alter its organization, shall have 
power to decide upon the elections and 
qualifications of its members. And at or 
after the first meeting of said Legislative 
Assembly whose members shall have been 
elected and returned according to the pro- 
visions of this act, said Legislative Assem- 
bly may make such laws, conformable to 
the organic act of said Territory and not 
inconsistent with other hiws of the United 
States, as it shall deem proper concerning 
the filling of the offices in said Territory 
declared vacant by this act. 

John E. McBride writing in the Febru- 
ary number (1^82) of The Intcrnationul 
Etticw, gives an interesting and correct 
view of the obstacles which the Mormons 
have erected apainst the enforcement of 
United States laws in the Territory. It 
requires acquaintance with these facts to 
fully comprehend the difficulties in the 
way of what seems to most minds a very 
plain and easy task. Mr. McEride says: 
Their first care on arriving in Utah was to 
erect a "free and Independent State," 
called the " State of Deseret." It included 
in its ne^minal limits, not only all of Utah 
as it now is, but one-half of California, all 
of Nevada, part of Colorado, and a large 
portion of four ether Territories now or- 
ganized. Erigham Young was elected 
Governor, audits departments, legislative 
and judicial, were fully organized and put 
into operation. Its legislative acts were 
styled "ordinances," and when Congress, 
disregarding the State organization, insti- 
tuteel a Territorial Government for Utah, 
the legislative body chosen by the Mor- 
mons adopted the ordinances of the " State 
of Deseret," Many of these are yet on 
the statute book of Utah. They show con- 
clusively the domination of the ecclesiasti- 
cal idea, and how utterly insignificant in 



SUPPRESSING MORMONISM. 



267 



comijarison was the power of the civil 
authority. Tiiey incorporated the Mormon 
Cliurch into a body politic and corporate, 
and by the third section of tlic act gave it 
supreme autliority over its members in 
everything temporal and spiritual, and as- 
signed as a reason for so doing that it was 
because the powers confirmed were in 
I " support of morality and virtue, and were 
founded on the revelations of the Lord." 
Under this power to make laws and punish 
and forgive offenses, to hear and determine 
between brethren, the civil law was super- 
seded. The decrees of the courts of this 
church, certified under seal, have been ex- 
amined by the writer, and he found them 
exercising a jurisdiction without limit ex- 
cept that of appeal to the President of the 
church. That the assassinations of apos- 
tates, the massacres of the Morrisites at 
Morris Fort and of the Arkansas emigrants 
at Mountain Meadows, were all in pursu- 
ance of church deci'ees, more or less formal, 
no one acquainted with the system doubts. 
This act of incorporation was passed Febru- 
ary 8, 1851, and is found in the latest com- 
pilation of Utah statutes. It is proper also 
to observe that, for many years after the 
erection of the Territorial Government by 
Congress, the " State of Deseret " organiza- 
tion was maintained "by the Mormons, and 
collision was only prevented because Brig- 
ham was Governor of both, and found it 
unnecessarv for his purpose to antagonize 
either. Hi^ church organization made 
both a shadow, while that was the sub- 
stance of all authority. One of the earli- 
est of their legislative acts was to organ- 
ize a Surveyor General's Department,' and 
title to land was declared to be in the per- 
sons who held a certificate from that office.^ 
Having instituted their own system of 
government and taken possession of the 
land, and assumed to distribute that in a 
system of their own, the next step was to 
vest certain leading men with the control 
of the timbers and waters of the country. 
By a series of acts granting lands, waters 
and timber to individuals, the twelve 
apostles became the practical proprietors of 
the better and more desirable portions of 
the country. By an ordinance dated Octo- 
ber 4, 18">1, there was granted to Brigham 
Young the "sole control of City Creek and 
Canon for the sum of five hundred dollars." 
By an ordinance dated January 9, 1850, 
the " waters of North Mill Creek and the 
waters of the Canon next north" were 
granted to Heber C. Kimball. On the 
same day was granted to George A. Smith 
the " sole control of the canons and timber 
of the east side of the ' Wc'^t Mountains." 
On the 18th of January, 1851, the North 
Cottonwood Canon was granted exclusively 
to Williard Richards. On the 15th of Janu- 



> Act of March 2, 1850. 



«Act of January 19, 1866. 



ary, 1851, the waters of the "main chan- 
nel " of Mill Creek were donated to Brig- 
ham Young. On the 9th of December, 
1850, there was granted to Ezra T. Benson 
the exclusive control of the waters of Twin 
Springs and Rock Springs, in Tooelle Val- 
ley; and on the 14th of January, 1851, to 
the same person was g'-anted the control of 
all the canons of the " West Mountain " 
and the timber therein. By the ordinance 
of Sejjtember 14, 1850, a " general con- 
ference of the Church of Latter Day 
Saints" was authorized to elect thirteen 
men to become a corporation, to be called 
the Emigration Company ; and to this com- 
pany, elected exclusively by the church, 
was secured and appropriated the two 
islands in Salt Lake known as Antelope 
and Stansberry Islands, to be under the 
exclusive control of President Brigham 
Young. These examples are given to show 
that the right of the United States to the 
lands of Utah met no recognition by these 
people. They a))propriated them, not only 
in a way to make the people slaves, but 
indicated their claim of sovereignty as 
superior to any. Young, Smith, Benson 
and Kimball were apostles. Richards was 
Brigham Young's counselor. By an act of 
December 28, 1855, there was granted to 
the " University of the State of Deseret" 
a tract of land amounting to about five 
hundred acres, inside the city limits of 
Salt Lake City, without any reservation to 
the occupants whatever ; and everywhere 
was the autiiority of the United States 
over the country and its soil and people 
utterly ignored. 

Not satisfied with making the grants re- 
ferred to, the Legislative Assembly entered 
upon a system of municipal incorporations, 
by which the fertile lauds of the Territory 
were withdrawn from the operation of the 
preemptive laws of Congress; and thus 
while they occupied these without title, non- 
Mormons were unable to make settlement 
on them, and they were thus engrossed 
to Mormon use. From a report made by 
the Commissioner of the General Land Of- 
fice to the United States Senate,' it appears 
that the municipal corporations covered 
over 400,000 acres of the public lands, and 
over GOO square miles of territory. These 
lands2 are not subject to either the Home- 
stead or Preemption laws, and thus the non- 
Mormon settler was prevented from attempt- 
ing, except in rare instances, to secure any 
lands in Utah. The spirit which prompted 
this course is well illustrated by an instance 
which was the subject of an investigation 
in the Land Department, and the proofs 
are found in the document just referred to. 
George Q. Cannon, the late Mormon dele- 
gate in Congress, was called to exercise his 



1 Senate doc. 181, 4Gth Congress. 
*Sec. 2, 258, Bev. Stat. U.S. 



268 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



duties as an apostle to the Tooelle "Stake" 
at the city of Grantville. In a discourse 
on Sunday, the 20th day of July, 1875, Mr. 
Cannon said : ' '' God has given us (mean- 
ing the Mormon people) this land, and, if 
any outsider shall come in to take land 
which we claim, a piece sijc feet by tu-o is 
all they are entitled to, and that will last 
them to all eternity." 

By measures and threats like these have 
the' Mormons unlawfully controlled the ag- 
ricultural lands of the Territory and ex- 
cluded therefrom the dissenting settler. 
The attempt of the United States to es- 
tablish a Surveyor-General's office in Utah 
in 1855, and to survey the lands in view of 
disposing of them according to law, was 
met by such opposition that Mr. Burr, the 
Surveyor-General, was compelled to fly for 
life. The monuments of surveys made by 
his order were destroyed, and the records 
were supposed to have met a like fate, but 
were afterwards restored by Brigham 
Young to the Government. The report of 
his experience by Mr. Burr was instru- 
mental in causing troops to be sent in 1857 
to assert the authority of the Government. 
When this army, consisting of regular 
troops, was on the way to Utah, Brigham 
Young, as Governor, issued a proclamation, 
dated September 15, 1857, declaring mar- 
tial law and ordering the people of the 
Territory to hold themselves in readiness 
to march to repel the invaders, and on the 
29th of September following addressed the 
commander of United States forces an or- 
der forbidding him to enter the Territory, 
and directing him to retire from it by the 
same route he had come. Further evidence 
of the Mormon claim that they were inde- 
pendent is perhaps unnecessary. The trea- 
sonable character of the local organization 
is manifest. It is this organization that 
controls, not only the people who belong to 
it, but the 30,000 non-Mormons who now re- 
side in Utah. 

Every member of the territorial Legisla- 
ture is a Mormon. Every county officer is 
a Mormon. Every territorial officer is a 
Mormon, except such as are appointive. 
The schools provided by law and supported 
by taxation are Mormon. The teachers are 
Mormon, and the sectarian catechism af- 
firming the revelations of Joseph Smith is 
regularly taught therein. The municipal 
corporations are under the control of Mor- 
mons. In the hands of this bigoted class 
all the material interests of the Territory 
are left, subject only to such checks as a 
Federal Governor and a Federal judiciary 
can impose. From beyond the sea thej' im- 
port some thousands of ignorant converts 
annually, and, while the non-Mormons are 
increasing, they are overwhelmed by the 
muddy tide of fanaticism shipped in upon 

1 According to the ailldavits of Samuel Howard and 
others, page 14. 



them. The suffrage has been bestowed 
unon all classes by a statute so general that 
the ballot box is filled with a mass of votes 
which repels the free citizen from the ex- 
ercise of that right. If a Gentile is cho- 
sen to the Legislature (two or three such 
instances have occurred), he is not admit- 
ted to the seat, although the act of Congress 
(June 23, 1874) requires the Territory to 
pay all the expenses of the enforcement of 
the laws of the Territory, and of the care 
of persons convicted of offenses against the 
laws of the Territory. Provision is made 
for jurors' fees in criminal cases only, and 
none is made for the care of criminals.^ 
While Congress pays the legislative ex- 
penses, amounting to ,$20,000 per session, 
the Legislature defiantly refuses to comply 
with the laws which its members are sworn 
to support. And the same body, though 
failing to protect the marriage bond by any 
law whatever requiring any solemnities for 
entering it, provided a divorce act which 
practically allowed marriages to be annulled 
at will.''' Neither seduction, adultery nor 
incest find penalty or recognition in its legal 
code. The purity of home is destroyed by 
the beastly practice of plural marriage, and 
the brows of innocent children are branded 
with the stain of bastardy to gratify the 
lust which cares naught for its victims. 
Twenty-eight of the thirty-six members of 
the present Legislature of Utah are re- 
ported as having from two to seven wives 
each. While the Government of the Uni- 
ted States is paying these men their mile- 
age and per diem as law-makers in Utah, 
those guilty of the same oflense outside of 
Utah are leading the lives of felons in con- 
vict cells. For eight years a IVIormon dele- 
gate has sat in the capitol at Washington 
having four living wives in his harem in 
Utah, and at the same time, under the 
shadow of that capitol, lingers in a felon's 
prison a man who had been guilty of mar- 
rying a woman while another wile was still 
living. 

For thirty years have the Mormons been 
trusted to correct these evils and put them- 
selves in harmony with the balance of 
civilized mankind. This they have refused 
to do. Planting themselves in the heart 
of the continent, they have persistently 
defied the laws of the land, the laws of 
modern society, and the teachings of a 
common humanity. They degrade woman 
to the office of a breeding animal, and, 
after depriving her of all property rights 
in her husband's estate,' all control of her 
children,* they, with ostentation, bestow 
upon her the ballot in a way that makes 
it a nullity if contested, and compels her 
to use it to perpetuate her own degrada- 
tion if she avails herself of it. 

1 See Report of Attflrney-Gener.al Unitcil Ptntes, 1880-81. 
« Act of March 0, I,8G2. 3 Act of February 16, 1872. 

* Sees. 1 and 2, act of February 3, 1852. 



THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION, 



269 



No power has been given to the Mor- 
mon Hierarchy that has not been abused. 
The right of representation in the legishi- 
tive councils lias been violated in the ap- 
portionment of members so as to disfran- 
chise the non-Mormon class.^ The system 
of revenue and taxation was for twenty- 
five years a system of confiscation and ex- 
tortion.^ The courts were so organized and 
controlled that they were but the organs of 
the church oppressions and ministers of 
its vengeance.* The legal profession was 
abolished by a statute that prohibited a 
lawyer from recovering on any contract 
for service, and allowed every person to 
appear as an attorney in any court.* The 
attorney was compelled to present " all the 
facts in the case," whether for or against 
his client, and a refusal to disclose the 
confidential communications of the latter 
subjected the attorney to fine and imprison- 
ment.' No law book except the statutes 
of Utah and of the United States, " when 
applicable," was permitted to be read in 
any court by an attorney, and the citation 
of a decision of the Supreme Court of the 
United State-*, or even a quotation from 
the Bible, in the trial of any cause, sub- 
jected a lawyer to fine and imprisonment." 

The practitioners of medicine were 
equally assailed by legislation. The use 
of the most important remedies known to 
modern medical science, including all an- 
aesthetics, was prohibited except under 
conditions which made their use impossi- 
ble, " and if death followed" the adminis- 
tration of these remedies, the ])erson ad- 
ministering them was declared guilty of 
manslaughter or murder.' The Legislative 
Assembly is but an organized conspiracy 
against the national law, and an obstacle 
in the way of the advancement of its own 
people. For sixteen years it refused to lay 
its enactments before Congress, and they 
were only obtained by a joint resolutioa 
demanding them. Once in armed rebel- 
lion against the authority of the nation, 
the Mormons have always secretly stru;^,- 
gled for, as they have openly prophesied, 
its e-itire overthrow. Standing thus in the 
pathway of the material growth and devel- 
opmeit of the Territory, a disgrace to the 
balance of the country, with no redeeming 
virtue to plead for further indulgence, this 
travesty of a local government demands 
radical and speedy reform. 



The Soatb American Question. 

If it was not shrewdly surmised before it 
is niw known that had" President Garfield 

1 Soi> act of .Tanuary 17 18R2. 

- Act of January V, I'l.i-l, goc. 14, 

'ActH of Jan 21, 18>.t, and of January, 1855, sec. 20. 

< Act of February 18, 1H.=i2. 

6 Act of February 18, 1852. 

•Act of January 14, 1 854. 

'Sec. 106, Act March G, 1852. 



lived he intended to make his administra- 
tion brilliant at home and abroad — a view 
confirmed by the policy conceived by 
Secretary Blaine and sanctioned, it must 
be presumed, by President Garfield. This 
policy looked to closer commercial and 
political relations with all of the Eepublics 
on this Hemisphere, as developed in the 
following quotations from a correspond- 
ence, the publication of which lacks com- 
pleteness because of delays in transmitting 
all of it to Congress. 

Ex-Secretary Blaine on the 3d of Janu- 
ary sent the following letter to President 
Arthur: 

" The suggestion of a congress of all the 
American nations to assemble in the city 
of Washington for the purpose of agreeing 
on such a basis of arbitration for interna- 
tional troubles as would remove all possi- 
bility of war in the Western hemisphere 
was warmly approved by your predecessor. 
The assassination of July 2 prevented his 
issuing the invitations to the American 
States. After your accession to the Pre- 
sidency I acquainted you with the project 
and submitted to you a draft for such an 
invitation. You received the suggestion 

• 1 1 oo 

with the most appreciative consideration, 
and after carefully examining the form of 
the invitation directed that it be sent. It 
was accordingly dispatched in November 
to the independent governments of Ameri- 
ca North and South, including all, from 
the Empire of Brazil to the smallest re- 
oublic. In a communication addressed by 
the present Secretary of State on January 
9, to Mr. Trescot and recently sent to the 
Senate I was greatly surprised to find a 
proposition looking to the annulment of 
these invitations, and I was still more sur- 
prised when I read the reasons assigned. 
If I correctly apprehend the meaning of 
his words it is that we might offend some 
European powers if we should hold in the 
United States a congress of the " selected 
nationalities" of America. 

"This is certainly a new position for the 
United States to assume, and one which I 
earnestly beg you will not permit this 
government to occupy. The European 
powers assemble in congre'ss whenever an 
object seems to them of sufficient import- 
ance to justify it. I have never heard of 
their consulting the government of the 
United Stites in regard to the propriety of 
their so assembling, nor have I ever known 
of their inviting an American representa- 
tive to be present. Nor would there, in my 
judgment, be any good reason for their so 
doing. Two Presidents of the United 
States in the year 1881 adjudged it to be 
expedient that the American powers should 
meet in congress for the sole purpose of 
agreeing upon some basis for arbitration of 
differences that mav arise between them 
and for the prevention, as far as possible, 



270 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



of war in the future. If that movement is 
now to be arrested for fear that it may 
give offense in Europe, the voluntary hu- 
miliation of this government could not be 
more complete, unless we should press the 
European governments for the privilege of 
holding the congress. I cannot conceive 
how the United [States could be placed in 
a less enviable position than would be se- 
cured by sending in November a cordial 
invitation to all the American governments 
to meet in Washington for the sole pur- 
pose of concerting measures of peace 
and in January recalling the invitation 
for fear that it might create "jealousy and 
ill will " on the part of monarchical govern- 
ments in Euroi)e. It would be difficult to 
devise a more effective mode for making 
enemies of the American Government and 
it would certainly not add to our prestige 
in the European world. Nor can I see, 
Mr. President, how European governments 
should feel "jealousy and ill will " towards 
the United States because of an effort on 
our own part to assure lasting peace be- 
tween the nations of America, unless, in- 
deed, it be to the interest of European 
power that American nations should at 
intervals fall into war and bring re- 
proach on republican government. But 
from that very circumstance I see an ad- 
ditional and powerful motive for the 
American Governments to be at peace 
among themselves. 

"The United States is indeed at peace 
with all the world, as ]\Ir. Frelinghuysen 
well says, but there are and have been 
serious troubles between other American 
nations. Peru, Chili and Bolivia have 
been for more than two years engaged in 
a desperate conflict. It was the fortunate 
intervention of the United States last 
spring that averted war between Chili and 
the Argentine Republic. Guatemala is at 
this moment asking the United States to 
interpose its good offices with Mexico to 
keep off war. These important facts were 
all communicated in your late message to 
Congress, It is the existence or the men- 
ace of these wars that influenced President 
Garfield, and as I supposed influenced 
yourself, to desire a friendly conference of 
all the nations of America to devise 
methods of permanent peace and conse- 
quent prosperity for all. Shall the United 
States now turn back, hold aloof and re- 
fuse to exert its great moral power for the 
advantage of its weaker neighbors? 

If you have not formally and finally re- 
called the invitations to the Peace Con- 
gress, Mr. President, I beg you to consider 
well the effect of so doing. The invitation 
•was not mine. It was yours. I performed 
only the part of the Secretary' — to advise 
and to draft. You spoke in the name of 
the United States to each of the indepen- 
dent nations of America. To revoke that 



invitation for any cause would be embar- 
rassing ; to revoke it for the avowed fear of 
"jealousy and ill will " on the part of 
European powers would appeal as little to 
American pride as to American hospitality. 
Those you have invited may decline, and 
having now cause to doubt their welcome 
will, jierhaps, do so. This would break up 
the congress, but it would not touch our 
dignity. 

" Beyond the philanthropic and Christian 
ends to be obtained by an American con- 
ference devoted to peace and good-will 
among men, we might well hope for 
material advantages, as the result ot a bet- 
ter understanding and closer friendship 
with the nation of America. At present 
the condition of trade between the United 
States and its American neighbors is un- 
satisfactory to us, and even deplorable. 
According to the oflicial statistics of our 
own Treasury Department, the balance 
against us in that trade last vear was 
^120,000,000— a sum greater than the 
yearly product of all the gold and silver 
mines in the United States. This vast 
balance was paid by us in foreign exchange, 
and a very large proportion of it went to 
England, where shipments of cotton, pro- 
visions and breadstufis supplied the 
money. If anything should change or 
check the balance in our favor in Euro- 
pean trade our commercial exchanges with 
Spanish America would drain us of our 
reserve of gold at a rate exceeding $100,- 
000,000 per annum, and would probably 
precipitate a suspension of specie payment 
in this country. Such a result at home 
might be worse than a little jealousy and 
ill-will abroad. I do not say, Mr. Presi- 
dent, that the holding of a j^eace congress 
will necessarily change the currents of 
trade, but it will bring us into kindly re- 
lations with all the American nations; it 
will promote the reign of peace and law 
and order ; it will increase production and 
consumption and will stimulate the de- 
mand for articles which American manu- 
facturers can furnish with profit. It will 
at all events be a friendly and auspicious 
beginning in the direction of American 
influence and American trade in a large 
field Avhich we have hitherto greatly ne- 
glected and which has been practically 
monopolized by our commercial rivals in 
Europe. 

As Mr. Frelinghuysen's dispatch, fore- 
shadowing the abandonment of the peace 
congress, has been made public, I deem it 
a matter of propriety and justice to give 
this letter to the press. Jas. G. Blaine. 

The above well presents the Blaine view 
of the proposition to have a Con- 
gress of the Republics of America at 
Washington, and under the patronage of 
this government, with a view to settle all 



THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 



271 



difnculties by arbitration, to promote trade, 
and it i.^ presumed to form alliances ready 
to suit a new and advanced application of 
the Monroe doctrine. 

The following is the letter proposing a 
conference of North and South American 
Republics sent to the U. S. Ministers in 
Ceatral and South America : 

Sir: The attitude of the United States 
with respect to the question of general 
peace on the American Continent is well 
known through its persistent efforts for 
years past to avert the evils of warfare, or, 
these efforts failing, to bring positive con- 
flicts to an end through pacific counsels or 
the advocacy of impartial arbitration. 
This attitude has been consistently main- 
tained, and always with such fairness as to 
leave no room for imputing to our Govern- 
ment any motive except the humane and 
disinterested one of saving the kindred 
States of the American Continent from the 
burdens of war. The position of the 
United States, as the leading power of the 
new world, might well give to its Govern- 
ment a claim to authoritative utterance for 
the purpose of quieting discord among its 
neighbors, with all of whom the most 
friendly relations exist. Nevertheless the 
good offices of this Government are not, 
and have not at any time, been tendered 
with a show of dictation or compulsion, 
but only as exhibiting the solicitous 
good will of a common friend. 

THE CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICAN 
STATES. 

For some years past a growing disposi- 
tion has been manifested by certain States 
of Central and South America to refer dis- 
putes affecting grave questions of inter- 
national relationship and boundaries to 
arbitration rather than to the sword. It 
has been on several occasions a source of 
profound satisfaction to the Government 
of the United States to see that this 
country is in a large measure looked to by 
all the American powers as their friend 
and mediator. The just and impartial 
counsel of the President in such cases, has 
never been withheld, and his efforts have 
been rewarded by the prevention of 
sanguinary strife or angry contentions be- 
tween peoples whom we regard as brethren. 
The existence of this growing tendency 
convinces the President that the time is 
ripe for a proposal that shall enlist the 
good will and a>"tive co-operation of all the 
States of the Western Hemisphere both 
North and S^uth, in the interest of hu- 
manity and for the common weal of na- 
tions. 

He conceives that none of the Govern- 
ments of America can be less alive than 
our own to the dangers and horrors of a 
state of war, and especially of war between 
kinsmen. He is sure that none of the 



chiefs of Government on the Continent can 
be less sensitive than he is to the saci-ed 
duty of making every endeavor to do away 
with the chances of fratricidal strife, and 
he looks with hopeful confidence to such 
active assistance from them as will serve 
to show the broadness of our common hu- 
manity, the strength of the ties which 
bind us all together as a great and har- 
monious system of American Common- 
wealths. 

A GENERAL CONGRESS PROPOSED. 

Impressed by these viev.'s, the President 
extends to all the independent countries of 
North and South America an earnest in- 
vitation to participate in a general Con- 
gress, to be held in the citv of Washing- 
ton, on the 22d of November, 1882, for the 
purjiose of considering and discussing the 
methods of preventing war between the 
nations of America. He desires that the 
attention of the Congress shall be strictly 
confined to this one great object; and its 
sole aim shall be to seek a way of per- 
manently averting the horrors of a cruel 
and bloody contest between countries 
oftenest of one blood and speech, or the 
even worse calamity of internal commotion 
and civil strife; that it shall regard the 
burdensome and far-reaching consequences 
of such a struggle, the legacies of exhausted 
finances, of oppressive debt, of onerous 
taxation, of ruined cities, of paralyzed in- 
dustries, of devastated fields, of ruthless 
conscriptions, of the slaughter of men, of 
the grief of the widow and orphan, of em- 
bittered resentments that long survive 
those who provoked them and heavily 
afflict the innocent generations that come 
after. 

THE MISSION OF THE CONGRESS. 

The President is especially desirous to 
have it understood that in putting forth this 
invitation the United States docs not as- 
sume the position of counseling or attempt 
ing, through the voice of the Congress, to 
counsel any determinate solution of exist- 
ing questions which may now divide any 
of the countries. Such questions cannot 
properly come before the Congress. Its 
niission is higher. It is to provide for the 
interests of all in the future, not to settle 
the individual differences of the present. 
For this reason especially the President 
has indicated a day for the assembling of 
the Congress so far in the future as to 
leave good ground for the hope that by the 
time named the present situation oii the 
South Pacific coast will be happily termi- 
nated, and that those engaged in the con- 
test may take peaceable part in the discus- 
sion and solution of the general question 
affecting in an equal degree the well-being 
of all. 

It seems also desirable to disclaim in ad- 



272 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



vance any purpose on the part of the 
United fe^uilcci to prejudge the issues to be 
presented to the Congress. It is far from 
the intent of ihls Government to appear 
before the Congress as in any sense the 
protector of its neighbors ortlie predestined 
and neces.-ary arbitrator of their disputes. 
The United States will enter into the deliber- 
ations of the Congress on the same footing 
as other powers represented, and with the 
loyal determination to approach any pro- 
posed solution, not merely in its own inter- 
est, or with a view to asserting its own 
power, but as a single member among 
many co-ordinate and co-equal States, So 
far as the iniluence of this Government 
may be potential, it will be exerted in the 
direction of conciliating wdiatever con- 
flicting interests of blood, or government, 
or historical tradition that may necessarily 
come together in response to a call 
embracing such vast and diverse ele- 
ments. 

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE MINISTERS, 

You will ])resent these views to the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, 
enlarging, if need be, in such terms as 
will readily occur to you upon the great 
mission which it is within the power of the 
proposed Congress to accomplish in the in- 
terest of humanity, and the firm purpose 
of the United States of America to main- 
tain a poution of the most absolute and 
impartial fricndsliip toward all. You will, 
therefore, in the name of the President of 
the United States, tender to his Excel- 
lency, the President of , a formal 

invitation to send two commissioners to 
the Congress, provided with suih powers 
and instructions onbehalf of their Govern- 
ment as will enable them to consider the 
questions brought before that body within 
the limit of submission contemplated by 
this invitation. 

The United States, as well as the other 
powers, will in like manner be represented 
by two commissioners, so that equality and 
impartiality will be amply secured in the 
proceedings of the Congress. 

In delivering this invitation through the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, you will read 
this despatch to him and leave with him a 
copy, intimating that an answer is desired 
by this Government as promptly as the 
just consideration of so important a propo- 
sition will permit. 

I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

James G. Blaine. 



Minister liOgan's Rfply. 

The following is an abstract of the re- 
ply of Minister Logan to the above. 

" From a full review of the situation, as 
heretofore detailed to you, I am not clear 
as to being able to obtain the genuine co- 



operation of all the States of Central 
America in the proposed congress. — Each, 
1 have no doubt, will ultimately agree to 
send the specified number of commission- 
er-i and assume, outwardly, an appearance 
of sincere co-operation, but, as you will 
j>crceivc from your knowledge of the pos- 
ture of aflairs, all hope of eflecting a union 
of these States except upon a basis the 
leaders will never permit— that of a free 
choice of the whole people — will be at an 
end. The obligation to keep the peace, 
imjiosed by the congress, will bind the 
United States as well as all others, and 
thus prevent any efforts to bring about the ' 
desired union other than those based upon 
a simple teiiderof good ofhces — this means 
until the years shall bring about a radical 
change — must be as inefficient in the future 
as in the past. The situation, as it ap- 
pears to me, is a difficult one. As a means 
of restraining the aggressive tendency of 
Mexico in the direction of Central Ameri- 
ca, the congress would be attended by the 
happiest results, should a full agreement 
be reached. But as the Central American 
States are now in a chaotic ccndition, politi- 
cally considered, with their future status 
wholly undefined, and as a final settlement 
can only be reached, as it now appears, 
through the oj^eration of military forces, 
the hope of a Federal union in Central 
America would be crushed, at least in the 
immediate present. Wiser heads than my 
own may devise a method to harmonize 
these difficulties when the congress is ac- 
tually in session, but it must be constantly 
remembered that so far as the Central 
American commissioners are crncerned 
they will represent the interests and posi- 
tive mandates of their respective govern- 
ment chiefs in the strictest and most abso- 
lute sense. While all will probably send 
commissioners, through motives of expedi- 
ency, they may possibly be instructed to 
secretly defeat the ends of the convention. 
I make these suggestions that you may 
have the whole field under view. 

" I may mention in this connection that 
I have received information that up to the 
tenth of the present month only two mem- 
bers of the proposed convention at Pana- 
ma had arrived and that it was considered 
as having failed." 

Contemporaneous with these movements 
or suggestions was another on the j art of 
Mr. BLaine to secure from England a mod- 
ification or abrogation of the Clayton- 
Bulwcr treaty, with the object of giving to 
the United States, rather to the Eepublics 
of North and South America, full super- 
vision of the Isthmus and Panama Canal 
when constructed. This branch of the 
correspondence was sent to the Senate on 
the 17th of Februarj'. Lord Granville, in 
his despatch of January 7th to Minister 
West in reference to the Clayton-Bulwer 



THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 



273 



analogy 



Treaty controversy, denies any 
between the cases of the Panama and 
Suez Canals. He cordially concurs in Mr. 
Blaine's statement iu regard to the unex- 
ampled development of the Pacific Coast, 
but denies that it was unexpected. 

He says the declaration of President 
Monroe anterior to the treaty show that 
he and his Cabinet had a clear prevision of 
the great future of that region. The de- 
velopment of the interests of the British 
possessions also continued, though possibly 
less rapidly. The Government are of the 
opinion that the canal, as a water way be- 
tween the two great oceans and Europe and 
Eastern Asia, is a work which concerns not 
only the American Continent, but the 
whole civilized world. With all deference 
to the considerations which prompted Mr. 
Blaine he cannot believe that his propo- 
sals will be even beneficial in themselves. 
He can conceive a no more melancholy 
spectacle than competition between nations 
in the construction of fortifications to com- 
mand the canal. He cannot believe that 
any South American States would like to 
admit a foreign power to erect fortifications 
on its territory, when the claim to do so is 
accompanied by the declaration that the 
canal is to be regarded as a part of the 
American coast line. It is difficult to be- 
lieve, he says, that the territory between it 
and the United States could retain its pres- 
ent independence. Lord Granville believes 
that an invitation to all the maritime 
states to participate in an agreement based 
on the stipulations of the Convention of 
1850, would make the Convention adequate 
for the purposes for which it was designed. 
Her Majesty's Government would gladly 
see the United States take the initiative 
towards such a convention, and will be 
prepared to endorse and support such action 
in any wav. provided it does not conflict 
with the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. 

Lord Granville, in a subsequent despatch, 
draws attention to the fact that Mr. Blaine, 
in using the argument that the treaty has 
been a source of continual difliculties, 
omits to state that the questions in dispute 
which related to points occupied by the 
British in Central America were removed 
in 1860 by the voluntary action of Great 
Britain in certain treaties concluded with 
Honduras and Nicaragua, the settlement 
being recognized as perfectly satisfactory 
by President Buchanan. Lord Granville 
says, further, that during this controversy 
America disclaimed any desire to have 
the exclusive control of the canal. 

The Earl contends that in cases where 
the details of an international agreement 
liave given rise to difficulties and discus- 
sions to such an extent as to cause the 
contracting parties at one time to contem- 
plate its abrogation or modification as one 
of several possible alternatives, and where 
18 



it has yet been found preferable to arrive 
at a solution as to those details rather than 
to sacrifice the general bases of the en- 
gagement, it must surely be allowed that 
such a fact, far from being an argument 
against that engagement, is an argument 
distinctly in its favor. It is equally plain 
thateither of the contracting parties which 
had abandoned its own contention for the 
purpose of preserving the agreement in its 
entirety would have reason to complain if 
the ditierences which had been settled by 
its concessions were afterwards urged as a 
reason for essentially modifying those other 
provisions which it had made this sacrifice ■. 
to maintain. In order to strengthen these 
arguments, the Earl reviews the corres- 
pondence, quotes the historical points made 
by Mr. Blaine and in many instances in- ■ 
troduces additional data as contradicting ; 
the inferences drawn by Mr. Blaine andi 
supporting his own position. 

The point on which Mr. Blaine laid 
particular stress in his despatch to Earl- 
Granville, is the objection made by the • 
government of the United States to any 
concerted action of the European powers 
f)r the purpose of guarantying the neu-- 
trality of the Isthmus canal or determin-- 
ing the conditions of its use. 

CHILI AND PERU. 

The entire question is complicated by 
the war between Chili and Peru, the latter 
owning immense guano deposits in which 
American citizens have become financially 
interested. These sought the friendly in-, 
tervention of our government to prevent 
Chili, the conquering Republic, from ap- 
propriating these deposits as part of her 
war indemnity. The Landreau, an original 
French claim, is said to represent $125,- 
000,000, and the holders were prior to and 
during the war pressing it upon Calderon, 
the Peruvian President, for settlement; 
the Cochet claim, another of the same 
class, represented $1,000,000,000. Doubt- 
less these claims are speculative and largely 
fraudulent, and shrewd agents are inter- 
ested in their collection and preservation. 
A still more preposterous and speculative 
movement was fathered by one Shipherd, 
who opened a correspondence with Minis- 
ter Hurlburt, and with other parties for 
the establishment of the Credit Industriel, 
which was to pay the $20,000,000 money 
indemnity demanded of Peru by Chili, and 
to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitrates 
and guano deposits. 

THE SCANDAL. 

All of these things surround the ques- 
tion with scandals which probably fail to 
truthfully reach any prominent officer of 
our government, but which have neverthe- 
less attracted the attention of Congress to 



274 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



such an extent that the following action 
lias been already taken : 

On February 24th Mr. Bayard offered in 
the Senate a resolution reciting that where- 
as publication has been widely made by 
the public press of certain alleged public 
commercial contracts between ceitaincom- 
j)anies and copartnerships of individuals 
relative to the exports of guano and nitrates 
from Peru, in Avhicli the mediation by the 
Government of the United States between 
the Governments of Peru, Bolivia and 
Chili is declared to be a condition for the 
effectuation and continuance of the said 
contracts ; therefore be it resolved, that 
the Committee on Foreign Relations be 
instructed to inquire whether any promise 
or stipulation by which the intervention by 
the United States in the controversies ex- 
isting between Chili and Peru or Chili and 
Bolivia has been expressly or impliedly 
given by any person or persons officially 
connected with the Government of the 
United States, or whether the influence of 
. the Government of the United States has 
been in any way exerted, promised or inti- 
mated in connection with, or in relation to 
the said contracts by any one officially con- 
nected with the Government of the United 
States, and whether any one officially con- 
nected Avith the Government of the United 
States is interested, directly or indirectly, 
with any such alleged contracts in which 
the mediation as aforesaid of the United 
States is recited to be a condition, and that 
the said committee have power to send for 
persons and paper and make report of their 
proceedings in the premises to the Senate 
at the earliest possible day. 

Mr. Edmunds said he had drafted a 
resolution covering all the branches of 
" that most unfortunate affair " to which 
reference was now made, and in view of 
the ill policy of any action which would 
commit the Senate to inquiries about de- 
claring foreign matters in advance of a 
careful investigation by a committee, he 
now made the suggestion that he would 
have made as to his own resolution, if he 
had offered it, namely, that the subject be 
referred to the Committee on Foreign Re- 
lations. He intimated that the proposition 
prepared by' himself would be considered 
by the committee as a suggestion bearing 
upon the pending resolution. 

Mr. Bayard acquiesced in the reference 
with the remark that anything that tended 
to bring the matter more fully before the 
country was satisfactory to him. 

The resolution accordingly went to the 
Committee on Foreign Relations. 

In the House Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, 
offered a resolution reciting that whereas, 
it is alleged, in connection with the Chili 
Peruvian correspondence recently and 
officially published on the call of the two 
Houses of' Congress, that one or more 



Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United 
States were either personally interested or 
improjierly connected with a business 
transaction in which the intervention of 
this Government was requested or expected 
and whereas, it is alleged that certain pa- 
pers in relation to the same .subject have 
been improperly lost or removed from the 
files of the State Department, that there- 
fore the Committee on Foreign Affairs be 
instructed to inquire into said allegations 
and ascertain the facts relating tliereto, 
and report the same with such recommen- 
dations as they may deem proper, and they 
shall have power to send for persons and 
papers. The resolution was adopted. 

THE CLAIMS. 

The inner history of what is known as 
the Peruvian Company reads more like a 
tale from the Arabian Nights than a plain 
statement of facts. The following is 
gleaned from the prospectus of the compa- 
ny, of which only a limited number of cop- 
ies was printed. According to a note on 
the cover of these " they are for the strictly 
private use of the gentlemen into whose 
hands they are immediately placed." 

The prospects of the corporation are 
based entirely upon the claims of Cochet 
and Landreau, two French chemists, resi- 
dents of Peru. In the year 1833, the Pe- 
ruvian government, by published decree, 
promised to every discoverer of valuable 
deposits upon the public domain a premium 
of one-third of the discovery as an incen- 
tive to the development of great natural 
resources vaguely known to exist. In the 
beginning of 1830, Alexandre Cochet, who 
was a man of superior information, occu- 
jiicd himself in the laborious work of manu- 
facturing nitrate of soda in a small ojicina 
in Peru, and being possessed with quick 
intelligence and a careful observer he soon 
came to understand that the valuable pro- 
perties contained in the guano — an article 
only known to native cultivators of the soil 
—would be eminently useful as a restora- 
tive to the exliausted lands of the old con- 
tinent. With this idea he made himself 
completely master of the mode of applica- 
tion adopted by the Indians and small 
farmers in the province where he resided, 
and after a careful investigation of the 
chemical effects produced on the land by 
the proper application of the regenerating 
agent, he proceeded in the year 1840 to the 
capital (Lima) in order to interest some of 
his friends in this new enterprise. Not 
without great persuasion and much hesita- 
tion, he induced his countryman, Mr. Achil- 
les Allier, to take up the hazardous specu- 
lation and join with him in his discovery. 
He succeeded, however, and toward the 
end of the same year the firm of Quiroz & 
Allier obtained a concession for six years 
from the government of Peru for the ex- 



THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 



275 



portation of all the guano existing in the 
afterwards famous islands of C'hinchi for 
the sum of sixty thousand dollars. In 
consequence of the refusal of that firm to 
admit Cochet, the discoverer, to a partici- 
pation in the profits growing out of this 
contract a series of lawsuits resulted and a 
paper war ensued in which Cochet was 
baffled. In vain he called the attention of 
the government to the nature and value of 
this discovery ; he was told that he was a 
" visionary." In vain he demonstrated 
that the nation possessed hundreds of mil- 
lions of dollars in the grand deposits: this 
only confirmed the opinion of the Council 
of State that he was a madman. In vain 
he attempted to prove that one cargo of 
guano was equal to fourteen cargoes of 
grain ; the Council of State cooly told him 
that guano was an article known to the 
Spaniards, and of no value : that Commis- 
sioner Humbolt had referred to it, and that 
they could not accept his theory respecting 
its ^superior properties, its value and its 
probable use in foreign agriculture at a pe- 
riod when no new discovery could be made 
relative to an article so long and of so evi- 
dent small value. 

At length a new light began to dawn on 
the lethargic understanding of the officials 
in power, and as rumors continued to ar- 
rive from Europe confirming the assevera- 
tions of Cochet, and announcing the sale 
of guano at from $90 to $120 per ton, a de- 
gree of haste was suddenly evinced to se- 
cure once more to the public treasury this 
new and unexpected source of wealth ; and 
at one blow the contract with Quiroz & 
Allier, which had previously been extend- 
ed, was reduced to one year. Their claims 
were cancelled by the payment of ten thou- 
sand tons of guano which Congress de- 
creed them. There still remained to be 
settled the just and acknowledged indebt- 
edness for benefits conferred on the coun- 
try by Cochet, benefits which could not be 
denied as wealth and ])rosperity rolled in 
on the government and on the people. But 
few, if any, troubled themselves about the 
question to whom they were indebted for 
so much good fortune, nor had time to pay 
particular attention to Cochet's claims. 
Finally, however. Congress was led to de- 
clare Cochet the true discoverer of the value, 
uses and application of guano for European 
agriculture, and a grant of 5,000 tons was 
made in his favor September 30th, 1849, 
but was never paid him. After passing a 
period of years in hopeless expectancy — 
from 1840" to 1851— his impoverished cir- 
cumstances made it necessary for him to 
endeavor to procure, through the influence 
of his own government, that measure of 
support in fiivorof his claims which would 
insure him a competency in his old age. 

He resolved upon returning to France, 
after having spent the best part of his life 



in the service of a country whose cities had 
risen from desolation to splendor under the 
sole magic of his touch — a touch tbat had 
in it for Peru all the fabled power of the 
long-sought " philosopher's stone." In 18;j3 
Cochet returned to France, but he was then 
already exhausted by enthusiastic explora- 
tions in a deadly climate and never rallied. 
He lingered in poverty for eleven painful 
years and died in Paris in an almshouse in 
1864, entitled to an estate worth $500,000,- 
000 — the richest man in the history of the 
world — and was buried by the city in the 
Potters' Field ; his wonderful history well il- 
lustrating that truth is stranger than fiction. 

THE LANDEEAU CLAIM. 

About the year 1844 Jean Theophile 
Landreau, also a French citizen, in part- 
nership with his brother, John C. Landreau, 
a naturalized American citizen, upon the 
faith of the promised premium of 33;^ per 
cent, entered upon a series of extended sys- 
tematic and scientific explorations with a 
view to ascertaining whether the depositii 
of guano particularly pointed out by Co- 
chet constituted the entire guano deposit of 
Peru, and with money furnished by his part- 
ner, John, Theophile prosecuted his search- 
es with remarkable energy and with great 
success for twelve years, identifying beds 
not before known to the value of not less 
than $400,000,000, Well aware, however, 
of the manner in which his fellow-country- 
man had been neglected by an unprinci- 
pled people, he had the discretion to keep 
his own counsel and to extort from the Pe- 
ruvian authorities an absolute agreement 
in advance before he revealed his treasure. 
This agreement was, indeed, for a royalty 
of less than one-sixth the amount promised, 
but the most solemn assurances were given 
that the lessened amount would be prompt- 
ly and cheerfully paid, its total would give 
the brothers each a large fortune, and pay- 
ments were to begin at once. The solemn 
agreement having been concluded and duly 
certified, the precious deposits having been 
pointed out and taken possession of by the 
profligate government, the brothers were at 
first put off with plausible pretexts of de- 
lay, and when these grew monotonous the 
government calmly issued a decree recog- 
nizing the discoveries, accepting the trea- 
sure, and annulling the contract, with a sug- 
gestion that a more suitable agreement 
might be arranged in the future. 

It will be seen that these two men, Co- 
chet and Landreau, have been acknow- 
ledged by the Peruvian government as 
claimants. No attempt has ever been made 
to deny the indebtedness. The very de- 
cree of repudiation reaflirmed the obliga- 
tion, and all the courts refused to pronounce 
against the plaintitts. Both of these claims 
came into the possession of Mr. I'cter W. 
Hevenor, of Philadelphia. Coch'et left one 



276 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



son whom Mr. Hevenor found in poverty in 
Lima and advanced monev to push his 
father's claim of $500,000,000 against the 
government. After Si:50,000 were spent 
young Cochet's backer was surprised to 
learn of the Laudreaus and their claim. 
Not wishing to antagonize them, he ad- 
vanced them money, and in a short time 
owned nearly all the lifteen interests in the 
J.andreau claim of $125,000,000. 

To the Peruvian Company Mr. Hevenor 
lias transferred his titles, and on the basis 
of these that corporation maintains that 
eventuallv it will realize not less than $1,- 
200,000,000, computed as follows : 

The amount of guano already taken out 
of the Cochet Islands — including the Chin- 
cha.s — will be shown by the Peruvian Cus- 
tom House records, and will aggregate, it is 
said, not far from $1,200,000,000 worth. The 
discoverer's one-third of this would be 
$400,000,000, and interest upon this amount 
at six per cent. - say for an equalized aver- 
age of twenty years— would be $480,000,000 
more. The amount remaining in tbe^e 
islands is not positively known, and is pro- 
bably not more than $200,000,000 worth ; 
and in the Landreau deposits say $300,000,- 
000 more. The Chilian plenipotentiary re- 
cently announced that his government are 
about opening very rich deposits on the Lo- 
bos Islands — which are included in this 
group. It is probably within safe limits, 
says the Peruvian Company's prospectus, to 
say that, including interest to accrue before 
the claim can be fullv liquidated, its owners 
will realize no less than $1,200,000,000. 

THE COUNTRIES INVOLVED. 

In South America there are ten inde- 
pendent governments ; and the three Gui- 
anas which are dependencies on European 
})0wers. Of the independent governments 
Brazil is an empire, having nn area of 
8,609,160 square miles and 11,058,000 in- 
habitants. The other nine are republics. 
In giving area and population we use the 
most complete statistics at our command, 
but they are not strictly reliable, nor as 
late as we could have wished. The area 
and the population of the republics are : 
Venzuela, 426,712 square miles and 2,200,- 
000 inhabitants ; United States of Colom- 
1>ia, 475,000 square miles and 2,900,000 in- 
]ial)itants; Peru, 580,000 square miles and 
2,500,000 inhabitants; Ecuador, 208,000 
square miles and 1,300,000 inhabitants; 
Bolivia, 842,730 square miles and 1,987,352 
inhabitants; Chili, 200,000 square miles 
and 2,084,960 inhabitants ; Argentine Re- 
l)nblic, 1,323,560 square miles and 1,887,- 
000 inhabitants; Paraguay, 73,000 square 
miles and 1,337,439 inhabitants ; Uruguay, 
06,716 square miles and 240,000 inhabi- 
tants, or a total in the nine republics of 
3,789,220 square miles and 16,436,751 in- 
habitants. The aggregate area of the nine 



republics exceeds that of Brazil 180,060 
square miles, and the total population ex- 
ceeds that of Brazil 5,069,552. Brazil, be- 
ing an empire, is not comprehended in the 
Blaine proposal — she rather stands as a 
strong barrier against it. Mexico and 
Guatamala are included, but are on this 
continent, and their character and re- 
sources better understood by our people. 
In the South American countries generally 
the Spanish language is spoken. The edu- 
cated classes are of nearly pure Spanish ex- 
traction. The laboring classes are of mixed 
Spanish and aboriginal blood, or of pure 
aboriginal ancestry. The characteristics 
of the Continent are emphatically Spanish. 
The area and population we have already 
given. The territory is nearly equally di- 
vided between the republics and the em- 
pire, the former having a greater area of 
only 180,060 square miles; but the nine 
republics have an aggregate po])ulation of 
5,059,522 more than Brazil. The United 
States has an area of 3,634,797 square 
miles, including Alaska; but excluding 
Alaska, it has 8,056,797 square miles. The 
area of Brazil is greater than that of the 
United States, excluding Alaska, by 552,- 
363 square miles, and the aggregate area 
of the nine republics is greater by 732,423 
square miles. This comparison of the area 
of the nine republics and of Brazil with 
that of this nation gives a definite idea of 
their magnitude. Geographically, these 
republics occupy the northern, western and 
southern portions of South America, and 
are contigiious. The aggregate exports and 
imports of South America, according to the 
last available data, were $529,300,000; 
those of Brazil, $168,930,000; of the nine 
republics, $360,360,000. 

These resolutions will bring out volumi- 
nous correspondence, but we have given the 
reader sufficient to reach a fair understand- 
ing of the subject. Whatever of scandal 
may be connected with it, like the Star 
Route cases, it should await official in- 
vestigation and condemnation. Last of all 
should history condemn any one in ad- 
vance of official inquiry. None of the 
governments invited to the Congress had 
accepted formally, and in view of obstacles 
thrown in the way by the present adminis- 
tration, it is not probable they will. 

Accepting the proposition of Mr. Blaine 
as stated in his letter to President Arthur, 
as conveying his true desire and meaning, 
it is due to the truth to say that it compre- 
hends more than the Monroe doctrine, the 
text of which is given in President Mon- 
roe's own words in this volume. While he 
contended against foreign intervention with 
the Republics on this Hemisphere, he ne- 
ver asserted the right of our government to 
participate in or seek the control either of 
the internal, commercial or foreign policy 
of any of the Republics of America, by ar- 



THE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL. 



277 



bitration or otherwise. So that Mr. Blaine 
is the author of an advance upon tiie Mon- 
roe doctrine, and what seems at this time 
a radical advance. What it may be when 
the United States seeks to "spread itself" 
by an aggressive foreign policy, and by 
aggrandizement of new avenues of trade, 
possibly new acquisitions of territory, is 
another question. It is a policy brilliant 
beyond any examples in our history, and 
a new departure from the teachings of 
Washington, who advised absolute non-in- 
tervention in foreiirn affairs. The new 
doctrine might thrive and acquire great 
popularity under an administration Iriendly 
to it ; but President Arthur has already 
intimated his hostility, and it is now be- 
yond enforcement during his administra- 
tion. The views of Congress also seem to 
be adverse as far as the debates have gone 
into the question, though it has some warm 
friends who may revive it under more favo- 
rable auspices. 



The Star Route Scandal. 

Directly after Mr. James assumed the 
position of Postmaster-General in the 
Cabinet of President Garfield, he disco- 
vered a great amount of extravagance and 
probably fraud in the conduct of the mail 
service known as the Star Routes, author- 
ized by act of Congress to further extend 
the mail fiicilities and promote the more 
rapid carriage of the mails. These routes 
proved to be very i)opular in the West and 
South-west, and the growing demand for 
mail facilities in these sections would even 
in a legitimate way, if not closely watched, 
lead to unusual cost and extravagance ; but 
it is alleged that a ring was formed headed 
by General Brady, one of the Assistant 
Postmaster-Generals under General Key, 
by which routes were established with the 
sole view of defrauding the Government — 
that false bonds were given and enormous 
and fraudulent sums paid for little or no 
service. This scandal was at its height at 
the time of the assassination of President 
Garfield, at which time Postmaster-General 
James, Attorney-General MacVeagh and 
other officials were rapidly preparing for 
the prosecution of all charged with the 
fraud. Upon the succession of President 
Arthur he openly insisted upon the fullest 
prosecution, and declined to receive the 
resignation of Mr. MacVeagh from the 
Cabinet because of a stated fear that the 
prosecution would suffer by his withdrawal. 
Mr. MacVeagh, however, withdrew from 
the Cabinet, believing that the new Presi- 
dent should not by anv circumstance be 
prevented from the official association of 
friends of his own selection ; and at this 
writing Attorney-General Brewster is push- 
ing the prosecutions. 

On the 24th of March, 1882, the Grand 



Jury sitting at Washington presented in- 
dictments lor conspiracy in connection with 
the Star Route mail service against the fol- 
lowing named persons: Thomas J. Bradv, 
J. W. Dorsey, Henry M. Vail, John W. 
Dorsey, John R. Miner, John M. Peck, M, 
C. Rerdell, J. L. Sanderson, Wm. H. Tur- 
ner. Also against Alvin O. Buck, Win. ti. 
Barringer and Albert E. Boon**, and against 
Kate M. Armstrong for perjury. The in- 
dictment against Brady, Dorsey and others, 
which is very voluminous, recites the ex- 
istence, on March 10, 1879, of the Post Of- 
fice Department, Postmaster-General and 
three assistants, and a Sixth Auditor's office 
and Contract office and division. 

"To the latter was subject," the indict- 
ment continues, " the arrangement of the 
mail service of the United States and the 
letting out of the same on contract." It 
then describes the duties of the inspectinji 
division. On March 10, 1879, the grana 
jurors represent, Thomas J. Brady was the 
lawful Second Assistant Postmaster-Gene- 
ral engaged in the performance of the du- 
ties of that office. AV'illiani li. Turner was 
a clerk in the Second Assistant Postmaster- 
General's office, and attended to the busi- 
ness of the contract division relating to the 
mail service over several post routes in Ca- 
lifornia, Colorado, Oregon, Nebraska, and 
the Territories. On the IGth of March, 
1879, the indictment represents Thomas J. 
Brady as having made eight contracts with 
John W. Dorsey to carry the mails from 
July 1, 1878, to June 30, 1882, from Ver- 
million, in Dakota Territory, to Sioux Falls 
and back, on a fourteen hour time schedule, 
for $398 each year; on route from White 
River to Rawlins, Colorado, once a week 
of 108 hours' time, for $1,700 a year; on 
route from Garland, Colorado, to Parrott 
City, once a week, on a schedule of 168 
hours' time, for !?2,74.j; on route from Ou- 
ray, Colorado, to Los Pinos, once a week, in 
12 hours' time, for $348; on route from Sil- 
verton, Colorado, to Parrott City, twice a 
week, on 3G hours' time, for $1,488; on 
route from Mineral Park, in Arizona Ter- 
ritory, to Pioche and bade, once a week, in 
84 hours' time, $2,982; on route from Tre3 
Almos to Clifton and back, once a week, of 
84 hours' time, for $l,oG8. 

It further sets forth that the Second As- 
sistant Postmaster-General entered into 
five contracts with John R. Miner on June 
13, 1878, on routes in Dakota Territory and 
Colorado, and on March 15, 1879, with John 
]\L Peck, over eight post routes. In th 3 
space of sixty days after the making of 
these contracts thev were in full force. On 
March 10, 1879, John W. Dorsey, John R. 
!Miner, and John M. Peck, with Stophcn 
W. Dorsey and Henry M. Vaile, M. C. 
Rerdell and J. L. Sanderson, mutually in- 
terested in these contracts and money, to 
be paid by the United States to the three 



278 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



parties above named, did unlawfully and 
maliciously combine and conspire to Iraud- 
ulently write, sign, and cause to be written 
and signed, a large number of fraudulent 
letters and communications and false and 
fraudulent petiiions and applications to the 
Postmaster-General for additional service 
and increase of expenditure on the routes, 
A\'hicli were purported to be signed by the 
l)eo})lo and inhabitants in the neighborhood 
of the routes, which were filed with the 
papers in the office of the Second Assistant 
Postmaster-General. Further that these 
parties swore falsely in describing the num- 
ber of men and animals required to perform 
the mail service over the routes and States 
as greater than was necessary. 

These false oaths were placed on file in 
the Second Assistant Postmaster-General's 
office ; and by means of Wm. H. Turner 
falsely making and writing and endorsing 
these pajiers, Avith brief and untrue state- 
ments as to their contents., and by Turner 
preparing fraudulent written orders for al- 
lowances to be made to these contractors 
and signed by Thomas J. Brady fraudu- 
lently, and for the benefit and gain of all 
the parties named in this bill, the service 
was increased over these routes ; and that 
Brady knew it was not lawfully needed and 
required. That he caused the order for in- 
creasing to be certifiec^ to and filed in the 
Sixth Auditor's office for fraudulent addi- 
tional compensation. That Mr. Brady gave 
ordei's to extend the service so as to include 
other and different stations than those men- 
tioned in the contract, that he and others 
might have the benefits and profits of it: 
that he refused to impose fines on these 
contracts I'or failures and delinquencies, but 
allowed them additional pay for the ser- 
vice over these routes. During the conti- 
nuance of these contracts the parties ac- 
quired unto themselves several large and 
excessive sums of money, the property of 
the United States, fraudulently and un- 
lawfully ordered to be paid them by Mr. 
Brady. 

These are certainly formidable indict- 
ments. Others are pending against persons 
in Philadelphia and other cities, who are 
charged with complicity in these Star Route 
frauds, in giving straw bonds, &c. The 
Star lloute service still continues, the Post 
Office Department under the law having 
eent out several thousand notifications this 
year to contractors, informing them of the 
official acceptance of their proposals, and 
Fome of these contractors are the same 
named above as under indictment. This 
well exemplifies the maxim of the law re- 
lative to innocence until guilt be shown. 



The Coming States. 

Bills are pending before Congress for the 
admiseion of Dakota, Wyoming, New 



Mexico and Washington Territories. The 
Bill for the admission of Dakota divides 
the old Territory, and provides that the 
new State shall consist of the territory in- 
cluded within the following boundaries : 
Commencing at a point on the west line 
of the State of Minnesota where the forty- 
sixth degree of north latitude intersects the 
same ; thence south along the Avest boun- 
dary lines of the States of Minnesota and 
Iowa to the point of intersection with the 
nf)rthern boundary line of the State of 
Nebraska ; thence westwardly along the 
northern boundary line of the State of 
Nebraska to the twenty-seventh meridian 
of longitude west from Washington ; thence 
north along the said twenty-seventh degree 
of longitude to the forty-sixth degree of 
north latitude ; to the place of beginning. 
The bill provides for a convention of one 
hundred and twenty delegates, to be chosen 
by the legal voters, who shall adopt the 
United States Constitution and then pro- 
ceed to form a State Constitution and gov- 
ernment. Until the next census the State 
shall be entitled to one representative, who, 
with the Governor and other officials, shall 
be elected upon a day named by the Con- 
stitutional Convention. The report sets 
apart lands for school purposes, and gives 
the State five per centum of the proceeds 
of all sales of public lands within its limits 
subsequent to its admission as a State, ex- 
cluding all mineral lands from being thus 
set apart for school i^urposcs. It provides 
that portion of the the Territory not in- 
cluded in the proposed new State shall 
continue as a Territory under the name of 
the Territory of North Dakota. 

The proposition to divide comes from 
Senator McMillan, and if Congress sus- 
tains the division, the portion admitted 
would contain 100,000 inhabitants, the en- 
tire estimated population being 175,000 — a 
number in excess of twenty of the present 
States Avhen admitted, exclusive of the 
original thirteen ; while the division, which 
shows 100,000 inhabitants, is still in excess 
of sixteen States when admitted. 

Nevada, with less than 65,000 popula- 
tion, was admitted before the close Presi- 
dential election of 1876, and it may be said 
that her majority of 1,()75, in a total poll 
of 19,691 vo*cs, decided the Presidential 
result in favor of Hayes, and these votes 
counteracted the plurality of nearly 300,000 
received by Mr. Tilden elsewhere. This 
fact well illustrates the power of States, as 
States, and however small, in controlling 
the aflairs of the country. It also accounts 
for the jealousy with which closely balanced 
political parties watch the incoming States. 

Population is but one of the considera- 
tions entering into the question of admit- 
ting territories. State sovereignty does not 
rest upon population, as in the make-up 
of the U. S. Senate neither population, 



THE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL. 



279 



size, nor resources are taken into account. 
Rhode Island, the smallest of all the 
States, and New York, the jz:reat Empire 
State, with over 5,000,000 of inhabitants, 
stand upon an equality iu the conservative 
branch of the Government. It is in the 
House of Representatives that the popula- 
tion is considered. Such is the jealousy 
of the larger States of their representation 
in the U. S. Senate, that few new ones 
would be admitted without long and con- 
tinuous knocking if it were not for partisan 
interests, and yet where a fair number of 
people demand State Government there is 
no just cause for denial. Yet all questions 
of population, natural division, area and 
resources should be given their jjroper 
♦veight. 

The area of the combined territories — 
Utah, Washington, New Mexico, Dakota, 
Arizona, Montana, Idaho, Wyoming and 
Indian is about 900,000 square miles. We 
exclude Alaska, which lias not been sur- 
veyed. 

Indian Territory and Utah are for some 
years to. come excluded from admission — 
the one being reserved to the occupancy 
of the Indians, while the other is by her 
peculiar institution of polygamy, generally 
thrown out of all calculation. And yet it 
may be found that polygamy can best be 
made amenable to the laws by the compul- 
sory admission of Utah as a State — an idea 
entertained by not a few who have given 
consideration to the question. Alaska may 
also be counted out for many years to come. 
There are but 30,000 inhabitants, few of 
these permanent, and Congress is now con- 
sidering a petition for the establishment of 
a territorial government there. 

Next to Dakota, New Mexico justly 
claims admission. The lands comprised 
within its original area were acquired from 
Mexico, at the conclusion of the war with 
that country, by the treaty of Guadalujie 
Hidalgo in 1SJ:8, and by act of September 
9, 1850, a Territorial government was or- 
ganized. By treaty of December 30, 1853, 
the region south of the Gila river — the 
Gadsden purchase, so called — was ceded by 
Mexico, and by act of Augu-it 4, 1854, 
added to the Territory, which at that time 
included within its limits the present Ter- 
ritory of Arizona. Its prayer for admis- 
sion was brought to the serious attention 
of Congress iu 1874. Tiie bill was pre- 
sented in an able speech by Mr. Elkins, 
then delegate from the Territory, and had 
the warm support of many members. A 
bill to admit was also introduced in the 
Senate, and passed that body February 25, 
1875, by a vote of thirty-two to eleven, two 
of the present members of that body, 
Messrs. Ingalls and Windom, being among 
its supporters. The matter of admission 
came up for final action in the House at 
the same session, just prior to adjournment, 



and a motion to suspend the rules, in order 
to put it upon its final passage, was lost by 
a vote of one hundred and fifty-four to 
eighty-seven, and the earnest efforts to se- 
cure the admission of New Mexico were 
thus defeated. A bill for its admission is 
now again before Congress, and it is a mat- 
ter of interest to note the representations 
as to the condition of the Territory then 
made, and the facts as they now exist. It 
has, according to the census of 1880, a 
po])u]ation of 119,5G5. It had in 1870 a 
population of 91,874. It was claimed by 
the more moderate advocates of the bill 
that its population then lunnbered 135,000 
(15,435 more than at present), while others 
placed it as high as 145,000. Of this pop- 
ulation, 45,000 were said to be of American 
and European descent. It was stated by 
Senator Hoar, one of the opponents of the 
bill, that, out of an illiterate population of 
52,220, by far the larger part were native 
inhabitants of Mexican or Spanish origin, 
who could not speak the English language. 
This statement seems to be in large degree 
confirmed by the census of 1880, which 
shows a total native white poj>ulation of 
108,721, of whom, as nearly as can be as- 
certained, upward of 80 per cent, are not 
only illiterates of Mexican and Spanish 
extraction, but as in 1870, speaking a for- 
eign language. The vote for Mr. Elkins, 
Territorial Delegate in 1875, was reported 
as being about 17,000. The total vote in 
1878 was 18,806, and in 1880, 20,397, show- 
ing a comparatively insignificant increase 
from 1875 to 1880. 

The Territory of Washington was con- 
stituted out of Oregon, and organized as a 
Territory by act of IMarch 2, 1853. Its 
population by the census of 1880 was 75,- 
116, an increase from 23,955 in 1870. Of 
this total, 59,313 are of native and 15,803 
of foreign nativity. Its total white jjopu- 
lation in the census year was 67,119; Chi- 
nese, 3,186 ; Indian, 4,105 ; colored, 326, 
and its total present population is probably 
not far from 95,000. Its yield of precious 
metals in 1880, and for the entire period 
since its development, while showing re- 
sources full of promise, has been muiA less 
than that of any other of the organized Ter- 
ritories. Its total vote for Territorial Dele- 
gate in 1880, while exceeding that of the 
Territories of Arizona, Idaho, and Wyo- 
ming, was but 15,823, 

The Territory of Arizona, organized out 
of a portion of New Mexico, and provided 
with a territorial government in 1863, con- 
tains about 5,000,000 acres less than the 
Territory of New Mexico, or an acreage 
exceeded by that of only five States and 
Territories. Its total population in 1870 
was 9,658, and in 1880, 40,440, 351,60 of 
whom were whites. Of its total population 
in the census year, 24,391 were of native 
and 16,049 of foreign birth, the number of 



2S0 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Indians, Chinese, and colored being 
5,000. 

Idaho was originally a part of Oregon, 
from which it was separated and provided 
with a territorial government by the act of 
March 3, 18G3. It embraces in its area a 
little more than 55,000,000 acres, and had 
in 1880 a total population of 32,610, being 
an increase from 14,999 in 1870. Of this 
population, 22,036 are of native and 9,974 
of foreign birth ; 29,013 of the total inhabi- 
tants are white, 3,379 Chinese and 218 In- 
dians and colored. 

The Ten-itory of j\Iontana, organized by 
act of May 26, 1864, contains an acreage 
larger than that of any other Territory save 
Dakota. While it seems to be inferior in 
cereal producing capacity, in its area of 
valuable grazing lands it equals, if it does 
not excel, Idaho. The chief prosperity of 
the Territory, and that which promises for 
it a future of growing importance, lies in 
its extraordinary mineral wealth, the pro- 
ductions of its mines in the year 1880 hav- 
ing been nearly twice that of any other 
Territory, with a corresponding excess in 
it« total production, which had reached, 
on June 30, 1880, the enormou? total of 
over $53,000,000. Its mining industries 
represent in the aggregate very large in- 
vested capital, and the increasing products, 
with the development of new mines, are 
attracting constant additions to its popula- 
tion, which in 1880 showed an increase, as 
compared with 1870, of over 90 per cent. 
For particulars see census tables in tabu- 
lated history. 

Wyoming was constituted out of the 
Territory of Dakota, and provided with 
territorial government July 25, 1868. Ly- 
ing between Colorado and Montana, and 
adjoining Dakota and Nebraska on the 
east, it partakes of the natural characteris- 
tics of these States and Territories, having 
a fair portion of land suitable for cultiva- 
tion, a large area suitable for grazing pur- 
poses, and a wealth in mineral resources 
whose development, although of recent be- 
ginning, has already resulted in an en- 
couraging yield in precious metals. It is 
the fifth in area. 

Henry Randall Waite, in an able article 
in the March number of the International 
Review (1882,) closes Avilh these interest- 
ing paragraphs : 

"It will be thus seen that eleven States 
organized from Territories, when author- 
ized to form State governments, and the 
same number when admitted to the Union, 
had free populations of less than 60,000, 
and that of the slave States included in 
this number, seven in all, not one had the 
required number of free inhabitant'^, either j 
when authorized to take the first steps to- 
ward admission or when finally admitted ; 
and that both of these ste].s were taken by 
two of the latter States with a total popu- 



lation, free and slave, below the required 
number. Why so many States have been 
authorized to form State governments, and 
have been subsequently admitted to the 
Union with populations so far below the 
requirements of the ordinance of 1787, and 
the accepted rules for subsequent ac- 
tion may be bri«'fly explained as follows : 
1st, by the ground for the use of a wide 
discretion afforded in the provisions of the 
ordinance of 1787, for the admission of 
States, when deemed expedient, before 
their population should equal the required 
number; and 2d, by the equally wide dis- 
cretion given by the Constitution in the 
words, 'New States may be admitted by 
Congress into this Union,' the only provi- 
sion of the Constitution bearing specifical- 
ly upon this subject. Eflbrts have been 
made at various times to secure the strict 
enforcement of the original rules, with the 
modification resulting from the increase 
in the population of theUni(m, which pro- 
vided that the number of i'rce inhabitants 
in a Territory seeking admission should 
equal the number established as the basis 
of representation in the apj^ortionment of 
Representatives in Congress, as determined 
by the preceding census. How little suc- 
cess the eflbrts made in this direction have 
met, may be seen by a comparison of the 
number of inhabitants forming the basis of 
representation, as established by the dif- 
ferent censuses, and the free population of 
the Territories admitted at corresponding 
periods. 

"At this late date, it is hardly to be ex- 
pected that rules so long disregarded will be 
made applicable to the admission of the 
States to be organized from the existing 
Territories. There is, nevertheless, a 
growing disposition on the part of Con- 
gress to look with disfavor upon the forma- 
tion of States whose population, and the 
development of whose resources, render 
the expediency of their admis.>ion ques- 
tionable; and an increasing doubt as to 
the propriety of so dividing the existing 
Territories as to multiply to an unneces- 
sary extent the number of States, with the 
attendant increase in the number of Repre- 
sentatives in the National Legislature. 

"To recapitulate the facts as to the pre- 
sent condition of the Territories with re- 
ference to their admission as States, it may 
be said that only Dakota, Utah, New 
Mexico and Washington are in possession 
of the necessary population according to 
the rule requiring 60,000 ; that only the 
three first named conform to the rule de- 
manding a population equal to the ]iresent 
basis of representation ; that only Dakota, 
Utah and Washington give evidence of 
that intelligence on the part of their in- 
habitants which is essential to the proper 
cxeri^ise, under favorable conditions, of the 
extended rights of citizenship, and of that 



THE CHINESE QUESTION. 



281 



progress in tlie development of their re- 
sources which makes self-government es- 
sential, safe, or in any way desirable; and 
that only Dakota can be said, unquestion- 
ably, to possess all of the requirements 
which, by tlie dictates of a sound policy, 
should be demanded of a Territory at this 
time seeking admission to the Union. 

" Whatever the response to the Terri- 
torial me isengers now waiting at the doors 
of Congress, a few years, at most, will 
bring an answer to their prayers. The 
stars of a dozen proud and prosperous 
States will soon be added to those already 
blazoned upon the blue field of the Union, 
and the term Territory, save as applied to 
the frozen regions of Alaska, will disappear 
from the map of the United States." 



Tlie Cliinese Question. 

Since 1877 the agitation of the prohibi- 
tion of Chinese immigration in California 
and other States and Territories on the 
Pacific slope has been very great. This led 
to many scenes of violence and in some 
instances bloodshed, when one Dennis 
Kearney led the Workingmen's party in San 
Francisco. On this issue an agitator and 
preacher named Kalloch was elected 
Mayor. The issue was carried to the Leg- 
islature, and in the vote on a constitu- 
tional amendment it was found that not 
only tha labor but nearly all classes in 
California were opposed t"> the Chinese. 
The constitutional amendment did not 
meet the sanction of the higher courts. A 
bill was introduced into Congress restrict- 
ing Chinese immigrant? to fifteen on each 
vessel. This passed both branches, but was 
vetoed by President Hayes on the ground 
that it was in violation of the spirit of 
treaty stipulations. At the sessions of 
1881-82 a new and more radical measure 
was introduced. This prohibits immigra- 
tion to Chinese or Coolie laborers for twen- 
ty years. The discussion in the U. S. 
Senate began on the 28th of Februarv, 
1882, in a speech of unusual strength by 
Senator John F. Miller, the author of the 
Bill. From this we freely quote, not alone 
to show the later views entertained by the 
people of the Pacific slope, but to give 
from the lips of one who knows the lead- 
ing facts in the history of the agitation. 



Abstracts from the Text of Senator 
Miller's Speech. 

On JtU Bill to ProliCbit Chinese Immigration. 

In the Senate, Feb. 28th, 1882, Mr. 
Miller said: 

" This measure is not a surprise to the 
Senate, nor a nev/ revelation to the 
country. It has been before Congress 
more than once, if not in the precise form 



in which it is now presented, in substance 
the same, and it has passed the ordeal of 
analytical debate and received the affirma- 
tive vote of both Houses. Except for the 
Executive veto it would have been long 
ago the law of the land. It is again pre- 
sented, not only under circumstances as 
imperative in their demands for its enact- 
ment, but with every objection of the veto 
removed and every argument made against 
its approval swept away. It is an interest- 
ing fact in the history of this measure, that 
the action which has cleared its way of the 
impediments which were made the reasons 
for the veto, was inaugurated and consum- 
mated with splendid persistance and en- 
ergy by the same administration whose ex- 
ecutive interposed the veto against it. 
Without stopping to inquire into the mo- 
tive of the Hayes administration in this 
proceeding, whether its action was in obe- 
dience to a conviction that the measure 
v/as in itself right and expedient, or to a 
public sentiment, so strong and universal 
as to demand the utmost vigor in the di- 
plomacy necessary for the removal of all 
impediments to its progress, it must be ap- 
parent that the result of this diplomatic 
action has been to add a new phase to the 
question in resjject of the adoption of the 
measure itself. 

" In order to fully appreciate this fact it 
may be proper to indulge in historical 
reminiscence for a moment. For many 
years complaints had been made against 
the introduction into the United States of 
the peculiar people who come from China, 
and the Congress, after careful considera- 
tion of the subject, so far appreciated the 
evil complained of as to pass a bill to in- 
terdict it. 

'■ The Executive Department had, prior 
to that action, with diplomatic finesse, ap- 
proached the imperial throne of China, 
with intent, as was said, to ascertain 
whether such an interdiction of coolie im- 
portation, or immigration so called, into 
the United States would be regarded as a 
breach of friendly relations with China, 
and had been informed by the diplomat, to 
whom the delicate task had been com- 
mitted, that such interdiction would not be 
favorably regarded by the Cliinese Govern- 
ment. Hence, when Congress, with sur- 
jnising audacity, passed the bill of inter- 
diction the Executive, believing in the ~ 
truth of the inlbrmation given him, thought 
it prudent and expedient to veto the bill, 
but immediately, in pursuance of authority 
granted by Congress, he appointed three 
commissioners to negotiate a treaty by 
which the consent of China should be 
given to the interdictiin proposed by 
Congress. These commissioners appeared 
before the Government of China upon this 
special mission, and presented the request 
of the Government of the United States 



282 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



affirmatively, positively, and authorita- 
tively made, and after the usual diplomatic 
ceremonies, representations, misrepresenta- 
tions, avowals, and concealments, the 
treaty was made, the concession granted, 
and the interdiction agreed upon. This 
treaty was presented here and ratilied by 
the Senate, with what unanimity Senators 
know, and which the rules of the Senate 
forbid me to describe. 

" The new phase of this question, which 
we may as well consider in the outset, sug- 
gests the spectacle which this nation should 
present if Congress were to vote this or a 
similar measure down. A great nation 
cannot afford inconsistency in action, nor 
betray a vacillating, staggering, incon- 
stant policy in its intercourse with other 
nations. No really great people will pre- 
sent themselves before the world through 
their government as a nation irresolute, 
fickle, i'eeble, or petulant; one day eagerly 
demanding of its neighbor an agreement 
or concession, which on the next it ner- 
vously repudiates or casts aside. Can we 
make a solemn request of China, through 
the pomp of an extraordinary embassy and 
the ceremony of diplomatic negotiation, 
and with prudent dispatch exchange ratifi- 
cations of the treaty granting our request, 
and within less than half a year after such 
exchange is made cast aside the concession 
and, with childish irresolution, ignore the 
whole proceeding? Can we afford to make 
such a confession of American imbecility 
to any oriental power? The adoption of 
this or some such measure becomes neces- 
sarv, it seems to me, to the intellierent and 
consistent execution of a policy adopted by 
this Government under the sanction of a 
treaty with another great nation. 

" If the Executive department, the Sen- 
ate, and the House of Eeprcsentatives 
have all understood and appreciated their 
own action in respect of this measure ; if 
in the negotiation and ratification of the 
new treaty with China, the Executive and 
the Senate did not act without thought, in 
blind, inconsiderate recklessness — and we 
know they did not — if the Congress of the 
United States in the passage of the fifteen 
passenger bill had the faintest conception 
of what it was doing — and we know it had 
— then the policy of this Government in 
respect of so-called Chinese immigration 
has l)een authoritatively settled. 

"This proposition is submitted with the 
greater confidence because the action I 
have described was in obedience to, and in 
harmony with, a public sentiment which 
seems to have permeated the whole coun- 
try. For the evidence of the existence of 
such a sentiment, it is only necessary to 
produce the declarations upon this subject 
of the two great historical parties of the 
country, deliberately made by their na- 
tional conventions of 1880. One of these 



(the Democratic convention) declared that 
there shall be— 

" ' No more Chinese immigration except 
for travel, education, and foreign com- 
merce, and therein carefully guarded.' 

"The other (the Republican) convention 
declared that — 

" ' Since the authority to regulate immi- 
gration and intercourse between the United 
States and foreign nations rests with Con- 
gress, or with the United States and its 
treaty-making power, the Republican 
party, regarding the unrestricted immi- 
gration of the Chinese as an evil of great 
magnitude, invokes the exercise of these 
powers to restrain and limit the immigra- 
tion by the enactment of such just, hu- 
mane, and reasonable provisions as will 
produce that result.' 

" These are the declarations of the two 
great political parties, in whose ranks are 
enrolled nearly all the voters of the United 
States; and whoever voted at the last 
Presidential election voted for the adop- 
tion of the principles and policy expressed 
by those declarations, whether he voted 
with the one or the other of the two great 
parties. Both candidates for the Presidency 
were pledged to the adoption and execu- 
tion of the policy of restriction thus de- 
clared by their respective jiartics, and the 
candidate who was successful at the polls, 
in his letter of acceptance, not only gave 
expression to the sentiment of his party 
and the country, but Avith a clearness and 
conciseness which distinguished all his ut- 
terances upon great public questions, gave 
the reasons for that public sentiment." He 
said : 

" 'The recent movement of the Chinese 
to our Pacific Coast partakes but little of 
the qualities of an immigration, either in 
its purposes or results. It is too much 
like an importation to be welcomed with- 
out restriction ; too much like an invasion 
to be looked upon without solicitude. We 
cannot consent to alloAV any form of servile 
labor to be introduced among us under the 

guise of immigration.' 

****** ** 

" In this connection it is proper also to 
consider the probable effect of a failure or 
refusal of Congress to pass this bill, upon the 
introduction of Chinese coolies into the 
United States in the future. An adverse 
vote upon such a measure, is an invitation 
to the Chinese to come. It would be in- 
terpreted to mean that the Government of 
the United States had reversed its policy, 
and is now in favor of the unrestricted im- 
portation of Chinese; that it looks with 
ftivor upon the Chinese invasion now in 
progress. It is a fact well known that the 
hostility to the influx of Chinese upon the 
Pacific coast displayed by the people of 
California has operated as a restriction, 
and has discouraged the importation of 



THE CHINESE QUESTION. 



283 



Chinese to siicli a degree that it is probable 1 
that there are not a tenth part the number 
of Chinese in the country there would ; 
have been had this determined hostility 
never been shown. Des2)ite the inhospi- 
tality, not to say resistance, of the Cali- 
fornia people to the Chinese, sometimes 
while waiting for the action of the General 
G )vernment difficult to restrain within the 
bounds of peaceable assertion, they have 
poured through the Golden Gate in con- 
stantly increased numbers during the past 
year, the total number of arrivals at San 
Francisco alone during 1881 being 18,5G1. 
Nearly two months have elapsed since the 
1st of January, and there have arrived, as 
the newspapers show, about four thousand 
more. 

"The defeat of this measure now is a 
shout of welcome across the Pacific Ocean 
to a myriad host of these strange people to 
come and occupy the land, and it is a re- 
buke to the American citizens, who have 
so long stood guard upon the western shore 
of this continent, and who, seeing the dan- 
ger, hive with a fortitude and forbearance 
most admirable, raised and maintained the 
only barrier against a stealthy, strategic, 
but peacefal invasion as destructive in its 
results and more potent for evil, than an 
invasion by an army with banners. An 
adverse vote now, is to commission under 
the broad seal of the United States, all the 
speculators in human labor, all the im- 
porters of human muscle, all the traffickers 
in human flesh, to ply their infamous trade 
without impediment under the protection 
of the American flag, and empty the teem- 
ing, seething slave pens of China upon the 
soil of California! I forbear further spec- 
ulation upon the results likely to flow from 
such a vote, for it presents pictures to the 
mind which one would not willingly con- 
template. 

"These considerations which I have 
presented ought to be, it seems to me, de- 
cisive of the action of tlie Senate upon this 
measure ; and I should regard the argu- 
ment as closed did I not know, that there 
still remain those who do not consider the 

?uestion as settled, and who insist upon 
urther inquiry into the reasons f)ra policy 
of restriction, as applied to the Chinese. I 
am not one of those who would place the 
consideration of consistency or mere ap- 
pearances above consideration of right or 
justice ; but since no change has taken 
place in our relations with China, nor in 
our dom?stic concerns which renders a re- 
versal of the action of the government 
proper or nice-^sary, I insist that if the 
measure of restriction was risht and good 
policy whe 1 Congress passed the fifteenth 
passenger bill, and when the late treaty 
with China was negotiated and ratified, it 
is ritrht and expedient now. 

"This measure had its origin in Cali- 



fornia. It has been pressed with great 
vigor by the Representatives of the Pacific 
coast in Congress, for many years. It has 
not been urged with wild vehement decla- 
mation by thoughtless men, at the behest 
of an ignorant unthinking, prejudiced con- 
stituency. It has been supported by in- 
controvertible fact and passionless reason- 
ing and enforced by the logic of events. 
Behind these Representatives was an in- 
telligent, conscientious public sentiment — 
universal in a constituency as honest, gen- 
erous, intelligent, courageous, and humane 
as any in the Republic. 

" It had been said that the advocates of 
Chinese restriction were to be found only 
among the vicious, unlettered foreign ele- 
ment of California society. To show the 
fact in respect of this contention, the Leg- 
islature of California in 1878 provided for 
a vote of the people upon the question of 
Chinese immigration (so called) to be had 
at the general election of 1879. The vote 
was legally taken, without excitement, and 
the response was general. When the bal- 
lots were counted, there were found to be 
883 votes for Chinese immigration and 
154,638 against it. A similar vote was tak- 
en in Nevada and resulted as follows : 183 
votes for Chinese immigration and 17,259 
votes against. It has been said that a 
count of noses is an ineffectual and illusory 
method of settling great que-tions, but this 
vote of these two States settled the conten- 
tion intended to be settled ; and demon- 
strated that the people of all others in the 
United States who know most of the 
Chinese evil, and who are most competent 
to judge of the necessity for restriction are 
practically unanimous in the support of 
this measure. 

"It is to be supposed that this vote of 
California was the effect of an hysterical 
spasm, which had suddenly seized the 
minds of 154,000 voters, representing the 
sentiment of 800,000 people. For nearly 
thirty years this people had witnessed the 
effect of coolie importation. For more than 
a quarter of a century these voters had 
met face to face, considered, weighed, and 
discussed the great question upon which 
they were at last called upon, in the most 
solemn and deliberate manner, to express 
an opinion. 1 do not cite this extraordinary 
vote as a conclusive argument in favor of 
Chinese restriction ; but I present it as an 
important fact suggestive of argument. It 
may be that the people who have been 
brought face to face with the Chinese in- 
vasion arc all wrong, and that those who 
have seen nothing of it, who have but 
heard something of it, are more competent 
(being disinterested) to judge of its pos- 
sible, probable, and actual effects, than 
those who have had twenty or thirty years 
of actual continuous experience and con- 
tact with the Chinese colony in America; 



284 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



and it may be tliat the Chinese question is 
to be settled upon considerations other 
thau those practical common sense reasons 
and principles which form the basis of po- 
litical science. 

" It has sometimes happened in dealing 
with great questions of governmental 
policy tnat sentiment, or a sort of emotional 
inspiration, has seized the minds of those 
engaged in the solution of great problems, 
by which they have been lilted up into the 
ethereal heights of moral abstraction. I 
trust that while we attempt the path of in- 
quiry in this instance we shall keep our 
feet firmly upon the earth. This question 
relates to this planet and the temporal 
government of some of its inhabitants ; it 
is of the earth earthly ; it involves prin- 
ciples of economic, social, and ])olitical 
science, rather than a question of morals ; 
it is a question of national policy, and 
should be subjected to philosophical ana'y- 
sis. Moreover, the question is of to-day. 
The conditions of the world of mankind at 
the present moment are those with which 
we have to deal. If mankind existed now 
in one grand co-operative society, in one 
universal union, under one system of laws, 
in a vast homogeneous brotherhood, 
serenely beatified, innocent of all selfish 
aims and unholy desires, with one visible 
temporal ruler, whose judgments should 
be justice and whose sway should be eter- 
nal, then there would be no propriety in 
this measure. 

" But the millennium has not yet begun, 
and man exists now, as he has existed 
always — in the economy of Providence — 
in societies called nations, separated by 
tlie peculiarities if not the antipathies of 
race. In truth the history of mankind is 
for the most part descriptive of racial con- 
flicts and the struggles between nations for 
existence. By a perfectly natural process 
these nations have evolved distinct civ- 
ilizations, as diverse in their characteristics 
as the races of men from which they have 
sprung. These may be properly grouped 
into two grand divisions, the civilization 
of the East and the civilization of the 
West. These two great and diverse civiliza- 
tions have finally met on the American 
shore of the Pacific Ocean. 

" During the late depression in busi- 
ness affairs, which existed for three or four 
years in California, while thousands of 
white men and women were walking the 
streets, begging and pleading for an oppor- 
tunity to give their honest labor for any 
wages, the great steamers made their regu- 
lar arrivals from China, and discharged 
at the wharves of San Francisco their ac- 
customed cargoes of Chinese who were 
conveyed through the city to the distril)u- 
ting dens of the Six Companies, and with- 
in three or four days after arrival every 
Chinaman was in his place at work, and 



the white people unemployed still went 
about the streets. This continued until 
the white laboring men rose in their des- 
peration and threatened the existence of 
the Chinese colony when the influx was 
temporarily checked ; but now since busi- 
ness has revived, and the pressure is re- 
moved, the Chinese come in vastly in- 
creased numbers, the excess of arrivals over 
departures averaging about one thousand 
per month at San Francisco alone. The 
importers of Chinese had no difficulty in 
securing openings for their cargoes now, 
and when transjiortation from California 
to the Eastern States is cheapened, as it 
soon will be, they will extend their opera- 
tions into the Middle and Eastern States, 
unless prevented by law, for wherever 
there is a wdiite man or woman at work 
for wages, whether at the ^hoe bench, in 
the factory, or on the farm, there is an 
opening for a Chinaman. Ko matter how 
low the wages may be, the Chinaman can 
afford to work for still lower wages, and if 
the tompetition is free, he will take the 
white man's place. 

"At this point we are met by the query 
from a certain class of political econo- 
mists, 'What of it? Suppose the Chinese 
work for lower wages than white men, is 
it not advantageous to the country to em- 
ploy them ? ' The first answer to such 
question is, that by this process white men 
are supplanted by Chinese. It is a sub- 
stitution of Chinese and their civilization 
for white men and Anglo-Saxon civiliza- 
tion. This involves considerations higher 
than mere economic theories. If the Chi- 
nese are as desirable as citizens, if they 
are in all the essential elements of man- 
hood the peers or the superiors of the Cau- 
casian ; if they will protect American in- 
terests, foster American .institutions, and 
become the patriotic defenders of republi- 
can government ; if their civilization dees 
not antagonize ours nor contaminate it; if 
they are free, independent men, fit for 
liberty and self-government as European 
immigrants generally are, then we may 
begin argument upon the question whether 
it is better or worse, wise or unwise, to 
permit white men, American citizens, or 
men of kindred races to be supplanted 
and the Chinese to be substituted in their 
places. Until all this and more can be 
shown the advocates of Chinese importa- 
tion or immigration have no base upon 
which to even begin to build argument. 

"The statistics of the manuAicture of 
cigars in San Fiancisco are still more sug- 
gestive. This business was formerly car- 
ried on exclusively by white people, many 
hundreds finding steady and lucrative em- 
])loyment in that trade. I have here the 
certified statement from the office of the 
collector of internal revenue at San Fran- 
cisco, showing the number of white people 



THE CHINESE QUESTION. 



285 



and Chinese, relatively, employed on the 
1st of November last in the manufacture 
of cigars. Tiie statement is as follows : 

Number of white men employed 493 

Number ot white women employed. 170 

Total whites GG3 

Number of Chinese employed 5 182 

" The facts of this statement were care- 
fully ascertained by three deputy collec- 
tors. The San Francisco Assembly of 
Trades certify that there are 8,2G5 Chinese 
employed in laundries. It is a well-known 
fact that white women who formerly did 
this work have been quite driven out of 
that employment. The same authority 
certifie? that the number of Chinese now 
employed in the manufacture of clothing 
in San Fruiv-isco, is 7,510, and the num- 
ber of whiter so employed is 1,000. In 
many industries the Chinese have entirely 
supplanted the white laborers, and thou- 
sands of our white people have quit Cali- 
fornia and sought immunity from this 
grinding competition in other and better- 
favored regions." 
******** 

"If you would 'secure the blessings of 
liberty to ourselves and our posterity,' 
there must be some place reserved in 
which, and upon which, posterity can exist. 
What will the blessings of liberty be worth 
to posterity if you give up the country to 
the Chinese ? If China is to be the breed- 
ing-ground for peopling this country, what 
chance of American posterity? We of 
this age hold this land in trust for our race 
and kindred. We hold republican govern- 
ment and free institutions in trust for 
American posterity. That trust ought not 
to be betraved. If the Chinese should in- 
vade the Pacific coast with arms in their 
hands, whit a magnificent spectacle of 
martial resistance would be presented to a 
startled world! The mere intimation of 
an attempt to make conquest of our west- 
ern shore by force would rouse the nation 
to a frenzy of enthusiasm in its defense. 
For years a peaceful, sly, strategic con- 
quest has been in progress, and American 
statesmanship has been almost silent, until 
the people have demanded action, 

" The land which is being overrun by 
the oriental invader is the fairest portion 
of our hi^ritage. It is the land of the vine 
and the fig tree; the home of the orange, 
the olive, and the pomegranate. Its winter 
is a perpetu d sprin<r, and its summer is a 
golden harvest. There the northern pine 
peacefully swavs against the southern palm ; 
the tender azalea and the hardy rose min- 
gle their sweet perfume, and the tropic 
vine encircles the sturdy oak. Its valleys 
are rich and glorious with luscious fruits 
and waving grain, and its lofty 



Mountains like giants stand. 
To syutinel the t-ucliauted land. 

" I would see its fertile plains, its se- 
questered vales, its vine-clad hills, its deep 
blue canons, its furrowed mountain-sides, 
dotted all over with American homes — 
the homes of a free, happy people, reso- 
nant with the sweet voices of flaxen-haired 
children, and ringing with the joyous 
laughter of maiden fdir— 

Soft as her clime, anil sunny as her skies — 

like the homes of New England ; yet 
brighter and better far shall be the homes 
which are to be builded in that wonder- 
land by the sunset sea, the homes of a race 
from which shall spring 

The flower of men. 
To servo as nmdcl for the mighty world, 
And be the fair btgiuuing uf a time." 



Reply ot Senator Geo. F. Hoar. 

Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, replied 
to Senator Miller, and presented the sup- 
posed view of the Eastern States in a mas- 
terly manner. The speech covered twenty- 
eight pamphlet pages, and was referred to 
by the newspaper as an effort equal to 
some of the best by Charles Sumner. We 
make liberal extracts from the text, as fol- 
lows : 

" Mr. President : A hundred years 
ago the American people founded a nation 
upon the moral law. They overthrew by 
force the authority of their sovereign, and 
separated themselves from the country 
which had planted them, alleging as their 
justification to mankind certain proposi- 
tions which they held to be self-evident. 

" They declared — and that declaration 
is the one foremost action of human his- 
tory — that all men equally derive from 
their Creator the right to the pursuit of 
happiness; that equality in the right to 
that pursuit is the fundamental rule of the 
divine justice in its application to man- 
kind; that its security is the end for which 
governments are formed, and its destruc- 
tion good cause why governments should 
be overthrown. For a hundred years this 
principle has been held in honor. Under 
its beneficent operation we have grown al- 
most twenty-fold. Thirteen States have 
become thirty-eight ; three million have 
become fifty million ; wealth and comfort 
and education and art have flourished 
in still larger proportion. Every twenty 
vears there is added to the valuation of 
this country a wealth enough to buv the 
whole German Empire, with its buildings 
and its ships and its invested property. 
This has been the magnet that has drawn 
immigration hither. The human stream, 
hemmed in by banks invisible but impassa- 
ble, does not turn toward Mexico, which 
can feed and clothe a world, or South 
America, which can feed and clothe a hun- 



286 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



drecl worlds, but seeks only that belt of 
States where it finds this law in operation. 
The marvels of comfort and hapijiness it 
has wrought for us scarcely surpass what 
it has done for other countries. The im- 
migrant sends back the message to those 
he has left behind. There is scarcely a 
nation in Europe west of Russia which has 
not felt the force of our example and whose 
institutions are not m'ore or less slowly ap- 
proximating to our own. 

" Every new State as it takes its place in 
the great family binds this declaration as a 
frontlet upon its forehead. Twenty-four of 
the States, including California herself, 
declare it in the very opening sentence of 
their constitutions. Tlie insertion of the 
phrase 'the pursuit of happiness,' in the 
enumeration of the natural rights for secur- 
ing which government is ordained, and the 
denial of which constitutes just cause for 
its overthrow, was intended as an explicit 
affirmation that the right of every human 
being who obeys the equal laws to go 
everywhere on the surface of the earth 
that his welfare may require is beyond the 
rightful control of government. It is a 
birthright derived immediately from him 
who ' made of one blood all nations of 
men for to dwell on all the face of the 
earth, and hath determined the times be- 
fore appointed and the bounds of their habi- 
tation.' He made, so our fathers held, of 
one blood all the nations of men. He gave 
them the whole face of the earth whereon 
to dwell. He reserved for himself by his 
agents heat and cold, and climate, and 
soil, and water, and land to determine the 
bounds of their habitation. It has long 
been the fashion in sorne quarters, when 
honor, justice, good faith, human rights 
are appealed to, and especially when the 
truths declared in the opening sentences of 
the Declaration of Independence are in- 
voked as guides in legislation to stigmatize 
those who make the appeal as sentimenta- 
lists, incapable of dealing with practical 
affiiirs. It would be easy to demonstrate 
the falsehood of this notion. The men who 
erected the structure of this Government 
were good, practical builders and knew 
well the quality of the corner-stone when 
they laid it. When they put forth for 
the consideration of their contemporaries 
and of posterity the declaration which they 
thought a decent respect for the opinions 
of mankind required of them, they weighed 
carefully the fundamental proposition on 
which their immortal argument rested. 
Lord Chatham's fanious sentence will bear 
repeating again : 

When" your lordships look at the 
papers transmitted to us from America, 
when you consider their decency, firmness, 
and wisdom, you cannot but respect their 
cause and wit^h to make it your own. For 
myself I must declare and avow that in all 



my reading and observation — and it has 
been my favorite study, I have read 
Thucydides, and have studied and admired 
the master states of the world — that for 
solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and 
wisdom of conclusion, under such a com- 
plication of difficult circumstances, no na- 
tion or body of men can stand in preference 
to the general Congress assembled at 
Philadelphia. 

The doctrine that the pursuit of happi- 
ness is an inalienable right with which men 
are endowed by their Creator, asserted by 
as religious a people as ever lived at the 
most religious period of their history, pro- 
pounded by as wise, practical, and far- 
sighted statesmen as ever lived as the vin- 
dication for the most momentous public 
act of their generation, was intended to 
commit the American people in the most 
solemn manner to the assertion that the 
right to change their homes at their plea- 
sure is a natural right of all men. The doc- 
trine that free institutions are a monopoly 
of the favored races, the doctrine that op- 
pressed people may sever their old alle- 
giance at will, but have no right to find a 
new one, that the bird may fly but may 
never light, is of quite recent origin. 

California herself owing her place in our 
Union to the first victory of freedom in the 
great contest with African slavery, is 
pledged to repudiate this modern heresy, 
not only by her baptismal vows, but by 
her share in the enactment of the statute 
of 1808. Her constitution read thus until 
she took Dennis Kearney for her law- 
giver : 

We, the people of California, grateful to 
Almighty God for our freedom, in order to 
secure its blessings, do establish this con- 
stitution. 

DECLAKATION OF RIGHTS. 

Section 1. All men are by nature free 
and independent, and have certain inalien- 
able rights, among which are those of enjoy- 
ing and dei'endiug life and liberty, acquir- 
ing, possessing, and defending property, 
and pursuing and obtaining safety and 

happiness. 

******* 

Sec. 17. Foreigners who are or who 
may hereafter become bona fide residents 
of this State, shall enjoy the same rights in 
respect to the possession, enjoyment, and 
inheritance of pjroperty, as native born 
citizens. 

In the Revised Statutes, section 1999, 
Congress in the most solemn manner de- 
clare that the right of expatriation is be- 
yond the lawful control of government : 

Sec. 1999. Whereas the right of expa- 
triation is a natural and inherent right of 
all people, indispensable to the enjoyment 
of the rights of life, liberty, and the pur- 
suit of happiness ; and 



THE CHINESE QUESTION. 



287 



Whereas in the recognition of this prin- 
ciple this Government has freely received 
emigrants from all nations, and invested 
them with the rights of citizenship. 

This is a re-enactment, in part, of the 
statute of 18G8, of which Mr. Conaess, 
then a California Senator, of Irish birth, 
was, if not the author, the chief advocate. 

The California Senator called up the 
bill day after day. The bill originally 
provided that the President might order 
the arrest and detention in custody of 
" any subject or citizen of such foreign 
government" as should arrest and detain 
any naturalized citizen of the United 
States under the claim that he still re- 
mained subject to his allegiance to his na- 
tive sovereign. This gave rise to debate. 

But there was no controversy about the 
part of the bill which I have read. The 
preamble is as foll')ws : 

Whereas the right of expatriation is a 
natural and inherent right of all ]>eople, 
indispensable to the enjoyment of the 
righ'ts of life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness, for the protection of which the 
Government of the United States was es- 
tablished ; and whereas in the recogni- 
tion of this principle this Government has 
freely received emigrants from all nations 
and vestei them with the rights of citizen- 
ship, &:•. 

Mr. Howard declares that — - 

The absolute right of expatriation is the 
great leading American principle. 

Mr. Morton says: 

That a man's right to withdraw from his 
native country and make his home in an- 
other, and thus cut himself ofl from all 
connection with his native country, is a 
part of his natural liberty, and without 
that his liberty is defective. We claim 
that the right to liberty is a natural, in- 
herent, God-given right, and his liberty is 
imperfect unless it carries with it the right 
of expatriation. 

The bill containing the preamble above 
recited passed the Senate by a vote of 39 
to 5. 

The United States of America and the 
Emperor of China cordially recognize the 
inherent and inalienable right of man to 
change his home and allegiance, and also 
the mutual advantage of the free migra- 
tion and emigration of their citizens and 
subjects respectively from the one country 
to the other f )r purposes of curiosity, of 
trade, or as permanent residents. 

"The bill which passed Congress two 
years ago and was vetoed by President 
Hayes, the treaty of 1881, and the bill now 
before the Senate, have the same orisrin 
and are parts of the same measure. Two 
years ag) it was proposed to exclude Chi- 
nese laborers from our borders, in express 
disregard of our solemn treaty obli<:ati'>ns. 
This measure was arrested by President 



Hayes. The treaty of 1881 extorted from 
unwilling China her consent that we might 
regulate, limit, or susiiend the coming of 
Chinese laborers into this country- a con- 
sent of which it is proposed by this bill to 
take advantage. This is entitled " A bill 
to enforce treaty stipulations with Chi- 
na." 

" It seems necessary in discussing the 
statute briefly to review the history of the 
treaty. First let me say that the title of 
this bill is deceptive. There is no stipu- 
lation of the treaty which the bill enforces. 
The bill where it is not inconsistent with 
the compact only avails itself of a privi- 
lege which that concedes. China only re- 
laxed the Burlinganie treaty so far as to 
permit us to ' regulate, limit, or suspend 
the coming or residence ' of Chinese la- 
borers, ' but not absolutely to prohibit it.' 
The treaty expressly declares ' such limi- 
tation or suspension shall be reasonable.' 
But here is proposed a statute which for 
twenty years, under the severest penalties, 
absolutely inhibits the coming of Chinese 
laborers to this country. The treaty pledges 
us not absolutely to prohibit it. The bill 
is intended absolutely to prohibit it. 

" The second article of the treaty is this : 

" Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to 
the United States as traders, students, or 
merchants, or from curiosity, together with 
their body and household servants, and 
Chinese laborers, who are now in the Uni- 
ted States, shall be allowed to go and come 
of their own free will and accord, and 
shall be accurded all the rights, privileges, 
immunities, and exemptions which are ac- 
corded to the citizens and subjects of the 
most favored nations. 

"Yet it is difficult to believe that the com- 
plex and cumbrous passport system pro- 
vided in the last twelve sections of the bill 
was not intended as an evasion of this 
agreement. Upon what other nation, fa- 
vored or hot, is such a burden imposed? 
This is the execution of a promise that 
they may come and go ' of their own free 
wili.' 

" What has happened witliin thirteen 
years that the great Republic should strike 
its flag ? What change has come over us 
that we should eat the bravest and the tru- 
est words we ever spoke ? From 1 8")8 to 
1880 there was added to the population of 
the country 42,000 Chinese. 

" I give a table from the census of 1880 
showing the Chinese population of each 
State : 

Stafement showinr/ the Chinese pnpvlafion 
in each State and Territory, arcording to 
the United States censuses of 1870 and of 
1880. 

Alnbama 4 

Alaska 

Arizona 20 1,630 



288 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Arkansas 98 

California 49,310 

Colorado 7 

Connecticut 2 

Dakota 

Delaware 

District of Columbia 3 

Florida 

Georgi a 1 

Idaho 4,274 

Illinois 1 

Indiana 

Iowa 3 

Kansas 

1 

71 

1 

2 
..v.""""! 97 
2 



Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Misssissippi 16 

Missouii 3 

Montana 1,949 

Nebraska 

Nevada 3,152 

New Hampshire 

New Jersey 15 

New Mexico 

New York 29 

North Carolina 

Ohio 1 

Oregon 3,330 

Pennsylvania 14 

Rhode Island.. 

South Carolina 1 

Tennessee 

Texas 25 

Utah 445 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West Virginia 

Wisconsin 



4 
234 



134 

75,025 

610 

124 

238 

1 

13 

18 

17 

3,378 

210 

33 

47 

19 

10 

481 

9 

5 

237 

27 

53 

52 

94 

1,764 

18 

5,420 

14 

176 

55 

924 

114 

9,513 

160 

27 

9 

26 

141 

501 



Wyoming 143 



6 

3,182 

14 

16 

914 



Total 63,254 105,463 

"By the census of 1880 the number of 
Chinese in this country was 105,000 — one 
five-hundredth part of the whole popula- 
tion. The Chinese are the most easily 
governed race in the world. Yet every 
Chinaman in America has four hundred 
and ninety-nine Americans to control him. 

The immigration was also constantly de- 
creasing for the last half of the decade. 
The Bureau of Statistics gives the num- 
bers as follows, (for the first eight years the 
figures are those of the entire Asiatic im- 
migration :) 

The number of immigrants from Asia, 
as reported l)y the United States Bureau 
of Statistics is as follows, namely: 

1871 7,236 

1872 7,825 

1873 20,326 



1874 13,857 

1875 16,498 

1876 22,943 

1877 10,640 

1878 9,014 



Total 108,339 

And from China for the year ended 
June 30 — 

1879 9,604 

1880 5,802 



Total 1.5,406 

Grand Total 123,745 

" See also, Mr. President, how this class 
of immigrants, diminishing in itself, di- 
minishes still more in its proportion to the 
rapidly increasing numbers who come 
from other lands. Against 22,943 Asiatic 
immigrants in 1876, there are but 5,802 in 
1880. In 1878 there were 9,014 from Asia, 
in a total of 153,207, or one in seventeen 
of the entire immigration; and this in- 
cludes all persons who entered the port of 
San Francisco to go to any South American 
country. In 1879 there were 9,604 from 
China in a total of 250,565, or one in 
twenty-six. In 1880 there Avere 5,802 from 
China in a total immigration of 513,359, or 
one in one hundred and two. The whole 
Chinese population, then, when the cen- 
sus of 1880 was taken, was but one in five 
hundred of our people. The whole Chinese 
immigration was but one in one hundred 
and two of the total immigration ; while 
the total annual immigration quadrupled 
from 1878 to 1880, the Chinese was in 
1880 little more than one-half \\hat it was 
in 1878, and one-fourth i^hat it was in 1876. 

" The number of immigrants of all 
nations was 720,045 in 1881. Of these 
20,711 Avere Chinese. There is no record 
in the Bureau of Statistics of the number 
who departed within the year. But a very 
high anti-Chinese authority places it above 
10,000. Perhaps the expection that the 
hostile legislation under the trer.ty would 
not affect persons who entend before it 
took effect stimulated sonuwhat their 
coming. But the addition to the Cliinese 
population was less than one seventy- 
second of the whole immigration. All 
the Chinese in the country do not exceed 
the population of its sixteenth cily. All 
the Chinese in California hardly turpass 
the number which is easily governed in 
Shanghai by a police of one hundred men. 
There are as many pure blooded Gypsies 
wandering about the country as there are 
Chinese in California. What an insult to 
American intelligence to ask leave of 
China to keep out her people, because 
this little handful of almond-eyed Asiatics 
threaten to destroy our boasted civiliza- 



THE CHINESE QUESTION. 



289 



tion. We go boasting of our democracy, 
and our superiority, and our strength. The 
flag bears the stars of hope to all nations. 
A hundred thousand Chinese land in 
California and everything is changed. God 
has not made of one blood all the nations 
any longer. The self-evident truth be- 
■■omes a self-evident lie. The golden rule 
does not apply to the natives oi' the con- 
tinent where it was first uttered. The 
United States surrender to China, the Ke- 
public to the despot, America to Asia, Jesus 
to Joss. 

" There is another most remarkable ex- 
ample of this prejudice of race which has 
hapjjily almost died out here, which has 
come down from the dark ages and which 
survives with unabated ferocity in Eastern 
Europe. I mean the hati-ed of the Jew. 
The persecution of the Hebrew has never, 
so far as I know, taken the form of an 
affront to labor. In every other particular 
the reproaches which for ten centuries 
have been leveled at him are reproduced 
to do service against the Chinese. The 
Hebrew, so it was said, was not a Chris- 
tian. He did not affiliate or assimilate 
into the nations where he dwelt. He was 
an unclean thing, a dog, to whom the 
crime of the crucifixion of his Saviour was 
never to be forgiven. The Chinese quar- 
ter of San Francisco had its type in every 
city of Europe. If the Jew ventured from 
his hiding-place he was stoned. His 
wealth made him the prey of the rapacity 
of the noble, and his poverty and weakness 
the victim of the rabble. Yet how has this 
Oriental conquered Christendom by the 
sublimity of his patience? The great poet 
of New England, who sits by every Ameri- 
can fireside a beloved and perpetual guest, 
in that masterpiece of his art, the Jewish 
Cemetery at Newport, has described the 
degradation and the triumph of these per- 
secuted children of God. 

How came they here ? What burst of Christian hate, 

What persecution, merciless and blind, 
Drove o'or the sea — that desert desolate — 

These Ishmaels and Hagara of mankind ? 
They lived in narrow streets and lanes obscure. 

Ghetto and Judenstrasa, in mirk and mire ; 
Taught in the school of patience to endure 

Tlie life of ancruish and the death of fire. 



\natlioma maranatha! was the cry 

Th.it ning from town to town, from street to street; 
At f'verv pite the accui'S;'d Jlordecai 

Was mocked and jeered, and spurned by Christian feet. 

Pride and humiliation hand in hand 

Walked with them through the world where'er they 
went; 
Trampled and beaten were they as the sand, 

And yet unshaken as the continent. 

Forty years ago — 
Says Lord Beaconsfield, that great Jew 
who held England in the hollow of his 
hand, and who played on her aristocracy 
as on an organ, who made himself the 
master of an alien nation, its ruler, its 

19 



oracle, and through it, and in despite of it, 
for a time the master of Europe — 

Forty years ago — not a longer period 
than the children of Israel were wandering 
in the desert — the two most dishonored 
races in Europe were the Attic and the He- 
brew. The world has probably by this 
discovered that it is impossible to destroy 
the Jews. The attempt to extirpate them 
has been made under the most favorable 
auspices and on the largest scale ; the most 
considerable means that man could com- 
mand have been pertinaciously applied to 
this object for the longest period of re- 
corded time. Egyptian Pharaohs, Assyrian 
kings, Roman emperors, Scandinavian 
crusaders, Gothic princes, and holy inqui- 
sitors, have alike devoted their energies to 
the fulfillment of this common purpose. 
Expatriation, exile, captivity, confiscation, 
torture on the most ingenious and massa- 
cre on the most extensive scale, a curious 
system of degrading customs and debasing 
laws which would have broken the heart 
of any other people, have been tried, and 
in vain. 

" Lord Beaconsfield admits that the Jews 
contribute more than their proportion to 
the aggregate of the vile ; that the lowest 
class of Jews are obdurate, malignant, 
odious, and revolting. And yet this race 
of dogs, as it has been often termed in 
scorn, furnishes Europe to-day its masters 
in finance and oratory and statesmanship 
and art and music. Rachel, Mozart, Men- 
delssohn, Disraeli, Rothschild, Benjamin, 
Heine, are but samples of the intellectual 
power of a race which to-day controls the 
finance and the press of Europe. 

" I do not controvert the evidence which 
is relied upon to show that there are great 
abuses, great dangers, great oflenses, which 
have grown out of the coming of this peo- 
ple. Much of the evil I believe might be 
cured by State and municipal authority. 
Congress may rightfully be called upon to 
go to the limit of the just exercise of the 
powers of government in rendering its aid. 

" We should have capable and vigilant 
consular officers in the Asiatic ports from 
which these immigrants come, without 
whose certificate they should not be re- 
ceived on board ship, and who should see 
to it that no person except those of good 
character and no person whose labor is not 
his own property be allowed to come over. 
Especially should the trade in human 
labor under all disguises be suppressed. 
Filthy habits of living must surely be with- 
in the control of municipal regulation. 
Every State may by legislation or by muni- 
cipal ordinance in its towns and cities pre- 
scribe the dimension of dwellings and limit 
the number who may occupy the same 
tenement. 

"But it is urged — and this in my judg- 
ment is the greatest argument for the bill — • 



290 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



that the introduction of the labor of the 
Chinese reduces the wages of the American 
laborer. ' We are ruined by Chinese cheap 
labor " is a cry not limited to the class to 
whose representative the brilliant humor- 
ist of California first ascribed it. I am not 
in favor of lowering any where the wages 
of any American labor, skilled or unskilled. 
On the contrary, I believe the maintenance 
and the increase of the purchasing power 
of the wages of the American working man 
should be the one principal object of our 
legislation. The share in the product of 
agriculture or manufacture which goes to 
labor should, and I believe will, steadily 
increase. For that, and for that only, ex- 
ists our protective system. The acquisition 
of wealth, national or individual, is to be 
desired only for that. The statement of 
the accomplished Senator from California 
on this point meets my heartiest concur- 
rence. I have no sympathy with any men, 
if such there be, who favor high protection 
and cheap labor. 

" But I believe that the Chinese, to whom 
the terms of the California Senator attri- 
bute skill enough to displace the American 
in every field requiring intellectual vigor, 
will learn very soon to insist on his full 
share of the product of his work. But whe- 
ther that be true or not, the wealth he cre- 
ates will make better and not worse the con- 
dition of every higher class of labor. There 
may be trouble or failure in adjusting new 
relations. But sooner or later every new 
class of industrious and productive labor- 
ers elevates the class it displaces. The 
dread of an injury to our labor from the 
Chinese rests on the same fallacy that op- 
posed the introduction of labor-saving ma- 
chinery, and which opposed the coming of 
the Irishman and the German and the 
Swede. Within my memory in New Eng- 
land all the lower places in factories, all 
places of domestic service, were filled by 
the sons and daughters of American farm- 
ers. The Irishmen came over to take their 
places ; but the American farmer's son and 
daughter did not suffer; they were only 
elevated to a higher plane. In the in- 
creased wealth of the community their 
share is much greater. The Irishman rose 
from the bog or the hovel of his native land 
to the comfort of a New England home, 
and placed his children in a New England 
school. The Yankee rises from the loom 
and the spinning-jenny to be the teacher, 
the skilled laborer in the machine shop, the 
inventor, the merchant, or the opulent 
landholder and farmer of the West. 



A letter from F. A. Bee, Chinese Con- 
sul, approving the management of the es- 
tate, accompanied the report of the re- 
feree : 
. " Mr. President, I will not detain the 



Senate by reading the abundant testimony, 
of which this is but the sample, of the pos- 
session by the people of this race of the 
possibility of a development of every qua- 
lity of intellect, art, character, which fits 
them for citizenship, for republicanism, for 
Christianity. 

" Humanity, capable of infinite depths 
of degradation, is capable also of infinite 
heights of excellence. The Chinese, like 
all other races, has given us its examples 
of both. To rescue humanity from this 
degradation is, we are taught to believe, the 
great object of God's moral government on 
earth. It is not by injustice, exclusion, 
caste, but by reverence for the individual 
soul that we can aid in this consummation. 
It is not by Chinese policies that China is 
to be civilized. I believe that the immor- 
tal truths of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence came from the same source with the 
Golden Rule and the Sermon on the 
Mount. We can trust Him who promul- 
gated these laws to keep the country safe 
that obeys them. The laws of the universe 
have their own sanction. They will not 
fail. The power that causes the compass 
to point to the north, that dismisses the 
star on its pathway through the skies, pro- 
mising that in a thousand years it shall re- 
turn again true to its hour and keep His 
word, will vindicate His own moral law. 
As surely as the path on which our fathers 
entered a hundred years ago led to safety, 
to strength, to glory, so surely will the 
path on which we now propose to enter 
bring us to shame, to weakness, and to 
peril." 

On the 3d of March the debate was re- 
newed. Senator Farley protested that un- 
less Chinese immigration is prohibited it 
will be impossible to protect the Chinese 
on the Pacific coast. The feeling against 
them now is such that restraint is difficult, 
as the people, forced out of employment by 
them, and irritated by their constantly in- 
creasing numbers, are not in a condition to 
submit to the deprivations they suffer by 
the presence of a Chinese population im- 
ported as slaves and absorbing to their own 
benefit the labor of the country. A remark 
of Mr. Farley about the Chinese led Mr. 
Hoar to ask if they were not the inventors 
of the printing press and of gunpowder. 
To this question Mr. Jones, of Nevada, 
made a brief speech, which was considered 
remarkable, principally because it was one 
of the very few speeches of any length that 
he has made since he became a Senator. 
Instead of agreeing with Mr. Hoar that the 
Chinese had inv^ented the printing press 
and gunpowdfer, he said that information 
he had received led him to believe that the 
Chinese were not entitled to the credit of 
either of these inventions. On the con- 
trary, they had stolen them from Aryans or 
Caucasians who wandered into the king- 



THE CHINESE QUESTION. 



291 



(lom. Mr. Hoar smiled incredulously and 
made a remark to the effect that he had 
never heard of those Aryans or Caucasians 
before. 

Continuing his remarks, Mr. Farley ex- 
{tressed his belief that should the Mongo- 
lian population increase and the Chinese 
come in contact with the Afi'icans, the con- 
tact would result in demoralization and 
bloodshed which the laws could not pre- 
vent. Pig-tailed Chinamen would take the 
place everywhere of the working girl unless 
Congress extended its protection to Califor- 
nia and her white jseople, who had by their 
votes demanded a prohibition of Chinese 
immigration. Mr. Maxey, interpreting the 
Constitution in such a way as to bring out 
of it an argument against Chinese immi- 
gration, said he found nothing in it to jus- 
tify the conclusion that the framers of it 
intended to bring into this country all na- 
tions and races. The only people the 
fathers had in view as citizens were those 
of the Caucasian race, and they contempla- 
ted naturalization only for such, for they 
had distinctly set forth that the heritage of 
freedom was to be for their posterity. No- 
body would pretend to express the opinion 
that it was'expected that the American peo- 
ple should become mixed up with all sorts 
of races and call the result " our posterity." 
While the American people had, in conse- 
quence of their Anglo-Saxon origin, been 
able to withstand the contact with the Af- 
rican, the Africans would never stand be- 
fore the Chinese. Mr. Maxey opposed the 
Chinese because they do not come here to 
be citizens, because the lower classes of 
Chinese alone are immigrants, and because 
by contact they poison the minds of the less 
intelligent. 

Mr. Saulsbury had something to say in 
favor of the bill, and Mr. Garland, who vo- 
ted against the last bill because the treaty 
had not been modified, expressed his belief 
that the Government could exercise proper- 
ly all the powers proposed to be bestowed 
by this bill. Some time was consumed by 
Mr. Ingalls in advocacy of an amendment 
offered by him, proposing to limit the sus- 
pension of immigration to 10 instead of 
20 years. Mr. Miller and Mr. Bayard op- 
posed the amendment, Mr. Bayard taking 
the ground that Congress ought not to dis- 
regard the substantially unanimous wish of 
the people of California, as expressed at 
the polls, for absolute prohibition. The 
debate was interrupted by a motion for an 
executive session, and the bill went over un- 
til Monday, to be taken up then as the un- 
finished business. 

On March 6th a vote was ordered on 
Senator Ingalls' amendment. It was de- 
feated on a tie vote — yeas 23, nays 23. 

The vote in detail is as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, 
Brown, Cockrell, Conger, Davis of Illinois, 



Dawes, Edmunds, Frye, Harris, Hoar, In- 
galls, Jackson, Lapham, McDill, ]\IcMil- 
lan, Mitchell, Morrell, Saunders, Sewell, 
Sherman and Teller — 23. 

Nays— Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Came- 
ron of Wisconsin, Coke, Fair, Farley, Gar- 
land, George, Hale, Hampton, Hill of 
Colorado, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Mc- 
Pherson, Marcy, Miller of California, IMil-- 
ler of New York, Morgan, Ransom, Slater, 
Vest and Walker— 23. 

Pairs were announced between Davis, of 
West Virginia, Saulsbury, Butler, John' 
son, Kellogg, Jones, of Florida, and Grover, 
against the amendment, and Messrs. Win- 
dom, Ferry, Hawley, Piatt, Pugh, Rollins 
and Van Wyck in the affirmative. Mr- 
Camden was also paired. 

Mr. Pxlmunds, partially in reply to Mr. 
Hoar argued that the right to decide what 
constitutes the moral law was one inherent 
in the Government, and by analogy the 
right to regulate the character of the peo- 
ple who shall come into it belonged to a 
Government. This depended upon national 
polity and the fact as to most of the ancient 
republics that they did not possess homo- 
geneity was the cause of their fall. As to 
the Swiss Republic, it was untrue that it 
was not homogeneous. The difference 
there was not one of race but of different 
varieties of the same race, all of which are 
analogous and consistent with each other. 
It would not be contended that it is an 
advantage to a republic that its citizens 
should be made of diverse races, with di- 
verse views and diverse obligations as to 
what the common prosperity of all required. 
Therefore there was no foundation for the 
charge of a violation of moral and public 
law in our making a distinction as to the 
foreigners we admit. He challenged Mr. 
Hoar to produce an authority on national 
law which denied the right of one nation 
to declare what people of other nations 
should come among them. John Hancock 
and Samuel Adams, not unworthy citizens 
of Massachusetts, joined in asserting in the 
Declaration of Independence the right of 
the colonies to establish for themselves, 
not for other peoples, a Government of 
their own, not the Government of some- 
body else. The declaration asserted the 
family or consolidated right of a people 
within any Territory to determine the con- 
ditions upon which they would go on, an! 
this included the matter of receiving the 
people from other shores into their family. 
This idea was followed in the Constitution 
by requiring naturalization. The China- 
man may be with us, but he is not of us. 
One of the conditions of his naturalization 
is that he must be friendly to the institu- 
tions and intrinsic polity of our Govern- 
ment. Upon the theory of the Massachu- 
setts Senators, that there is a universal 
oneness of one human being with every 



292 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



other human "being on the globe, this tra- 
ditional and fundamental principle was 
entirely ignored. Such a theory as applied 
to Government was contrary to all human 
experience, to all discussion, and to every 
step of the founders of our Government, 
lie said that Mr. Sumner, the predecessor 
of Mr. Hoar, was the author of the law on 
the coolie traflic, which imposes fines and 
penalties more severe than those in this 
bill upon any master of an American ves- 
sel carrying a Chinaman who is a servant. 
The present bill followed that legislation. 
Mr. Edmunds added that he would vote 
against the bill if the twenty-year clause 
was retained, but would maintain the 
soundness of principle he had enunciated. 
Mr. Hoar argued in reply that the right 
of expatriation carried with it the right to 
a home for the citizen in the country to 
which he comes, and that the bill violated 
not only this but the principles of the 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments 
which made citizenship the birthright of 
every one born on our soil, and prohibited 
an abridgement of the suftrage because of 
race, color, etc. 

Mr. lugalls moved an amendment post- 
poning the time at which the act shall talie 
effect until sixty days after information 
of its passage has been communicated to 
China. 

After remarks by Messrs. Dawes, Teller 
and Bayard, at the suggestion of Mr. Brown 
Mr. Ingalls modified his amendment by 
providing that the act shall not go into 
effect until ninety days after its passage, 
;and the amendment was adopted. 

On motion of Mr. Bayard, amendments 
were adopted making the second section 
read as follows : " That. any master of any 
vessel of whatever nationality, who shall 
knowingly on such vessel bring within the 
jurisdiction of the United States and per- 
mit to be landed any Chinese laborer, " &c. 
Mr. Hoar moved to amend by add- 
ing the following : " Provided, that this 
bill shall not apply to any skilled laborer 
who shall establish that he comes to this 
country without any contract beyond which 
his labor is the property of any person be- 
sides himself " 

Mr. Farley suggested that all the Chinese 
would claim to be skilled laborors. 
j Mr. Hoar replied that it would test 
(Whether the bill struck at coolies or at 
skilled labor. 

The amendment was rejected — Yeas, 17 ; 
nays, 27. 

Mr. Call moved to strike out the section 
which forfeits the vessel for the ofiense of 
the master. Lost. 

Mr. Hoar moved to amend by inserting : 
" Provided that any laborer who shall re- 
ceive a certificate from the U. S. Consul at 
the port wdiere he shall embark that he is 
an artisan coming to this country at his 



own expense and of his own will, shall not 
be affected by this bill." Lost — yeas 19, 
nays 24. 

On motion of Mr. Miller, of California, 
the provision directing the removal of any 
Chinese unlawfully found in a Customs 
Collection district by the Collector, was 
amended to direct that he shall be removed 
to the place from whence he came. 

On motion of Mr. Brown an amendment 
was adopted providing that the mark of a 
CJhinese immigrant, duly attested by a 
witness, may be taken as his signature 
upon the certificate of resignation or regis- 
tration issued to him. 

The question then recurred on the 
amendment offered by Mr. Farley that 
hereafter no State Court or United States 
Court shall admit Chinese to citizenship. 
Mr. Hawley, of Conn., on the following 
day spoke against what he denounced as 
"a bill o^ iniquities." 

On the 9th of March what proved a long 
and interesting debate was closed, the 
leading speech being made by Senator 
Jones (Rep.) of Nevada, in favor of the 
biP After showing the disastrous eflFects 
of the influx of the Chinese upon the Pa- 
cific coast and answering some of the argu- 
ments of the opponents of restriction, Mr. 
Jones said that he had noticed that most 
of those favoring Chinese immigration 
were advocates of a high tariff" to protect 
American labor. But, judging from indi- 
cations, it is not the American laborer, but 
the lordly manufacturing capitalist who is 
to be protected as against the European 
capitalist, and who is to sell everything he 
has to sell in an American market, one in 
which other capitalists cannot compete 
with him, while he buys that which he ha8 
to buy — the labor of men — in the most 
open market. He demands for the latter 
free trade in its broadest sense, and would 
have not only free trade in bringing in la- 
borers of our own race, but the Chinese, 
the most skilful and cunning laborers of 
the world. The laborer, however, is to 
buy from his capitalist master in a protec- 
tive market, but that which he himself has 
to sell, his labor, and which he must sell 
every day (for he cannot wait, like the 
capitalist, for better times or travel here 
and there to dispose of it), he must sell in 
the openest market of the world. When 
the artisans of this country shall be made 
to understand that the market in which 
they sell the only thing they have to sell 
is an open one they will demand, as one of 
the conditions of their existence, that they 
shall have an open market in which to buy 
what they want. As the Senator from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Dawes) said he wanted 
the people to know that the bill was a blow 
struck at labor, Mr. Jones said he reitera- 
ted the assertion with the qualification 
that it was not a blow at our own, but at 



THE CHINESE QUESTION. 



293 



underpaid pauper labor. That cheap labor 
produces national wealth is a fallacy, as 
shown by the home condition of the 350,- 
000,000 of Chinamen. 

" Was the bringing of the little brown 
man a sort of counter balance to the trades 
unions of this country? If he may be 
iirought here, why may not the products 
of his toil come in ? Now, when the la- 
borer is allowed to get that share from his 
laljor that civilization has decided he shall 
liave, the little brown man is introduced. 
He (Mr. Jones) believed in protection, 
and had no prejudice against the capital- 
ist, but he would have capital and labor 
equally protected. Enlarging upon the 
consideration that the intelligence or crea- 
tive genius of a countiy in overcoming ob- 
stacles, not its material resources, consti- 
tutes its wealth, and that the low wages of 
the Chinese, while benefiting individual 
employers, would ultimately impoverish 
the country by removing the stimulant to 
create labor-saving machinery and like in- 
ventions. Mr. Jones spoke of what he 
called the dearth of intellectual activity in 
the South in every department but one, 
that of politics. 

" This was because of the presence of a 
servile race there. The absence of South- 
ern names in the Patent Office is an illus- 
tration. We would not welcome the 
Africans here. Their presence was not a 
blessing to us, but an impediment in our 
way. The relations of the white and 
colored races of the South were now no 
nearer adjustment than they were years 
ago. He would prophesy that the African 
race would never be permitted to dominate 
any State of the South. The experiment 
to that end had been a dismal failure, and 
a failure not because we have not tried to 
make it succeed, but because laws away 
above human laws have placed the one 
race superior to and far above the other. 
The votes of the ignorant class might pre- 
ponderate, but intellect, not numbers, is 
the superior force in this world. We 
clothed the African in the Union blue and 
the belief that he was one day to be free 
was the candle-light in his soul, but it is 
one thing to aspire to be free and another 
thing to have the intelligence and sterling 
qualities of character that can maintain 
free government. Mr. Jones here ex- 
pressed his belief that, if left alone to main- 
tain a government, the negro would gradu- 
ally retrograde and go back to the methods 
of his ancestors. This, he added, may be 
heresy, but I believe it to be the truth. If, 
when the first shipload of African slaves 
came to this country the belief had spread 
that they would be the cause of political 
agitation, a civil war, and the future had 
been foreseen, would they have been al- 
lowed to land ? 

How much of this country would now 



I be worth preserving if the North had been 
covered by Africans as is South Carolina 
to-day, in view of their non-assimilative 
character? The wisest policy would have 
been to exclude them at the outset. So 
we say of the Chinese to-day, he exclaim- 
ed, and for greater reason, because their 
skill makes them more formidable compe- 
titors than the negro. Subtle and adept 
in manipulation, the Chinaman can be 
put into almost any kind of a factory. His 
race is as obnoxious to us and as impossi- 
ble for us to assimilate with as was the 
; negro race. His race has outlived every 
' other because it is homogeneous, and for 
' that reason alone. It has imposed its re- 
ligion and peculiarities upon its conquer- 
1 ors and still lived. If the immigration is 
; not checked now, when it is within man- 
j ageable limits, it will be too late to check 
j it. What do we find in the condition of 
the Indian or the African to induce us to 
I admit another race into our midst ? It is 
because the Pacific coast favor our own 
civilization, not that of another race, that 
they discourage the coming of these peo- 
ple. They believe in the homogeneity of 
our race, and that upon this depends the 
progress of our institutions and everything 
on which we build our hopes. 

Mr. Morrill, (Rep.) of Vt, said he ap- 
preciated the necessity of restricting Chi- 
nese immigration, but desired that the bill 
should strictly conform to treaty require- 
ments and be so perfected that questions 
arising under it might enable it to pass 
the ordeal of judicial scrutiny. 

Mr. Sherman, (Rep.) of Ohio, referring 
to the passport system, said the bill adopt- 
ed some of the most offensive features of 
European despotism. He was averse to 
hot haste in applying a policy foreign to 
the habits of our people, and regarded the 
measure as too sweeping in many of its 
provisions and as reversing our immigra- 
tion policy. 

After remarks by Messrs. Ingalls, Far- 
ley, Maxey, Brown and Teller, the amend- 
ment of Mr. Farley, which provides that 
hereafter no court shall admit Chinese to 
citizenship, was adopted — yeas 25, nays 22. 

The following is the vote : 

Yeas — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- 
eron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair, 
Farley, Garland, George. Gorman, Harris; 
Jackson, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, ]Maxey,t 
Morgan, Pugh, Ransom, Slater, Teller, 
Vance, Vest, Voorhees and Walker — 25, 

Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, 
Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, 
Edmunds, Frye, Hale, Hill of Colorado, 
Hoar, Ingalls, Lapham, McDill, McMil- 
lan, Miller of New York, Mitchell, Mor- 
j rill. Plumb, Saunders and Sawyer — 22. 
I Mr. Grover's amendment construing the 
I words " Chinese laborers," wherever used 
i in the id, to mean both skilled and un- 



294 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



skilled laborers and Chinese employed in 
mining prevailed by the same vote — yeas 
26, nays 22. 

Mr. Brown, (Dem.) of Ga., moved to 
strike out the requirement for the produc- 
tion of passports by the permitted classes 
whenever demanded by the United States 
authorities. Carried on a viva voce vote, 
the Chair (Mr. Davis, of Illinois) creating 
no little merriment by announcing, " The 
nays are loud but there are not many of 
them." 

MR. INGALLS' AMENDMENT. 

Upon the bill being reported to the Sen- 
ate from the Committee of the Whole Mr. 
Ingalls again moved to limit the suspen- 
sion of the coming of Chinese laborers to 
ten years. 

Mr. Jones, of Nevada, said this limit 
would hardly have the effect of allaying 
agitation on the subject as the discussion 
would be resumed in two or three years, 
and ten years, he feared, would not even 
be a long enough period to enable Congress 
intelligently to base upon it any future 
policy. 

Mr. Miller, of California, also urged 
that the shorter period would not measura- 
bly relieve the business interest of '«the 
Pacific slope, inasmuch as the white immi- 
grants, who were so much desired, would 
not come there if they believed the Chi- 
nese were to be again admitted in ten 
years. Being interrupted by Mr. Hoar, 
he asserted that that Senator and other 
republican leaders, as also the last repub- 
lican nominee for President, had hereto- 
fore given the people of the Pacific slope 
good reason to believe that they would se- 
cure to them the relief they sought by the 
bill. 

Mr. Hoar, (Eep,) of Mass., briefly re- 
plied. 

The amendment was lost — yeas 20, 
nays 21. 

The vote is as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, 
Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, 
Edmunds, Frye, Hale, Hoar, Ingalls, Lap- 
ham, McDill, McMillan, Mahone, Morrill, 
Plumb, Sawyer and Teller— 20. 

Nays — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call,Cam- 
eron of Wisconsin, Coke, Fair, Farley, 
Garland, George, Gorman, Jackson, Jonas, 
Jones of Nevada, Miller of California, 
Miller of New York, Morgan, Ransom, 
Slater, Vance, Voorhees and Walker — 2L 

Messrs. Butler, Camden, McPherson, 
Johnston, Davis of West Virginia, Pendle- 
ton and Ransom were paired with Messrs. 
Hawley, Anthony, Sewell, Piatt, Van 
Wyck, Windom and Sherman. 

Messrs. Hampton, Pugh, Vest, Rollins 
and Jones of Florida were paired with 
absentees. 



PASSAGE of the BILL. 

The question recurred on the final pas- 
sage of the bill, and Mr. Edmunds closed 
the debate. He would vote against the 
bill as it now stood, because he believed it 
to be an infraction of good faith as pledged 
by the last treaty ; because he believed it 
injurious to the welfare of the people of 
the United States, and particularly the 
people on the Pacific coast, by preventing 
the development of our great trade with 
China. 

The vote was then taken and the bill 
was passed — yeas 29, nays 15. 

The following is the vote in detail : — 

Yeas — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- 
eron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair, 
Farley, Garland, George, Gorman, Hale, 
Harris, Hill of Colorado, Jackson, Jonas, 
Jones of Nevada, Miller of California, 
Miller of New York, Morgan, Pugh, Ran- 
som, Sawyer, Teller, Vance, Vest, Voor- 
hees and Walker — 29. 

Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, 
Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, 
Edmunds, Frye, Hoar, Ingalls, Lapham, 
McDill, McMillan and Morrill— 15. 

Pairs were announced of Messrs. Cam- 
den, Davis of West Virginia, Grover, 
Hampton, Butler, McPherson, Johnston, 
Jones of Florida and Pendleton in favor 
of the bill, with Messrs. Anthony, Win- 
dom, Van Wyck, Mitchell, Hawley, Sewell, 
Piatt, Rollins and Sherman against it. 

Mr. Frye, (Rep.) of Me., in casting his 
vote, stated that he was paired with Mr. 
Hill, of Georgia, on all political questions, 
but that he did not consider this a politi- 
cal question, and besides, had express per- 
mission from Senator Hill to vote upon it. 

Mr. Mitchell, (Rep.) of Pa., in an- 
nouncing his pair with Mr. Hampton 
stated that had it not been for that fact he 
would vote against the bill, regarding it as 
un-American and inconsistent with the 
principles which had obtained in the gov- 
ernment. 

The title of the bill was amended so as 
to read, " An act to execute certain treaty 
stipulations relating to Chinese," though 
Mr. Hoar suggested that " execute " ought 
to be stricken out and "violate" inserted. 

The Senate then, at twenty' minutes to 
six, adjourned until to-morrow. 

provisions of the bill. 
The Chinese Immigration bill as passed 
provides that from and after the expiration 
of ninety days after the passage of this act 
and until the expiration of tAventy years 
after its passage the coming of Chinese la- 
borers to the United States shall be sus- 
pended, and prescribes a penalty of im- 
prisonment not exceeding one year and a 
fine of not more than $500 against the 
master of any vessel who brings any Chi- 
nese laborer to this country during that 



THE CHINESE QUESTION. 



295 



period. It further provides that the classes 
of Chinese excepted by the treaty from 
such prohibition— such as merchants, teach- 
ers, students, travelers, diplomatic agents 
and Chinese laborers who were in the Uni- 
ted States on the 17th of November, 1880 
— shall be required, as a condition for their 
admission, to procure passports from the 
government of China personally identify- 
ing them and showing that they individ- 
ually belong to one of the permitted classes, 
which passports must have been indorsed 
by the dijilomatic representative of the 
United States in China or by the United 
States Consul at the port of departure. It 
also provides elaborate machinery for car- 
rying out the purposes of the act, and ad- 
ditional sections prohibit the admission of 
Chinese to citizenship by any United States 
or State court and construes the words 
"Chinese laborers" to mean both skilled 
and unskilled laborers and Chinese em- 
ployed in mining. 

The sentiment in favor of the passage of 
this bill has certainly greatly increased 
since the control of the issue has passed to 
abler hands than those of Kearney and 
Kalloch, whose conduct intensified the 
opposition of the East to the measure, 
which in 1879 was denounced as " violat- 
ing the conscience of the nation." Mr. 
Blaine's advocacy of the first bill limiting 
emigrants to fifteen on each vessel, at the 
time excited much criticism in the Eastern 
states, and was there a potent weapon 
against him in the nominating struggle for 
the Presidency in 1880 ; but on the other 
hand it is believed that it gave him 
strength in the Pacific States. 

Chinese immigration and the attempt to 
restrict it presents a question of the gra- 
vest importance, and Avas treated as such 
in the Senate debate. The friends of the 
bill, under the leadership of vSenators Mil- 
ler and Jones, certainly stood in a better 
and stronger attitude than ever before. 

The anti-Chinese bill passed the House 
just as it came from the Senate, after a 
somewhat exended debate, on the 23d of 
March, 1882. Yeas 167, nays 65, (party 
lines not being drawn) as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Aikin, Aldrich, Armfield, 
Atkins, Bayne, Belford, Belmont, Berry, 
Bingham, Blackburn, Blanchard, Bliss, 
Blount, Brewer, Brumm, Buckner, Burrows, 
of Missouri; Butterworth, Cabell, Cald- 
well, Calkins, Campbell, Cannon, Casser- 
lev, Caswell, Chalmers, Chapman, Clark, 
Clements, Cobb, Converse, Cook, Cornell, 
Cox, of New York ; Cox, of North Caro- 
lina ; Covington, Cravens, Culberts(m, Cur- 
tin, Darrell, Davidson ; Davis, of Illinois ; 
Davis, of Missouri ; Demotte, Deuster, 
Dezendorf, Dibble, Dibrell, Dowd, Dugro, 
Ermentrout, Errett, Farwell, of Illinois; 
Finley, Flowers, Ford, Forney, Fulkerson, 
Garrison, Geddes, George, Gibson, Guen- 



ther, Gunter, Hammond, of Georgia ; Har- 
dy, Harmer, Harris, of New Jersey ; Hasel- 
tine. Hatch, Hazelton, Heilman, Herndon, 
Hewitt, of New York; Hill, Hiscock, 
Hoblitzell, Hoge, Hollman, Horr, Houk, 
House, Hubbell, Hubbs, Hutchins, Jones, 
of Texas ; Jones, of Arkansas ; Jorgenson, 
Kenna, King, Klotz, Knott, Ladd, Lee- 
dom, Lewis, Marsh, Martin, Matson, Mc- 
Clure, McCook,McKenzie, McKinley, Mc- 
Lane, McMillan, Miller, Mills, of Texas ; 
Money, Morey, Moulton, Murch, Mutchler, 
O'Neill, Pacheco, Page, Paul, Payson, 
Pealse, Phelps, Phister, Pound, Eandall, 
Reagan, Rice of Missouri, Richardson, 
Robertson, Robinson, Rosecrans, Scran- 
ton, Shallenberger, Sherwin, Simonton, 
Singleton, of Mississippi, Smith of Penn- 
sylvania, Smith of Illinois, Smith of New 
York, Sparks, Spaulding, Spear, Springer, 
Stockslager, Strait, Talbott, Thomas, 
Thompson of Kentucky, Tillman, Town- 
send of Ohio, Townsend of Illinois, Tucker, 
Turner of Georgia, Turner of Kentucky, 
Updegraff, of Ohio, Upson, Valentine, 
Vance, Van Horn, Warner, Washburne, 
Webber, Welborn, Whitthorne, Williams 
of Alabama, Willis, Willetts. Wilson, Wise 
of Pennsylvania, Wise of Virginia, and W. 
A. \Vood of New York— 167. 

The nays were IMessrs. Anderson, Barr, 
Bragg, Briggs, Brown, Buck, Camp, Cand- 
ler, Carpenter, Chase, Crapo,Cullen, Dawes, 
Deering, Dingley, Dunn ell, Dwight, Far- 
well of Iowa, Grant, Hall, Hammond, of 
New York, Hardenburgh, Harris, of Mas- 
sachusetts, Haskell, Hawk, Henderson, 
Hepburn, Hooker, Humphrey, Jacobs, 
Jones of New Jersey, Joyce, Kasson, 
Ketchum, Lord, McCoid, Morse, Norcross, 
Orth, Parker, Ramsey, Rice of Ohio, Rice 
of Massachusetts, Rich, Richardson of New 
York, Ritchie, Robinson of Massachusetts, 
Russel, Ryan, Shultz, Skinner, Scooner, 
Stone, Taylor, Thompson of Iowa, Tyler, 
Updegraff of Iowa, Urner, Wadsworth, 
Wait, Walker, Ward, Watson, White and 
Williams of Wisconsin — 65. 

In the House the debate was partici- 
pated in by Messrs. Richardson, of South 
Carolina ; Wise and Brumm, of Pennsylva- 
nia; Joyce, of Vermont; Dunnell, of Min- 
nesota ; Orth, of Indiana ; Sherwin, of Illi- 
nois ; Hazelton, of Wisconsin ; Pacheco, of 
California, and Townsend, of Illinois, and 
others. An amendment offered by Mr. 
Butterworth, of Ohio, reducing the period 
of suspension to fifteen years, was rejected. 
Messrs. Robinson, of Massachusetts ; Cur- 
tin, of Pennsylvania, and Cannon, of Illi- 
nois, spoke upon the bill, the two latter sup- 
])orting it. The speech of Ex-Governor 
Curtin was strong and attracted much at- 
tention. Mr. Page closed the debate in 
favor of the measure. An amendment of- 
fered by Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, reducing the 
time of susjxinsion to ten years, was re- 



296 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



jected — yeas 100, nays 131 — and the bill 
was passed exactly as it came from the 
Senate by a vote of 167 to 65. The House 
then adjourned. 



Our Merchant Marine. 

An important current issue is the increase 
of the Navy and the improvement of the 
Merchant Marine, and to these questions 
the National Administration has latterly 
given attention. The New York Herald 
has given much editorial ability and re- 
search to the advocacy of an immediate 
change for the better in these respects, and 
in its issue of March 10th, 1882, gave the 
proceedings of an important meeting of the 
members of the United States Naval Insti- 
tute held at Annapolis the day before, on 
which occasion a prize essay on the subject 
— " Our Merchant Marine ; the Cause of its 
Decline and the Means to be Taken for its 
Revival," was read. The subject was cho- 
sen nearly a year ago, because it was the 
belief of the members of the institute that 
a navy cannot exist without a merchant 
marine. The naval institute was organized 
in 1873 for the advancement of profession- 
al and scientific knowledge in the na^'y. It 
has on its roll 500 members, principally 
naval officers, and its proceedings are pub- 
lished quarterly. Rear Admiral C R. P. 
Rodgers is president ; Captain J. M. Ram- 
say, vice president ; Lieutenant Command- 
er C. M. Thomas, secretary; Lieutenant 
Murdock, corresponding secretary, and 
Paymaster R. W. Allen, treasurer. There 
were eleven competitors for the prize, which 
is of $100, and a gold medal valued at $50. 
The judges were Messrs. Hamilton Fish, 
A. A. Low and J. D. Jones. They awarded 
the prize to Lieutenant J. D. J. Kelley, U. 
S. N., whose motto was "Nil Clarius 
^quore," and designated Master C. T. Cal- 
kins, LT. S. N., whose motto was " Mais il 
faut cultiver notre jardin " as next in the 
order of merit, and further mentioned the 
essays of Lieutenant R. Wainwright, Uni- 
ted States Navy, whose motto was "Causa 
latet, vis est notissima," and Lieutenant 
Commander J. E. Chadwick, United States 
Navy, whose motto was " Spes Meliora," 
as worthy of honorable mention, without 
being entirely agreed as to their compara- 
tive merits. 

STRIKING PASSAGES FROM THE PRIZE 

ESSAY. 

From Lieut. Kelley's prize essay many 
valuable facts can be gathered, and such of 
these as contain information of permanent 
value we quote : 

"So far as commerce influences this 
country has a vital interest in the carrying 
trade, let theorists befog the cool air as they 
may. Every dollar paid for freight im- 
ported or exported in American vessels ac- 



crues to American labor and capital, and 
the enterprise is as much a productive in- 
dustry as the raising of wheat, the spinning 
of fibre or the smelting of ore. Had the 
acquired, the 'full' trade of 1860 been 
maintained without increase $80,000,000 
would have been added last year to the na- 
tional wealth, and the loss i'rom diverted 
shipbuilding would have swelled the (-inu 
to a total of $100,000,000. 

" Our surplus products must find foreign 
markets, and to retain them ships controlled 
by and employed in exclusively American 
interests are essential instrumentalities. 
Whatever tends to stimulate competition- 
and to prevent combination benefits the 
producer, and as the prices abroad estab- 
lish values here, the barter we obtain for 
the despised one-tenth of exports— .$665,- 
000,000 in 1880— determines the profit or 
loss of the remainder in the home market. 
During the last fiscal year 11,500,000 gross 
tons of grain, oil, cotton, tobacco, precious 
metals, &c., were exported from the United 
States, and this exportation increases at the 
rate of 1,500,000 tons annually ; 3,800,000 
tons of goods are imported, or in all about 
15,000,000 tons constitute the existing com- 
merce of this country. 

" If only one-half of the business of car- 
rying our enormous wealth of surplus pro- 
ducts could be secured for American ships, 
oiir tonnage would be instantly doubled,, 
and we would have a greater fleet engaged 
in a foreign trade, legitimately our own, 
than Great Britain has to-day. The United 
States makes to the ocean carrying-trade 
its most valuable contribution, no other 
nation giving to commerce so many bidky 
tons of commodities to be transported those 
long voyages which in every age have 
been so eagerly coveted by marine peoples. 
Of the 17,000 ships which enter and clear 
at American ports every year, 4,600 seek a 
cargo empty and but 2,000 sail without ob- 
taining it. 

" Ships are profitable abroad and can be 
made profitable here, and in truth during 
the last thirty years no other branch of 
industry has made such progress as the 
carrying trade. To establish this there are 
four points of comparison — commerce, rail- 
ways, shipping tonnage and carrying power 
of the world, limited to the years between 
1850 and 1880 :— 

Jmveosel 
Per' 
Cent.. 
1850. 1880. 
Commmerce of all na- 
tions S4,280,(K»0,000 $14,405,000,000 240^ 

Railways (miles open) 44,400 222,( ()() ;i98 

Shipping tonnage 6,905,000 18,720,000 171 

Carrying tonnage 8,464,000 34,280,060 304 

" In 1850, therefore, for every $5,000,000- 
of international commerce there were fifty- 
four miles of railway and a maritime car- 
rying power of 9,900 tons ; and in 1880 the 
respective ratios had risen to seventy-seven 



OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 



297 



«iiles and 12,000 tons ; this has saved one- 
fourth freight and brought producer and 
consumers into such contact that we no 
longer hear "of the earth's products being 
wasted, of wheat rotting in La Mancha, 
wool being used to mend wads and sheep 
being burned for fuel in the Argentine 
Republic." England has mainly profited by 
this enormous development, the shipping 
of the United Kingdom earning $300,000,- 
000 yearly, and employing 200,000 seamen, 
whose industry is therefore equivalent to 
£300 per man, as compared with £190 for 
each of the factory operatives. The 
freight earned by all flags for sea-borne 
merchandise is $500,000,00, or about 8 per 
cent, of the value transported. Hence the 
toll which all nations pay to England for 
the carrying trade is equal to 4 per cent. 
(nearly) of th6 exported values of the 
earth's products and manufactures; and 
pessimists who declare that ship owners 
are losing money or making small profits 
must be wrong, for the merchant marine is 
expanding every year. 

" The maximum tonnage of this country 
at any time registered in the foreign trade 
was in 1861, and then amounted to 5,539,- 
813 tons ; Great Britain in the same year 
owning 5,895,369 tons, and all the other 
nations 5,800,767 tons. Between 1855 and 
1860 over 1,300,000 American tons in ex- 
cess of the country's needs were employed 
by foreigners in trades with which we had 
no legitimate connection save as carriers. 
In 1851 our registered steamships had 
grown from the 16,000 tons of 1848 to 63,- 
920 tons — almost equal to the 65,920 tons 
of England, and in 1855 this had increased 
to 115,000 tons and reached a maximum, 
for in 1862 we had 1,000 tons less. In 
1855 we built 388 vessels, in 1856 306 ves- 
sels and in 1880 26 vessels — all for the 
foreign trade. The total tonnage which 
entered our ports in 1856 from abroad 
amounted to 4,464,038, of which American 
built ships constituted 3,194,375 tons, and 
all others but 1,259,762 tons. In 1880 
there entered from abroad 15,240,534 tons, 
of which 3,128,374 tons were American and 
12,112,000 were foreign — that is, in a ratio 
of seventy-five to twenty-five, or actually 
65,901 tons less than when we were twenty- 
four years younger as a nation. The grain 
fleet sailiuLC last year from the port of New 
York numbered 2,897 vessels, of which 
1,822 were sailing vessels carrying 59,822,- 
033 bushels, and 1,075 were steamers laden 
with 42,426,533 bushels, and among all 
these there were but seventy-four Ameri- 
can sailing vessels and not one American 
steamer. 

"While this poison of decay has been 
eating into our vitals the possibilities of 
the country in nearly every other industry 
have reached a plane of development be- 
yond the dreams of the most enthusiastic 



theorizers. We have spread out in every 
direction and the promise of the future 
beggars imaginations attuned even to the 
key of our present and past development. 
We have a timber area of 560,000,000 acres, 
and across our Canadian border there are 
900,000,000 more acres ; in coal and iron 
production we are approaching the Old 
World. 

1842. 1879. 

Coal — Tons. Tons. 

Great Britain... 35,000,000 135,000,000 
United States... 2,000,000 60,000,000 

Iron — 

Great Britain... 2,250,000 6,300,000 
United States... 564,000 2,742,000 

During these thirty-seven years the 
relative increase has been in coal 300 
to 2,900 per cent., in iron 200 to 400 per 
cent., and all in our favor. But this is 
not enough, for England, with a coal area 
less than either Pennsylvania or Kentucky, 
has coaling stations in every part of the 
world and our steamers cannot reach our 
California ports without the consent of the 
English producers. Even if electricity 
takes the place of steam it must be many 
years before the coal demand will cease, 
and to-day, of the 36,000,000 tons of coal 
required by the steamers of the world, 
three-fourths of it is obtained from Great 
Britain. 

" It is unnecessary to wire-draw statis- 
tics, but it may, as a last word, be interest- 
ing to show, with all our development, the 
nationality and increase of tonnage enter- 
ing our ports since 1856 : — 

Country. Increase. Decrease, 

England 6,977,163 — 

Germany 922,903 -— 

Norway and Sweden... 1,214,008 — 

Italv 596,907 — 

France 208,412 — 

Spain 164,683 — 

Austria 226,277 — 

Belgium 204,872 — 

Russia 104,009 — 

United States — 65,901 

" This," writes Lindsay, " is surely not 
decadence, but defeat in a far nobler con- 
flict than the wars for maritime supremacy 
between Rome and Carthage, consisting as 
it did in the struggle between the skill and 
industry of the people of two great na- 
tions." 

We have thus quoted the facts gathered 
from a source which has been endorsed by 
the higher naval authorities. Some reader 
will probably ask, " What relation have 
these facts to American politics?" We 
answer that the remedies proposed consti- 
tute political questions on which the great 
parties are very apt to divide. They have 
thus divided in the past, and parties have 
turned " about face " on similar questions. 



298 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Just now the Democratic party inclines to 
" free ships " and hostility to subsidies — 
while the Republican party as a rule favors 
subsidies. Lieutenant Kelley summarized 
his proposed remedies in the two words: 
" free ships." 

Mr. Blaine would solve the problem by 
bounties, for this purpose enacting a gene- 
ral law that should ignore individuals and 
enforce a policy. His scheme provides 
that any man or company of men who will 
build in an American yard, with American 
material, by American mechanics, a steam- 
ship of 3,000 tons and sail her from any 
port of the United States to any foreign 
port, he or they shall receive for a monthly 
line a mail allowance of $25 per mile per 
annum for the sailing distance between the 
two ports; for a semi-monthly line $45 per 
mile, and for a weekly line $75 per mile. 
Should the steamer exceed three thousand 
tons, a small advance on these rates might 
be allowed ; if less, a corresponding reduc- 
tion, keeping three thousand as the average 
and standard. Other reformers propose a 
bounty to be given by the Government to 
the shipbuilder, so as to make the price of 
ail American vessel the same as that of a 
foreign bought, equal, but presumably 
cheaper, ship. 

Mr. Blaine represents the growing Re- 
publican view, but the actual party views 
can only be ascertained when bills cover- 
ing the subject come up for considera- 
tion. 



Current Politics. 

We shall close this written history of the 
political parties of the United States by a 
brief statement of the present condition of 
affairs, as generally remarked by our own 
people, and by quoting the views of an in- 
teresting cotemporaneous English writer. 

President Arthur's administration has 
had many difficulties to contend with. The 
President himself is the legal successor of 
a beloved man, cruelly assassinated, whose 
well-rounded character and high abilities 
had won the respect even of those who de- 
famed him in the heat of controversy, while 
they excited the highest admiration of those 
W'ho shared his political views and thoughts. 
Stricken down before he had time to for- 
mulate a policy, if it was ever his intention 
to do so, he yet showed a proper apprecia- 
tion of his high responsibilities, and had 
from the start won the kindly attention of 
the country. Gifted with the power of say- 
ing just the right thing at the right mo- 
ment, and saying it with all the grace and 
beauty of oratory, no President was better 
calculated to make friends as he moved 
along, than Garfield. The manifestations 
of factional feeling which immediately 
preceded his assassination, but which can- 
not for a moment be intelligently traced to 



that cause, made the path of his successor 
far more difficult than if he had been called 
to the succession by the operation of natu- 
ral causes. That he has met these difficul- 
ties with rare discretion, all admit, and 
at this writing partisan interest and dislike 
are content to "abide a' wee" before be- 
ginning* an assault. He has sought no 
changes in the Cabinet, and thus through 
personal and political considerations seems 
for the time to have surrendered a Presi- 
dential i^rerogative freely admitted by all 
who understand the wisdom of permitting 
an executive officer to seek the advice of 
friends of his own selection. Mr. Blaine 
and Mr. MacVeagh, among the ablest of 
the late President's Cabinet, were among 
the most emphatic in insisting upon the 
earliest possible exercise of this preroga- 
tive — the latter upon its immediate exer- 
cise. Yet it has been withheld in several 
particulars, and the Arthur administration 
has sought to unite, wherever divided (and 
now divisions are rare), the party which 
called it into existence, while at the sane 
time it has by careful management sought 
to check party strife at least for a time, and 
devoted its attention to the advancement 
of the material interests of the country. 
Appointments are fairly distributed among 
party friends, not divided as between fac- 
tions ; for such a division systematically 
made would disrupt any party. It would 
prove but an incentive to faction for the 
sake of a division of the spoils. No force 
of politics is or ought to be better under- 
stood in America than manufactured disa- 
greements with the view to profitable com- 
promises. Fitness, recognized ability, and 
adequate political service seem to consti- 
tute the reasons for Executive appointments 
at this time. 

The Democratic party, better equipped 
in the National Legisture than it has been 
for years — with men like Hill, Bayard, Pen- 
dleton, Brown, Voorhees, Lamar and Gar- 
land in the Senate — Stephens, Randall, 
Hewitt, Cox, Johnson in the House — with 
Tilden, Thurman, Wallace and Hancock 
in the background — is led with rare abi- 
lity, and has the advantage of escaping re- 
sponsibilities incident to a majority party. 
It has been observed that this party is pur- 
suing the traditional strategy of minorities 
in our Republic. It has partially refused 
a further test on the tarifi" issue, and is 
seeking a place in advance of the Republi- 
cans on refunding questions — both popular 
measures, as shown in all recent elections. 
It claims the virtue of sympathy with the 
Mormons by questioning the propriety of 
legal assaults upon the liberty of con- 
science, while not openly recording itself as 
a defender of the crime of polygamy. As 
a solid minority it has at least in the Se- 
nate yielded to the appeal of the States, on 
the Pacific slope, and favored the abridg- 



CURRENT POLITICS. 



299 



ment of Chinese immigration. On this 
question, however, the Western Republi- 
can Senators as a rule were equally active 
in support of the Miller Bill, so that what- 
ever the result, the issue can no longer be 
a political one in the Pacific States. The 
respectable support which the measure has 
latterly received has cast out of the' strug- 
gle the Kearneys and Kallochs, and if 
'there be demagoguery on either side, it 
comes in better dress than ever before. 

Doubtless the parties will contest theii* 
claims to public support on their respective 
histories yet a while longer. Party history 
has served partisan purposes an average 
oi" twenty years, when with that history 
recollections of wars are interwoven, and 
the last war having been the greatest in 
our history, the presumption is allowable 
that it will be freely quoted so long as sec- 
tional or other forms of distrust are ob- 
servable any where. When these recollec- 
tions fail, new issues will have to be sought 
or accepted. In the mere search for issues 
the minority ought always to be the most 
active ; but their wise appropriation, after 
all, depends upon the wisdom and ability 
of leadership. It has ever been thus, and 
ever will be. This is about the only poli- 
tical prophecy the writer is willing to risk 
— and in risking this he but presents a 
view common to all Americans who claim 
to be " posted " in the politics of their 
country. 

What politicians abroad think of our 
"situation " is well told, though not always 
accurately, by a distinguished writer in the 
January (1882) number of " The London 
Quarterly Review." From this we quote 
some very attractive paragraphs, and at 
the same time escape the necessity of de- 
scriptions and predictions generallv be- 
lieved to be essential in rounding off a po- 
litical volume, but which are always dan- 
gerous in treating of current affairs. Speak- 
ing of the conduct of both parties on the 
question of Civil Service Reform, the writer 
says: 

" What have they done to overthrow the 
celebrated Jacksonian precept, ' to the 
victors belongs the spoils ? ' What, in fact, 
is it possible for thera to do under the 
present system? The political laborer 
holds that he is worthy of his hire, and if 
nothing is given to him, nothing will he 
give in return. There are tens of thou- 
sands of offices at the bestowal of every 
administration, and the persons who have 
helped to bring that administration into 
power expect to receive them. * In Great 
Britain," once remarked the American 
paper which enjoys the largest circulation 
in the country, ' the ruling classes have it 
all to themselves, and the poor man rarely 
or never gets a nibble at the public crib. 
Here we take our turn. We know that, 
if our political rivals have the opportunity 



to-day, we shall have it to-morrow. This 
is the philosophy of the whole thing com- 
pressed into a nutshell.' If President 
Arthur were to begin to-day to distribute 
offices to men who were most worthy to 
receive them, without reference to politi- 
cal services, his own party would rebel, 
and assuredly his path would not be 
strewn with roses. He was himself a vic- 
tim of a gross injustice perpetrated under 
the name of reform. He filled the impor- 
tant post of Collector of the Port of New 
York, and filled it to the entire satisfaction 
of the mercantile community. President 
Hayes did not consider General Arthur 
sufficiently devoted to his interests, and he 
removed him in favor of a confirmed wire- 
puller and caucus-monger, and the admin- 
istration papers had the address to repre- 
sent this as the outtome of an honest effort 
to reform the , Civil Service. No one 
really supposed that the New York Cus- 
tom House was less a political engine than 
it had been before. The rule of General 
Arthur had been, in point of fact, singu- 
larly free from jobbery and corruption, and 
not a breath of suspicion was ever attached 
to his personal character. If he had been 
less faithful in the discharge of his difficult 
duties, he would have made fewer enemies. 
He discovered several gross cases of fraud 
upon the revenue, and brought the perpe- 
trators to justice; but the culprits were not 
without influence in the press, and they 
contrived to make the worse appear the 
better cause. Their view was taken at 
second-hand by many of the English jour- 
nals, and even recently the public here 
were gravely assured that General Arthur 
represented all that was base in American 
politics, and moreover that he was an 
enemy of England, for he had been elected 
by the Irish vote. The authors of these 
foolish calumnies did not perceive that, if 
their statements had been correct. General 
Garfield, whom they so much honored, 
must also have been elected by the Irish 
vote ; for he came to power on the very 
same * ticket.* In reality, the Irish vote 
may be able to accomplish many things in 
America, but we may safely predict that it 
will never elect a President. General 
Arthur had not been many weeks in power, 
before he was enabled to give a remarkable 
proof of the injustice that had been done 
to him in this particular respect. The 
salute of the English flag at Yorktown is 
one of the most graceful incidents recorded 
in American history, and the order origi- 
nated solely with the President. A man 
with higher character or, it may be added, 
of greater accomplishments and fitness for 
his office, never sat in the Presidential 
chair. His first appointments are now ad- 
mitted to be better than those which were 
made by his predecessor for the same posts. 
Senator Frelinghuysen, the new Secretary 



300 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



of State, or Foreign Secretary, is a man of 
great ability, of most excellent judgment, 
and of the highest personal character. He 
stands far beyond the reach of all un- 
worthy influences, Mr, Folger, the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, possesses the confi- 
dence of the entire country, and the 
nomination of the new Attorney-General 
was received with universal satisfaction. 
All this little accords with the dark and 
forbidding descriptions of President Arthur 
which were placed before the public here 
on his accession to office. It is surely time 
that English writers became alive to the 
danger of accepting without question the 
distorted views which they find ready to 
their hands in the most bigoted or most 
malicious of American journals. 

"Democrats and Kepublicans, then, alike 
profess to be in favor of a thorough reform 
in the Civil Service, and at the present 
moment there is no other very prominent 
question which could be used as a test for 
the admission of members into either 
party. The old issue, which no one could 
possibly mistake, is gone. How much the 
public really care for the new one, it would 
be a difficult point to decide, A Civil Ser- 
vice system, such as that which we have in 
England, would scarcely be suited to the 
" poor man," who, as the New York paper 
says, thinks he has a right occasionally to 
' get a nibble at the public crib,' If a man 
has worked hard to bring his party into 
power, he is apt, in the United States, to 
think that he is entitled to some ' recogni- 
tion,' and neither he nor his friends would 
be well pleased if they were told that, be- 
fore anything could be done for him, it 
would be necessary to examine him in 
modern languages and mathematics. More- 
over, a service such as that which exists in 
England requires to be worked with a sys- 
tem of pensions; and pensions, it is held 
in America, are opposed to the Republican 
idea,* If it were not for this objection, it 
may be presumed that some provision 
would have been made for more than one 
of the ex-Presidents, whose circumstances 
placed them or their families much in 
need of it. President Monroe spent his 
last years in wretched circumstances, and 
died bankrupt. Mrs. Madison 'knew 
what it was to want bread.* A negro ser- 
vant, who had once been a slave in the 
family, used furtively to give her ' small 
sums ' — they must have been very small 
— out of his own pocket. Mr. Pierce was, 
we believe, not far removed from in- 



* Enormous sums are, however, given to eoldiera who 
were wounded during the war, or who pretend that they 
were — for jobbciy iin an unheard of scale is practised in 
connection with these pensions. It is estimated tiiat 
81'2O,(jOO,00O (24r,000,OOOI.) will have to be paid during the 
present fiscal year, for arrears of pension, and tlie num- 
ber of claimants is constantly increasing, [The writer 
evidently got these "facts" from sensational sources] 
— Am. PoU 



digence ; and it has been stated that after 
Andrew Johnson left the White House, 
he was reduced to the necessity of follow- 
ing his old trade. General Grant was 
much more fortunate; and we have re- 
cently seen that the American people have 
subscribed for Mrs. Garfield a sum nearly 
equal to £70,000. But a pension system 
for Civil Servants is not likely to be 
adopted. Permanence in office is another 
principle which has found no favor with 
the rank and file of either party in 
America, although it has sometimes been 
introduced into party platforms for the 
sake of producing a good effect. The 
plan of quick rotation' is far more at- 
tractive to the popular sense. Divide the 
spoils, and divide them often. It is true 
that the public indignation is sometimes 
aroused, when too eager and rapacious a 
spirit is exhibited. Such a feeling was dis- 
played in 1873, in consequence of an Act 
passed by Congress increasing the pay of 
its own members and certain officers of the 
Government. Each member of Congress 
was to receive $7,500 a year, or £1,500. 
The sum paid before that date, down to 
1865, was $5000 a year, or £1000, and 
' mileage ' free added — that is to say, 
members were entitled to be paid twenty 
cents a mile for traveling expenses to and 
from Washington. This Bill soon became 
known as the 'Salary Grab' Act, and 
popular feeling against it was so great that 
it was repealed in the following Session, 
and the former pay was restored. As a 
general rule, however, the ' spoils ' system 
has not been heartily condemned by the 
nation ; if it had been so condemned, it 
must have fallen long ago, 

" President Arthur has been admonished 
by his English counsellors to take heed 
that he follows closely in the steps of his 
predecessor. General Garfield was not 
long enough in office to give any decided 
indications of the policy which he intend- 
ed to pursue ; but, so far as he had gone, 
impartial observers could detect very little 
difference between his course of conduct in 
regard to patronage and that of former 
Presidents, He simply preferred the 
friends of Mr. Blaine to the friends of Mr. 
Conkling ; but Mr. Blaine is a politician of 
precisely the same class us ]Mr, Conkling — 
both are men intimately versed in all the 
intricacies of ' primaries,' the * caucus,' and 
the general working of the 'machine.' 
They are precisely the kind of men which 
American politics, as at present practised 
and understood, are adapted to produce. 
Mr. Conkling, however, is of more impe- 
rious a disposition than Mr. Blaine ; the 
first disappointment or contradiction turns 
him from a friend into an enemy. Presi- 
dent Garfield removed the Collector of 
New York— the most lucrative and most 
coveted post in the entire Union— and in- 



CURRENT POLITICS. 



301 



stead of nominating a friend of Mr. Conk- 
ling's for the vacancy, he nominated a 
friend of Mr. Blaine's. Now Mr. Conk- 
ling had done much to secure New York 
State for the Republicans, and thus gave 
them the victory ; and he thought himself 
(entitled to better treatment than he re- 
ceived. But was it in the spirit of true re- 
form to remove the Collector, against 
whom no complaint had been made, merely 
for the purpose of creating a vacancy, and 
then of putting a friend of Mr. Blaine's 
into it — a friend, moreover, who had been 
largely instrumental in securing General 
Garfield's own nomination at Chicago? * 
Is this all that is meant, when the Reform 
party talk of the great changes which they 
desire to see carried out? Again, the new 
President has been fairly warned by his 
advisers in this country, that he must 
abolish every abuse, new or old, connected 
with the distribution of patronage. If he 
is to execute this commission, not one term 
of office, nor three terms, will be sufficient 
for him. Over every appointment there 
will inevitably arise a dispute ; if a totally 
untried man is chosen, he will be suspected 
as a wolf coming in sheep's clothing; if a 
well known partizan is nominated, he will 
be denounced as a mere tool of the leaders, 
and tliere will be another outcry against 
' machine politics.' ' One party or other,' 
said an American journal not long ago, 
'must begin the work of administering 
the Government on business principles,' 
and the writer admitted that the work 
would 'cost salt tears to many a politician.' 
The honor of making this beginning has 
not yet been sought for with remarkable 
eagerness by either party ; but seems to be 
deemed necessary to promise that some- 
thing shall be done, and the Democrats, 
being out of power, are naturally in the 
position to bid the highest. The reform 
will come, as we have intimated, when the 
people demand it ; it cannot come before, 
for few, indeed, are the politicians in the 
United States who venture to trust them- 
selves far in advance of public opinion. 
And even of that few, there are some who 
have found out, by hard experience, that 
there is little honor or profit to be gained 
by undertaking to act as pioneers. 

" It is doubtless a step in advance, that 
both parties now admit the absolute ne- 
cessity of devising measures to elevate the 
character of the public service, to check 
the progress of corruption, and to intro- 
duce a better class of men into the offices 
which are held under the Government. 
The necessity of great reforms in these re- 
spects lias been avowed over and over 
again by most of the leading journals and 
influential men in the country. The most 

* The undeniablo facts of the case were as we have 
briefly indicated above. See, for example, a letter to the 
'New York Nation,' Nov. 3, 1881. 



radical of the Republicans, and the most 
conservative of the Democrats, are of one 
mind on this point. Mr. Wendell Phil- 
lips, an old abolitionist and Radical, once 
imblicly declared that Republican govern- 
ment in cities had been a complete fail- 
ure.* An equally good Radical, the late 
Air. Horace Greeley, made the following 
still more candid statement : — ' There are 
probably at no time less than twenty 
thousand men in this city [New York] 
who would readily commit a safe murder 
for a hundred dollars, break open a house 
for twenty, and take a false oath for five. 
Most of these are of European birth, 
though we have also native miscreants 
who are ready for any crime that will pay.' f 
Strong testimony against the working of 
the suflrage — and it must have been most 
unwilling testimony — was given in 1875 by 
a politician whose long familiarity with 
caucuses and ' wire-pulling ' in every form 
renders him an undeniable authority. 
Let it be widely proclaimed,' he wrote, 
' that the experience and teachings of a 
republican form of government prove 
nothing so alarmingly suggestive of and 
pregnant with danger as that cheap suf- 
frage involves and entails cheap represen- 
tation.' J Another Republican, of high 
character, has stated that ' the methods of 
politics have now become so repulsive, the 
corruption so open, the intrigues and per- 
sonal hostilities are so shameless, that it 
is very difficult to engage in them without 
a sense of humiliation.' " ^ 

Passing to another question, and one 
worthy of the most intelligent discussion, 
but which has never yet taken the shape 
of a political demand or issue in this 
country, this English writer says : 

" Although corruption has been suspect- 
ed at one time or other in almost every 
Department of the Government, the Pres- 
idential office has hitherto been kept free 
from its stain. And yet, by an anomaly of 
the Constitution, the President has some- 
times been exposed to suspicion, and still 
more frequently to injustice and misrepie- 
sentation, in consequence of the practical 
irresponsibility of his Cabinet officers. 
They are his chief advisers in regard to tlie 
distribution of places, as well as in the 
higher affiiirs of State, andth^ discredit of 
any mismanagement on their part falls 
upon him. It is true that he chooses them, 
and may dismiss them, with the concur- 
rence of the Senate ; but, when once ap- 
pointed, they are beyond reach of all effijc- 
tive criticism — for newspaper attacks are 
easily explained by the suggestion of party 
malice. They cannot be questioned in 



* Speech in New Vork, March 7, 1881. 
t ' Now York Tribune,' Feb. 25, 1870. 
t Letter in New York papers, Feb. 2(», 1875. 
f Mr. George William Curtia, in ' Harper's Magftztn*,* 
1870. 



302 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Congress, for they are absolutely pro- 
hibited from sitting in either House. 
For months together it is quite possible 
for the Cabinet to pursue a course which is 
in direct opposition to the wishes of the 
people. This was seen, among other oc- 
casions, in 1873^, when Mr. Richardson 
was Secretary of the Treasury, and at a 
time when his managerhent of the finances 
caused great dissatisfaction. At last a par- 
ticularly gross case of negligence, to use 
no harsher word, known as the ' Sanborn 
contracts,' caused his retirement ; that is 
to say, the demand for his withdrawal be- 
came so persistent and so general, that the 
President could no longer refuse to listen 
to it. His objectionable policy might have 
been pursued till the end of the Presiden- 
tial term, but for the accidental discovery 
of a scandal, which exhausted the patience 
of his friends as well as his enemies. Now 
had Mr. Richardson been a member of 
either House, and liable to be subjected to 
a rigorous cross-questioning as to his pro- ^ 
ceedings, the mismanagement of which he 
was accused, and which was carried on in 
the dark, never could have occurred. Why 
the founders of the Constitution should 
have thrown this protection round the per- 
sons who happen to fill the chief ofiices of 
State, is difficult to conjecture, but the 
clause is clear : — ' No person holding any 
oflUce under the United States shall be a 
member of either House during his con- 
tinuance in office.'* Mr. Justice Story de- 
clares that this provision 'has been vindi- 
cated upon the highest grounds of public 
authority,' but he also admits that, as ap- 
plied to the heads of departments, it leads 
to many evils. He adds a warning which 
many events of our own time have shown 
to be not unnecessary : — ' if corruption 
ever eats its way silently into the vitals of 
this Republic, it will be because the peo- 
ple are unable to bring responsibility home 
to the Executive through his chosen Min- 
isters. They will be betrayed when their 
suspicions are most lulled by the Execu- 
tive, under the guise of an obedience to 
the will of Congress.'! The inconveniences 
occasioned to the public service under the 
present system are very great. There is no 
official personage in either House to ex- 
plain the provisions of any Bill, or to give 
information on pressing matters of public 
business. Cabinet officers are only brought 
into communication with the nation when 
they send in their annual reports, or when 
a special report is called for by some un- 
usual emergency. Sometimes the Presi- 
dent himself goes down to the Capitol to 
talk over the merits of a Bill with mem- 
bers. The Department which happens to 
be interested in any particular measure 



• Article I. sect. vi. 2. 

+ ' ComDientaries, 'I., book Ui. sect. 869; 



puts it under the charge of some friend of 
the Administration, and if a member par- 
ticularly desires any further information 
respecting it he may, if he thinks proper, 
go to the Department and ask for it. But 
Congress and Ministers are never brought 
face to face. It is possible that American , 
'Secretaries' may escape some of the in- 
convenience W'hich English Ministers are 
at times called upon to undergo ; but the 
most capable and honest of them forfeit 
many advantages, not the least of which is 
the opportunity of making the exact na- 
ture of their work known to their country- 
men, and of meeting party misrepresenta- 
tions and calumnies in the most effectual 
way. In like manner, the incapable mem- 
bers of the Cabinet would not be able, 
under a different system, to shift the bur- 
den of responsibility for their blunders up- 
on the President. No President suffiered 
more in reputation for the faults of others 
than General Grant.' It is true that he did 
not always choose his Secretaries with suf- 
ficient care or discrimination, but he was 
made to bear more than a just proportion 
of the censure which was provoked by 
their mistakes. And it was not in Gen- 
eral Grant's disposition to defend himself. 
In ordinary intercourse he was sparing of 
his words, and could never be induced to 
talk about himself, or to make a single 
speech in defense of any portion, of his 
conduct. The consequence was, that his 
second term of office was far from being 
worthy of the man who enjoyed a popu- 
larity, just after . the war, which Washing- 
ton himself might have envied, and who 
is still, and very justly, regarded with re- 
spect and gratitude for his memorable ser- 
vices in the field. 

" The same sentiment, to which we have 
referred as specially characteristic of the 
American people — hostility to all changes 
in their method of government which are 
not absolutely essential — will keep the 
Cabinet surrounded by irresponsible, and 
sometimes incapable, advisers. Contrary 
to general supposition, there is no nation 
in the world so little disposed to look favor- 
ably on Radicalism and a restless desire for 
change, as the Americans. The Constitu- 
tion itself can only be altered by a long 
and tedious process, and after every State' 
in the Union has been asked its opinion on 
the question. There is no hesitation in 
enforcing the law in case of disorder, as 
the railroad rioters in Pennsylvania found 
out a few years ago. The state of affairs, 
which the English Government has per- 
mitted to exist in Ireland for upwards of a 
year, would not have been tolerated twenty- 
four hours in the United States. The 
maintenance of the law first, the discussion 
of grievances afterwards ; such is, and al- 
ways has been, the policy of every Ameri- 
can Government, until the evil day of 



CURRENT POLITICS. 



303 



James Buchanan. The governor of every 
State is a real ruler, and not a mere orna- 
ment, andjthe President wields a hundred- 
fold more power than has been left to the 
Sovereign of Great Britain. Both parties 
as a rule, combine to uphold his authority, 
and, in the event of any dispute with a 
foreign Power, all party distinctions disap- 
pear as if by magic. There are no longer 
Democrats and Republicans, but only 
Americans. The species of politician, who 
endeavors to gain a reputation for himself 
by destroying the reputation of his country 
was not taken over to America in the ' May- 
flower,' and it would be more difficult than 
ever to establish it on American ground 
to-day. A man may "hold any opinions 
that may strike his fancy on other subjects, 
but in reference to the Government, he is 
expected, while he lives under it, to give it 
his hearty support, especially as against 
foreign nations. There was once a faction 
called the ' Know Nothings,' the guiding 
principle of which was inveterate hostility 
to foreigners ; but a party based upon the 
opposite principle, of hostility to one's own 
country, has not yet ventured to lift up its. 
head across the Atlantic. That is an in- 
vention in politics which England has 
introduced, and of which she is allowed to 
enjoy the undisputed monopoly. * * * 
" Display and ceremonial were by no 
means absent from the Government in the 
beginning of its history. President Wash- 
ington never went to Congress on public 
business except in a State coach, drawn by 
six cream-colored horses. The coach was 
an object which would excite the admira- 
tion of the throng even now in the streets 
of London. It was built in the shape of 
a hemisphere, and its panels were adorned 
with cupids, surrounded with flowers 
worthy of Florida, and of fruit not to be 
equalled out of California. The coachman 
and postillions were arrayed in gorgeous 
liveries of white and scarlet. The Phila- 
delphia ' Gazette,' a Government organ, 
regularly gave a supply of Court news for 
the edification of the citizens. From that 
the people were allowed to learn as much 
as it was deemed proper for them to know 
about the President's movements, and a fair 
amount of space was also devoted to Mrs. 
Washington — who was not referred to as 
Mrs. Washington, but as ' the amiable con- 
sort of our beloved President. ' When the 
President made his appearance at a ball or 
public reception, a dais was erected for him 
upon which he might stand apart from the 
vulgar throng, and the guests or visitors 
bowed to him in solemn silence. ' Repub- 
lican simplicity' has only come in later 
times. In our day, the hack-driver who 
takes a visitor to a public reception at the 
White House, is quite free to get oflT his 
box, walk in side by side with hia fare, and 
shake hands with the President with as 



' much familiarity as anybody else. Very 
few persons presumed to ofier to shake 
hands with General Washington. One of 
his friends, Gouverneur Morris, rashly 
undertook, for a foolish wager, to go up to 
him and slap him on the shoulder, saying, 
' ' My dear General, I am happy to see you 
: look so well.' The moment fixed upon 
[ arrived, and Mr. Morris, already half- 
i repenting of his wager, went up to the 
President, placed his hand upon his shoul- 
I der, and uttered the prescribed words. 
* Washington,' as an eye-witneas described 
the scene, ' withdrew his hand, stepped 
suddenly back, fixed his eye on Morris for 
several minutes with an angry frown, until 
j the latter retreated abashed, and sought 
I refuge in the crowd.' No one else ever 
tried a similar experiment. It is recorded 
of Washington, that he wished the ofiicial 
I title of the President to be ' High Mighti- 
I ness,' * and at one time it was proposed to 
I engrave his portrait upon the national 
j coinage. No royal levees were more punc- 
I tiliously arranged and ordered than those 
j of the First President. It was Jefferson, 
the founder of the Democratic party, who 
introduced Democratic manners into the 
Republic. He refused to hold weekly re- 
ceptions, and when he went to Congress to 
read his Address, he rode up unattended, 
tied his horse to a post, and came away 
with the same disregard for outward show. 
After his inauguration, he did not even 
take the trouble to go to Congress with his 
! Message, but sent it by the hands of his 
Secretary — a custom which has been found 
so convenient that it has been followed 
ever since. A clerk now mumbles through 
the President's Message, while members 
sit at their desks writing letters, or reading 
the Message itself, if they do not happen 
to have made themselves masters of its 
contents beforehand." 

The writer, after discussing monopolies 
and tariffs, closes with hopes and predic- 
tions so moderately and sensibly stated that 
any one will be safe in adoj^ting them as 
his own. 

"The controversies which have yet to be 
fought out on these issues [the tariff" and 
corporate powerj may sometimes become 
formidable, but we may hope that the 
really dangerous questions that once con- 
fronted the American people are set at rest 
forever. The States once more stand in, 
their proper relation to the Union, and any 
interference with their self-government is 
never again likely to be attempted, for the 
feeling of the whole people would condemn 
it. It was a highly Conservative system 
which the framers of the Constitution 
adopted, when they decided that each State 
should be entitled to make its own laws, 

* [These are mere traditions tinced with the spirit of 
gome of the assaults raade in the " pood old days"' even 
against so illuBtrious a man as Washington. — .4m. PoJ.] 



304 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



to regulate its own franchise, to raise its 
own taxes, and settle everything in connec- 
tion with its own affairs in its own way. The 
general government has no right whatever 
to send a single soldier into any State, even 
to preserve order, until it has been called 
upon to act by the Governor of that State. 
The Federal Government, as it has been 
said by the Supreme Court, is one of enu- 
merated powers ; ' and if it has ever acted 
in excess of those powers, it was only when 
officers in States broke the compact which 
existed, and took up arms for its destruc- 
tion. They abandoned their place in the 
Union, and were held to have thereby for- 
feited their rights as States. In ordinary 
times there is ample security against the 
abuse of power in any direction. If a 
State government exceeds its authority, the 
people can at the next election expel the 
parties who have been guilty of the offense ; 
if Congress trespasses upon the functions 
of the States, there is the remedy of an ap- 
peal to the Supreme Court, the ' final in- 
terpreter of the Constitution ; ' if usurpa- 
tion should be attempted in spite of these 
safeguards, there is the final remedy of an 
appeal to the whole nation under the form 
of a Constitutional Amendment, which 
may at any time be adopted with the con- 
sent of three-fourths of the States. Only, 
therefore, as Mr. Justice Story has pointed 
out, when three-fourths of the States have 
combined to practice usurpation, is the case 
' irremediable under any known forms of 
the Constitution.' It would be difficult to 
conceive of any circumstances under which 
such a combination as this could arise. No 
form of government ever yet devised has 
proved to be faultless in its operation ; but 
that of the United States is well adapted 
to the genius and character of the i)eople, 
and the very dangers which it has passed 
through render it more precious in their 



eyes than it was before it had been tried in 
the fire. It assures freedom to all who live 
under it ; and it provides for the rigid ob- 
servance of law, and the due protection of 
every man in his rights. There is much in 
the events which are now taking place 
around us to suggest serious doubts, 
whether these great and indispensable ad- 
vantages are afforded by some of the older 
European systems of government which 
we have been accustomed to look upon as 
better and wiser than the American Con- 
stitution." 

A final word as to a remaining great is- 
sue — that of the tarift". It must ever be a 
political issue, one which parties cannot 
wholly avoid. The Democratic parly as a 
mass, yet leans to Free Trade ; the Repub- 
lican party, as a mass, favors Tariffs and 
high ones, at least plainly protective. 
Within a year, two great National Conven- 
tions were held, one at Chicago and one 
at New York, both in former times. Free 
Trade centres, and in these Congress was 
petitioned either to maintain or improve the 
existing tariff. As a result we see presented 
and advocated at the current session the 
Tariff Commission Bill, decisive action 
upon which has not been taken at the 
time we close these pages. The effect of 
the conventions was to cause the Demo- 
cratic Congressional caucus to reject the 
effort of Proctor Knott, to place it in its 
old attitude of hostility to protection. 
Many of the members sought and for the 
time secured an avoidance of the issue. 
Their ability to maintain this attitude in 
the face of Mr. Watterson's* declaration 
that the Democratic party must stand or 
fall on that issue, remains to be seen. 

* Mr. V/atterson, formerly a distinguished member of 
f'ongresB, is the author of the " tariff for revenue only " 
plank in the Democratic National Platform of 1880, and 
is now, as he has been for years, the chief editor of the 
LouisvUh Courier Journal. 



POLITICAL OHAl^aES IN 1882. 



With a view to carry this work through 
the year 1882 and into part of 1883, very 
plain reference should be made to the 
campaign of 1882, which in several im- 
portant States was fully as disastrous to 
the Republican party as any State elec- 
tions since the advent of that party to 
national supremacy and power. In 1863 
and 1874 the Republican reverses were 
almost if not quite as general, but in the 
more important States the adverse majori- 
ties were not near so sweeping. Political 
" tidal waves " had been freely talked of 
as descriptive of the situation in the earlier 



years named, but the result of 1882 has 
been pertinently described by Horatio 
Seymour as the " groundswell," and such 
it seemed, both to the active participants 
in, and lookers-on, at the struggle. 

Political discontent seems to be periodi- 
cal under all governments, and the periods 
are probably quite as frequent though less 
violent under republican as other forms. 
Certain it is that no political party in our 
history has long enjoyed uninterrupted 
success. The National success of the Re- 
publicans cannot truthfully be said to 
have been uninterrupted since the first 



REPUBLICANS— DEMOCRATS. 



305 



election of Lincoln, as at times one or the 
other of the two Houses of Congress have 
been in the hands of the Democratic party, 
while since the second Grant administra- 
tion there has not been a safe working 
majority of Republicans in either House. 
Combinations with Greenbackers, Read- 
justers, and occasionally with dissenting 
Democrats have had to be employed to 
preserve majorities in behalf of important 
measures, and these have not always suc- 
ceeded, though the general tendency of 
Kide-parties has been to support the majo- 
rity, for the very plain reason that majori- 
ties can reward with power upon commit- 
tees and with p.atronage. 

Efforts were made by the Democrats in 
the first session of the 47th Congress to 
reduce existing tariffs, and to repeal the 
internal revenue taxes. The Repub- 
licans met the first movement by establish- 
ing a Tariff Commission, which was ap- 
pointed by President Arthur, and com- 
posed mainly of gentlemen favorable to 
protective duties. In the year previous 
(1881) the income from internal taxes was 
$135,264,385.51, and the cost of collecting 
$4,327,793.24, or 3.20 per cent. The cus- 
toms revenues amounted to $198,159,676.02, 
the cost of collecting the same $6,383,288. 
10, or 3.22 per cent. There was no gene- 
ral complaint as to the cost of collecting 
these immense revenues, for this cost was 
greatly less than in former years, but the 
surplus on internal taxes (about $146,000, 
000) was so large that it could not be 
profitably employed even in the payment 
of the public debt, and as a natural result 
all interests called upon to pay the tax 
(save where there was a monopoly in the 
product or the icanufacture) complained 
of the burden as wholly unnecessary, and 
large interests and very many people de- 
manded immediate and absolute repeal. 
The Republicans sought to meet this de- 
mand half way by a bill repealing all the 
taxes, save those on spirits and tobacco, 
but the Democrats obstructed and defeated 
every attempt at partial repeal. The 
Republicans thought that the moral senti- 
ment of the country would favor the re- 
tention of the internal taxes upon spirits 
and tobacco (the latter having been pre- 
viously reduced) but if there was any such 
sentiment it did not manifest itself in the 
fall elections. On the contrary, every 
form of discontent, encouraged lay these 

freat causes, took shape. While the 
'ariff Commission, by active and very in- 
telligent work, held out continued hope to 
the more confident industries, those which 
had been threatened or injured by the 
failure of the crops in 1881. and by the 
assassination of President Garfield, saw 
only prolonged injury in the probable 
Trork of the Commission, for to meet the 

20 



close Democratic sentiment and to unite 
that which it was hoped would be gene- 
rally friendly, moderate tariff rates had to 
be fixed ; notably upon iron, steel, and 
many classes of manufactured goods. 
Manufacturers of the cheaper grades of 
cotton goods were feeling th^ pressure of 
competition from the South — where goods 
could be made from a natural product 
close at hand — while those of the North 
found about the same time that the tastes 
of their customers had improved, and 
hence their cheaper grades were no longer 
in such general demand. There was over- 
production, as a consequence grave depres- 
sion, and not all in the business could at 
once realize the cause of the trouble. 
Doubt and distrust prevailed, and early in 
the summer of 1882, and indeed until late 
in the fall, the country seemed upon the 
verge of a business panic. At the same 
time the leading journals of the country 
seemed to have joined in a crusade against 
all existing political methods, and against 
all statutory and political abuses. The 
cry of " Down with Boss Rule ! " was heard 
in many States, aad this rallied to the 
swelling ranks of discontent all who are 
naturally fond of pulling down leaders — 
and the United States Senatorial elections 
of 1883 qaickly showed that the blow was 
aimed at all leaders, whether they were 
alleged Bosses or not. Then, too, the 
forms of discontent which could not take 
practical shape in the great Presidential 
contest between Garfield and Hancock, 
came to the front with cumulative force 
after the assassination. There is little use 
in philosophizing and searching for sufli- 
cient reasons leading to a fact, when the 
fact itself must be confessed and when its 
force has been felt. It is a plain fact that 
many votes in the fall of 1882 were deter- 
mined by the nominating struggle for the 
Presidency in 1880, by the quarrels which 
followed Garfield's inauguration, and by 
the assassination. Indeed, the nation had 
not recovered from the shock, and many 
very good people looked with very grave 
suspicion upon every act of President 
Arthur after he had succeeded to the 
chair. The best informed, broadest and 
most liberal political minds saw in his 
course an honest effort to heal existing 
differences in the Republican party, but 
many acts of recommendation and appoint- 
ment directed to this end were discounted 
by the few which could not thus be traced, 
and suspicion and discontent swelled the 
chorus of other injuries. The result was 
the great political changes ot 1882. It be- 
gan in Ohio, the only important and de- 
batable October State remaining at this 
time. The causes enumerated above (save 
the assassination and the conflict between 
the friends of Grant and Blaine) operated 



306 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



with less force in Ohio than any other sec- 
tion — for here leaders had not been held up 
aa " Bosses ;" civil service reform had many 
advocates among them; the people were 
not by interest specially wedded to high 
tariff duties, nor were they large payers of 
internal revenue taxes. But the liquor 
issue had sprung up in the Legislature the 
previous winter, the Republicans attempt- 
ing to levy and collect a tax from all who 
sold, and to prevent the sale on Sundays. 
These brief facts make strange reading to 
the people of other States, where the sale 
of liquor has generally been licensed, and 
forbidden on Sundays, Ohio had previ- 
ously passed a prohibitory constitutional 
amendment, in itself defective, and as no 
legislation had been enacted to enforce it, 
those who wished began to sell as though 
the right were natural, and in this way be- 
came strong enough to resist taxation or 
license. The Legislature of 1882, the ma- 
jority controlled by the Republicans, at- 
tempted to pass the Pond liquor tax act, 
and its issue was joined. The liquor in- 
terests organized, secured control of the 
Democratic State Convention, nominated 
a ticket pledged to their interests, made 
a platform which pointed to unrestricted 
sale, and by active work and the free 
use of funds, carried the election and 
reversed the usual majority. Governor 
Foster, the boldest of the Republican lead- 
ers, accepted the issue as presented, and 
stumped in favor of license and the sanc- 
tity of the Sabbath ; but the counsels of 
the Republican leaders were divided, Ex- 
Secretary Sherman and others enacting the 
role of ' confession and avoidance." The 
result carried with it a train of Republi- 
can disasters. Congressional candidates 
whom the issue could not legiraately touch, 
fell before it, probably on the principle 
that " that which strikes the head injures 
the entire body." The Democratic State 
and Legislative tickets succeeded, and the 
German element, which of all others is 
most favorable to freedom in the observ- 
ance of the Sabbath, transferred its vote 
almost as an entirety from the Republican 
to the Democratic party. 

Ohio emboldened the liquor interests, 
and in their Conventions and Societies in 
other States they agreed as a rule to check 
and, if possible, defeat the advance of the 
prohibitory amendment idea. This started 
in Kansas in 1880, under the lead of Gov. 
St. John, an eloquent temperance advo- 
cate. It was passed by an immense 
majority, and it was hardly in force be- 
fore conflicting accounts were scattered 
throughout the country as to its effect. 
Some of the friends of temperance con- 
tended that it improved the public con- 
dition ; its enemies all asserted that in 
the larger towns and cities it produced 



free and irresponsible instead of licensed 
sale. The latter seem to have had the 
best of the argument, if the election re- 
sult is a truthful witness. Gov. St. John 
was again the nominee of the Repub- 
licans, but while all of the remainder of 
the State-ticket was elected, he fell under 
a majority which must have been pro- 
duced by a change of forty thousand votes. 
Iowa next took up the prohibitory amend- 
ment idea, secured its adoption, but the 
result was injurious to the Republicans in 
the Fall elections, where the discontent 
struck at Congrei^smen, as well as State 
and Legislative officers. 

The same amendment had been pro- 
posed in Pennsylvania, a Republican 
House in 1881 having passed it by almost 
a solid vote (Democrats freely joining in 
its support), but a Republican Senate de- 
feated, after it had been loaded down 
with amendments. New York was co- 
quetting with the same measure, and as a 
result the liquor interests — well-organized 
and with an abundance of money, as a 
rule struck at the Republican party in 
both New York and Pennsvlvania, and 
thus largely aided the groundswell. The 
same interests aided the election of Genl. 
B. F. Butler of Massachusetts, but from a 
different reason. He had, in one of his 
earlier canvasses, freely advocated the 
right of the poor to sell equally with those 
who could pay heavy license fees, and had 
thus won the major sympathy of the 
interest. Singularly enough, Massachu- 
setts alone of all the Republican States 
meeting with defeat in 1882, fails to show 
in her result reasons which harmonize 
with those enumerated as making up the 
elements of discontent. Her people most 
do favor high tariffs, taxes on liquors and 
luxuries, civil service reforms, and were 
supposed to be more free from legal and 
political abuses than any other. Massa- 
chusetts had, theretofore, been considered 
to be the most advanced of all the States — • 
in notions, in habit, and in law — yet 
Butler's victory was relatively more pro- 
nounced than that of any Democratic 
candidate, not excepting that of Cleve- 
land over Folger in New York, the 
Democratic majority here approaching 
two hundred thousand. How are we to 
explain the Massachusetts' result? Gov. 
Bishop was a high-toned and able gentle- 
man, the type of every reform contended 
for. There is but one explanation. 
Massachusetts had had too much of re- 
form ; it had come in larger and fsister 
doses than even her progressive people 
could stand — and an inconsistent discon- 
tent took new shape there — that of very 
plain reaction. This view is confirmed by 
the subsequent attempt of Gov. Butler to 
defeat the re-election of Geo. F. Hoar to 



CURRENT POLITICS. 



307 



tlie U. S. Senate, by a combination of 
Democrats with dissatisfied Republicans. 
Tiie movement failed, but it came very 
near to success, and lor days the result 
was in doubt. Hoar had been a Senator 
of advanced views, of broad and com- 
prehensive statesmanship, but that com- 
munistic sentiment whicli occasionally 
crops out in our politics and strikes at all 
leaders, merely from the pleasure of assert- 
ing the right to tear down, assailed him 
with a vigor almost equal to that which 
struck Windom of Minnesota, a statesman 
of twenty-four years' honorable, able and 
sometimes brilliant service. To prejudice 
the people of his State against him, a 
photograph of his Washington residence 
had been scattered broadcast. The print 
in the photograph intended to prejudice 
being a coach with a liveried lackey It 
might have been the coach and lackey of 
a visitor, but the effect was the same where 
discontent had run into a fever. 

Political discontent gave unmistakable 
manifestations of its existence in Ohio, 
Massachusetts, New York (where Ex- 
Governor Cornell's nomination had been 
defeated by a forged telegram), Michigan, 
Nebraska, Kansas, Iowa, Connecticut, 
California, Colorado, Pennsylvania, and 
Indiana. The Republican position was 
well maintained in New Hampshire, Ver- 
mont, Rhode Island, Minnesota, Illinois, 
and Wisconsin. It was greatly improved 
in Virginia, where Mahone's Republican 
Readjuster ticket carried the State by 
nearly ten thousand, and where a United 
States' Senator and Congressman-at-large 
were gained, as well as some of the District 
Congressmen. The Republicans also im- 
proved the situation in North Carolina 
and Tennessee, though they failed to 
carry either. They also gained Congress- 
men in Mississippi and Louisiana, but 
the Congressional result throughout the 
country was a sweeping Democratic vic- 
tory, the 48th Congress, beginning March 
4, 1883, showing a Democratic majority of 
71 in a total membership of 325. 

In Pennsylvania alone of all the 
Northern States, were the Republican 
elements of discontent organized, and 
here they were as well organized as pos- 
sible under the circumstances. Charles S. 
Wolfe had the year previous proclaimed 
what he called his "independence of the 
B'tsses," by declaring himself a candidate 
for State Treasurer, " nominated in a con- 
vention of one." He secured 49,984 votes, 
and this force was used as the nucleus for 
the better organized Independent Repub- 
lican movement of 1882. Through this a 
State Convention was called which placed 
a full ticket in the field, and which in 
many districts nominated separate legisla- 
tive candidates. 



The complaints of the Independent 
Republicans of Pennsylvania were very 
much like those of dissatisfied Repub- 
licans in other Northern Statesjwhere no 
adverse organizations were set up, and 
these can best be understood by giving the 
official papers and correspondence con- 
nected with the revolt, and the attempts 
to conciliate and suppress it by the regular 
organization. The writer feels a delicacy 
in appending this data, inasmuch as he 
was one of the principals in the negotia- 
tions, but formulated complaints, methods 
and principles peculiar to the time can be 
better understood as presented by organ- 
ized and official bodies, than where mere 
opinions of cotemporaneous writers and 
speakers must otherwise be given. A very 
careful summary has been made by Col. 
A. K. McClure, in the Philadelphia Times 
Almanac, and from this we quote the data 
connected with the — 

Tlie Independent Republican Revolt In 
Pennsylvania. 

The following call was issued by Chair- 
man McKee, of the committee which con- 
ducted the Wolfe campaign in 1881 : 

Headquarters State Committee, 
Citizens' Republican Association, 
GiRARD House, 

Philadelphia, December 16, 1881. 
To the ladependent Republicans of Penn- 
sylvania : 

You are earnestly requested to send re- 
presentatives from each county to a State 
conference, to be held at Philadelphia, 
Thursday, January 12th, 1882, at 10 o'clock 
A. M., to take into consideration the wis- 
dom of placing in nomination proper per- 
sons for the offices of Governor, Lieuten- 
ant Governor; Secretary of Internal Affairs 
and Supreme Court Judge, and such other 
matters as may come before the confer- 
ence, looking to the overthrow of " boss 
rule," and the elimination of the pernicious 
"spoils system," and its kindred evils, from 
the administration of public affairs. It is 
of the utmost importance that those fifly 
thousand unshackled voters who supported 
the independent candidacv of Hon. Charles 
S. Wolfe for the oflSce of State Treasurer 
as a solemn protest against ring domina- 
tion, together with the scores of thousands 
of liberty-loving citizens who are ready to 
join in the next" revolt against " bossism," 
shall be worthily represented at this con- 
ference. 

I. D. MoKee, Chairman. 

Frank Willing Leach, Secretary. 

Pursuant to the above call, two hundred 
and thirteen delegates, representing thirty- 
three of the sixty-six counties, met .it the 
Assembly Building, January 12th, 18S2, 



308 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



and organized by the election of John J. 
Pinkerton as chairman, together with a 
suitable list of vice-presidents and secre- 
taries. After a general interchange of 
views, a resolution was adopted directing 
the holding of a State Convention for the 
nomination of a State ticket. May 24th. 
An executive committee, with power to 
arrange for the election of delegates from 
each Senatorial district, was also appointed, 
consisting of Messrs. I. D. McKee, of 
Philadelphia; Wharton Barker, of Mont- 
gomery; John J. Pinkerton, of Chester; 
F. M. Nichols, of Luzerne ; H. S. McNair, 
of York, and C. W. Miller, of Crawford. 
Mr. Nichols aftewards declining to act, 
George E. Mapes, of Venango, was sub- 
stituted in his place. Before the time 
arrived for the meeting of the convention 
of May 24th, several futile efforts were 
made to heal the breach between the two 
wings of the Republican party. At a con- 
ference of leading Independents held in 
Philadelphia, April 23d, at which Senator 
Mitchell was present, a committee was 
appointed for the purpose of conferring 
with a similar committee from the regular 
organization, upon the subject of the party 
differences. The members of the Peace 
Conference, on the part of the Indepen- 
dents, were Charles S. Wolfe, I. D. McKee, 
Francis B. Reeves, J. W. Lee, and Whar- 
ton Barker. The committee on the part 
of the Stalwarts were M. S. Quay, John F. 
Hartranft, C. L. Magee, Howard J. Reeder, 
and Thomas Cochran. A preliminary 
meeting was held at the Continental 
Hotel, on the evening of April 29th, Avhich 
adjourned to meet at the same place on 
the evening of May 1st; at which meeting 
the following peace propositions were 
agreed upon : 

Resolved, That we recommend the adop- 
tion of the following principles and 
methods by the Republican State Conven- 
tion of May 10th. 

First. That we unequivocally condemn 
the use of patronage to promote personal 

Eolitical ends, and require that all offices 
estowed Avithin the party shall be upon 
the sole basis of fitness. 

Second. That competent and faithful 
officers should not be removed except for 
cause. 

Third. That the non-elective minor 
offices should be filled in accordance with 
rules established by law. 

Fourth. That the ascertained popular 
will shall be faithfully carried out in State 
and National Conventions, and by those 
holding office by the favor of the party. 

Fifth. That we condemn compulsory 
assessments for political purposes, and pro- 
scription for failure to respond either to 
such assessments or to requests for volun- 
tary contributions, and that any policy of 



political proscription is urjust, and calcu- 
lated to disturb party harniouy. 

Sixth. That public office constitutes a 
high trust to be administered solely for the 
people, whose interests must be paramount 
to those of persons or parties, and that it 
should be invariably conducted with the 
same efficiency, economy, and integrity as 
are expected in the execution of private 
trusts. 

Seventh. That the State ticket should 
be such as by the impartiality of its con- 
stitution and the high character and ac-. 
knowledged fitness of the nominees will 
justly commend itself to the support of the 
united Republican party. 

Resolved, That we also recommend the 
adoption of the following permanent rules 
for the holding of State Conventions, and 
the conduct of the party : 

First. That delegates to State Conven- 
tions shall be chosen in the manner in 
which candidates for the General Assem- 
bly are nominated, except in Senatorial 
districts composed of more than one coun- 
ty, in which conferees for the selection of 
Senatorial delegates shall be chosen in the 
manner aforesaid, and the representation 
of each county shall be based upon its Re- 
publican vote cast at the Presidential elec- 
tion next preceding the convention. 

Second. Hereafter the State Convention 
of the Republican party shall be held on 
the second Wednesday of July, except in 
the year of the Presidential election, when 
it shall be held not more than thirty days 
previous to the day fixed for the National 
Convention, and at least sixty days' notice 
shall be given of the date of the State Con- 
vention. 

Third. That every person who voted 
the Republican electoral ticket at the last 
Presidential election next preceding any 
State Convention shall be permitted to 
participate in the election of delegates to 
State and National Conventions, and we 
recommend to the county organizations 
that in their rules they allow the largest 
freedom in the general participation in the 
primaries consistent with the preservation 
of the party organization. 

M. S. Quay, 
J. F. Hartbanft, 
Thomas Cochran, 
Howard J. Reeder, 
C. L. Magee, 
On the part of theRepublican State Com- 
mittee, appointed by Chairman Cooper. 

Charles S. Wolfe, 
I. D. McKee, 
Francis B. Reeves, 
Wharton Barker, 
J. W. Lee, 
On the part of Senator Mitchell's Inde- 
pendent Republican Committee. 



CURRENT POLITICS, 



309 



The following resolution was adopted by 
the joint conference : 

Resolved, That we disclaim any authority 
to speak or act for other persons than our- 
selves, and simply make these suggestions 
as in our opinion are essential to the pro- 
motion of harmony and unity. 

In order, however, that there might be 
no laying down of arms on the part of the 
Independents, in the false belief that the 
peace propositions had ended the contest, 
without regard to whether they were ac- 
cepted in good faith, and put in practice 
by the regular convention, the following 
call was issued by the Independent Execu- 
tive Committee : 

Executive Committee, 

CiTizENs' Republican Association of 
Pennsylvania, Girard House. 

Philadelphia, May 3d, 1882. 
To the Independent Republicans of Pennsyl- 
vania : 

At a conference of Independent Repub- 
licans held in Philadelphia, on January 
12th, 1882, the following resolution was 
adopted, to wit: 

Resolved, That a convention be held on 
the 24th day of May, 1882, for the purpose 
of placing in nomination a full Indepen- 
dent Republican ticket for the offices to be 
filled at the general election next Novem- 
ber. 

In pursuance and by the authority of the 
above resolution the undersigned, the State 
Executive Committee appointed at the said 
conference, request the Independent Re- 
publicans of each county of the Common- 
wealth of Pennsylvania to send delegates 
to the Independent Convention of May 
24th, the basis of representation to be the 
same as that fixed for Senators and Repre- 
sentatives of the General Assembly of 
Pennsylvania. 

Should the convention of May 10th fail 
to nominate as its candidates men who in 
their character, antecedents and affiliations 
are embodiments of the principles of true 
Republicanism free from the iniquities of 
bossism, and of an honest administration 
of public affairs free from the evils of the 
spoils system, such nominations, or any 
such nomination, should be emphatically 
repudiated by the Independent Convention 
of May 24th, and by the Independent Re- 
publicans of Pennsylvania in November 
next. 

The simple adoption by the Harrisburg 
Convention of May 10th of resolutions of 
plausible platitudes, while confessing the 
existence of the evils which we have stren- 
uously opposed, and admitting the justice 
of our position in opposing them, will not 
satisfy the Independent Republicans of 
this Commonwealth. AVe are not battling 



for the construction of platforms, but for 
the overthrow of bossism, and the evils of 
the spoils system, which animated a de- 
spicable assassin to deprive our loved Pres- 
ident Garfield of his life, and our country 
of its friend and peacemaker. 

The nomination of slated candidates by 
machine methods, thereby tending to the 
perpetuation of boss dominion in our Com- 
monwealth, should never be ratified by the 
Independent Republicans in convention 
assembled or at the polls. Upon this very 
vital point there should be no mistake in 
the mind of any citizen of this State. The 
path of duty in this emergency leads for- 
ward, and not backward, and forward we 
should go until bossism and machineism 
and stalwartism — aye, and Cameronism — 
are made to give way to pure Republican- 
ism. The people will not submit to tem- 
porizing or compromising. 

We appeal to the Indejjendent Republi- 
cans of Pennsylvania to take immediate 
steps toward perfecting their organization 
in each county, and completing the selec- 
tion of delegates to the Independent State 
Convention. Use every exertion to secure 
the choice as delegates of representative, 
courageous men, who will not falter when 
the time arrives to act — who will not de- 
sert into the ranks of the enemy when the 
final time of testing comes. Especially see 
to it that there shall not be chosen as dele^ 
gates any Pharisaical Independents, who 
preach reform, yet blindly follow boss 
leadership at the crack of the master's 
whip. Act quickly and act discreetly. 

A State Campaign Committee of fifty, 
comprising one member from each Sena- 
torial district, has been formed, and any 
one desiring to co-operate with us in this 
movement against the enemies of the in- 
tegrity of our State, who shall communi- 
cate with us, will be immediately referred 
to the committeeman representing the dis- 
trict in which he lives. We urgently invite 
a correspondence from the friends of politi- 
cal independence from all sections of the 
State. 

Again we say to the Independent Repub- 
licans of Pennsylvania in the interest of 
justice and the Commonwealth's honor^ 
leave no stone unturned to vindicate the 
rights of the people. 

I. D. McKee, Chairman. 
Wharton Barker. 
John J. Pinkerton. 
Geo. E. Mapes. 
H. S. McNair. 
Charles W. Miller. 
Frank Willing Leach, Secretary. 

In pursuance of the above call, the In- 
dependent Convention met. May 24th. in 
Philadelphia, and deciding that the action 
of the regular Republican Convention, held 



310 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



at Harrisburg on May 10th, did not give 
the guarantee of reform demanded by the 
Independents, proceeded to nominate a 
ticket and adopt a platform setting forth 
their views. 

' Although the break between the two 
wings of the party was thus made final to 
all appearances, yet all efforts for a recon- 
ciliation were not entirely abandoned. 
Thos. M. Marshall having declined the 
nomination for Congressman at Large on 
the Republican ticket, the convention was 
reconvened June 2l8t, for the purpose of 
filling the vacancy, and while in session, 
instructed the State Central Committee to 
use all honorable means to secure harmony 
between the two sections of the party. 
Accordingly, the Republican State Com- 
mittee was called to meet in Philadelphia, 
July, 13th. At this meeting the following 
propositions were submitted to the Inde- 
pendents : 

Pursuant to the resolution passed by 
the Harrisburg Convention of June 21st, 
and authorizing the Republican State Com- 
mittee to use all honorable means to pro- 
mote harmony in the party, the said com- 
mittee, acting in conjunction with the Re- 
publican candidates on the State ticket, 
respectfully submit to the State Committee 
and candidates of the Independents the 
following propositions : 

First. The tickets headed by James A. 
Beaver and John Stewart, respectively, be 
submitted to a vote of the Republican 
electors of the State, at primaries, as here- 
inafter providt^d for. 

Second. The selection of candidates to 
be voted for by the Republican party in 
November to be submitted as aforesaid, 
every Republican elector, constitutionally 
and legally qualified, to be eligible to 
nomination. 

Third. A State Convention to be held, 
to be constituted as recommended by the 
Continental Hotel Conference, whereof 
Wharton Barker was chairman and Francis 
B. Reeves secretary, to select candidates 
to be voted for by the Republican party in 
November, its choice to be limited to the 
candidates now in nomination, or unlimit- 
ed, as the Independent State Committee 
may prefer. 

The primaries or convention referred to 
in the foregoing propositions to be held 
on or before the fourth Wednesday of 
August next, under regulations or ap- 
portionment to be made by Daniel Agnew, 
Hampton L. Carson, and Francis B. 
Reeves, not in conflict, however, with the 
acts of Assembly regulating primary elec- 
tions, and the candidates receiving the 
highest popular vote, or the votes of a 
majority of the members of the convention, 
to receive the united support of the party. 

Resolved, That in the opinion of the Re- 



publican State Committee the above pro- 
positions fully carry out, in letter and 
spirit, the resolution passed by the Harris- 
burg Convention, June 21sc, and that we 
hereby pledge the State Committee to 
carry out in good faith any one of the 
foregoing propositions which may be ac- 
cepted. 

Jtesolved, That the chairman of the Re- 
publican State Committee be directed to 
forward an official copy of the proceedings 
of this meeting, together with the forego- 
ing propositions, to the Independent State 
Committee and candidates. 

Whereupon, General Reeder, of North- 
ampton, moved to amend by adding a 
further proposition, as follows. 

Fourth. A State Convention, to be con- 
stituted as provided for by the new rules 
adopted by the late Republican State Con- 
vention, to select candidates to be voted 
for by the Republican party in November, 
provided, if such convention be agreed to, 
said convention shall be held not later 
than the fourth Wednesday in August. 
Which amendment was agreed tq, and the 
preamble and resolutions as amended 
were agreed to. 

This communication was addressed to 
the chairman of the Independent State 
Committee, I. D. McKee, who called the 
Independent Committee to meet July 27th, 
to consider the propositions. In the 
meantime the Independent candidates 
held a conference on the night of July 
13th, and four of them addressed the fol- 
lowing propositions to the candidates of 
the Stalwart wing of the party : 

Philadelphia, July 13th, 1882. 

To General James A. Beaver, Hon. William 
T. Davies, Hon. John M. Greer, William 
Henry Rawle, Esq., and Marriott Brosius, 
Esq. 

Gentlemen : By a communication re- 
ceived from the Hon. Thomas V. Cooper, 
addressed to us as candidates of the Inde- 
pendent Republicans, we are advised of 
the proceedings of the State Committee, 
which assembled in this city yesterday. 

Without awaiting the action of the In- 
dependent State Committee, to which we 
have referred the communication, and at- 
tempting no discussion of the existing 
differences, or the several methods pro- 
posed by which to secure party unity, we 
beg to say that we do not believe that any 
of the propositions, if accepted, would pro- 
duce harmony in the party, but on the 
contrary, would lead to wider divisions. 
We therefore suggest that the desired re- 
sult can be secured by the hearty co-op- 
eration of the respective candidates. We 
have no authority to speak for the great 
body of voters now giving their support to 
the Independent Republican ticket, nor 



CURRENT POLITICS. 



311 



can we include them by any action we 
may take. We are perfectly free, however, 
to act in our individual capacity, and de- 
sire to assure you that we are not only 
willing, but anxious to co-operate with 
you in the endeavor to restore peace and 
harmony to our party. That this can be 
accomplished beyond all doubt we feel en- 
tirely assured, if you, gentlemen, are pre- 
pared to yield, with us, all personal con- 
siderations, and agree to the following 
propositions : 

First. The withdrawal of both tickets. 

Second. The several candidates of these 
tickets to pledge themselves not to accept 
any subsequent nomination by the pro- 
posed convention. 

Under these conditions we will unite 
with you in urging upon our respective 
constituencies the adoption of the third 
proposition submitted by your committee, 
and conclude the whole controversy by 
our final withdrawal as candidates. Such 
withdrawal of both tickets would remove 
from the canvass all personal as well as 
political antagonisms, and leave the party 
united and unembarrassed. 

We trust, gentlemen, that your judgment 
will approve the method we have suggest- 
ed, and that, appreciating the importance 
of concluding the matter with as little de- 
lay as possible, you will give us your re- 
ply within a week from this date. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servants, 
John Stewart, 
Levi Bird Duff. 
George W. Merrick. 
George Junkin. 

William McMichael, Independent can- 
didate for Congressman at Large, dissented 
from the proposition of his colleagues, and 
addressed the following communication to 
Chairman Cooper : 

Philadelphia, July 13th, 1882. 

Hon. Thomas V. Cooper, Chairman, etc. 

Dear Sir: Your letter of July 12th is 
received, addressed to the chairman of the 
State Committee of the Independent Re- 
publicans and their candidates, containing 
certain propositions of your committee. I 
decline those propositions, because they 
involve an abandonment of the cause of 
the Independent Republicans. 

If a new convention, representing all 
Republicans, had nominated an entirely 
new ticket, worthy of popular support, and 
not containing the name of any candidate 
on either of the present tickets, and sin- 
cerely supporting the principles of the 
Independent Republicans, the necessity 
for a separate Independent Republican 
movement would not exist. Your propo- 
sition, however, practically proposes to 
re-nominate General Beaver, and reaffirm 
the abuse which we oppose. 



The convention of Independent Repub- 
licans which met in Philadelphia on May 
24th, announced principles in which I 
believe. It nominated me for Congress- 
man at Large, and I accepted that nomi- 
nation. It declared boldly against boss- 
ism, the spoils system, and all the evils 
which impair Republican usefulness, and 
in favor of popular rule, equal rights of 
all, national unity, maintenance of public 
credit, protection to labor, and all the 
great principles of true Republicanism. 
No other ticket now in the field presents 
those issues. The people of Pennsylvania 
can say at the polls, in November, whether 
they approve of those principles, and will 
support the cause which represents them. 
I will not withdraw or retire unless events 
hereafter shall give assurance that ne- 
cessary reform in the civil service shall be 
adopted ; assessments made upon office- 
holders returned, and not hereafter exact- 
ed ; boss, machine, and spoils methods 
forever abandoned; and all our public 
offices, from United States Senator to the 
mo* unimportant officials, shall be filled 
only by honest and capable men, who v,-ill 
represent the people, and not attempt to 
dictate to or control them. 

I shall go on with the fight, asking the 
supportof all my fellow-citizens whobelieve 
in the principles of the Independent Re- 
publican Convention of May 24th. 

Yours truly, 

William McMichael. 

To these propositions General Beaver 
and his colleagues replied in the following 
communication : 

Philadelphia, July 15th, 1882. 

Hon. Thomas V. Cooper, Chairman Repub- 
lican State Committee, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Sir : We have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt through you of a communica- 
tion addressed to us by the Hon. John 
Stewart, Colonel Levi Bird DuflF, Major G. 
W. Merrick, and George Junkin, Esq., in 
response to certain propositions submitted 
by the Republican State Committee, re- 
presenting the Republican party of Penn- 
sylvania, looking to an amicable and hon- 
orable adjustment of whatever differences 
there may be among the various elements 
of the party. Without accepting any of 
the propositions submitted by your com- 
mittee, this communication asks us, as a 
condition precedent to any recommenda- 
tion on the part of the writers thereof, to 
declare that in the event of the calling of 
a new convention, we will severally forbid 
the Republicans of Pennsylvania to call 
upon us for our services as candidates for 
the various po.sitions to be filled by the 
people at the coming election. To say 



312 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



that in the effort to determine whether or 
not our nomination was the free and un- 
biased choice of the Republican party we 
must not be candidates, is simply to try 
the question at issue. We have no de- 
sire to discuss the question in any of its 
numerous bearings. We have placed our- 
selves unreservedly in the hands of the 
Republicans of Pennsylvania. We have 
pledged ourselves to act concurrently with 
your committee, and are bound by its ac- 
tion. We therefore respectfully suggest that 
we have no power or authority to act in- 
dependently of the committee, or makeany 
declaration at variance with the proposi- 
tions submitted in accordance with its ac- 
tion. There ought to be and can be no 
such thing as personal antagonism in this 
contest. We socially and emphatically 
disclaim even the remotest approach to a 
feeling of this kind toward any person. 
We fraternize with and are ready to sup- 
port any citizen who loves the cause of 
pure Republicanism, and with this decla- 
ration we submit the whole subject to your 
deliberate judgment and wise considera- 
tion. 

James A. Beaver. 
William Henry Rawle, 
Marriot't Brosius. 
W. T. Davies. 
John M. Greer. 

At the meeting of the Independent State 
Committee, July 27th, the propositions of 
the Regular Committee were unanimously 
rejected, and a committee appointed to 
draft a reply, which was done in the fol- 
lowing terms: 

Thomas V. Cooper, Esq., Chairman Repub- 
lican State Committee. 

Dear Sir : I am instructed to advise you 
that the Independent Republican State 
Committee have considered the four sug- 
gestions contained in the minutes of the 
proceedings of your committee, forwarded 
to me by you on the 12th instant. 

I am directed to say that this committee 
find that none of the four are methods 
fitted to obtain a harmonious and honora- 
ble unity of the Republican voters of 
Pennsylvania. All of them are inadequate 
to that end, for the reason that they afford 
no guarantee that, being accepted, the 
principles upon which the Independent 
Republicans have taken their stand would 
be treated with respect or put into action. 
All of them contain the probability that 
ftn attempt to unite the Republicans of the 
State by their means would either result 
in reviving and strengthening the political 
dictatorship which we condemn or would 
j)ermanently distract the Republican body, 
and insure the future and continued 
triumph of our common opponent, the 
Democratic party. 



Of the four suggestions, the first, second 
and fourth are so inadequate as to need no 
separate discussion : the third, which alone 
may demand attention, has the fatal defect 
of not including the withdrawal of that 
" slated '' ticket which was made up many 
months ago, and long in advance of the 
Harrisburg Convention, to represent and 
to maintain the very evils of control and 
abuses of method to which we stand op- 
posed. This proposition, like the others, 
supposing it to have been sincerely put 
forward, clearly shows that you miscon- 
ceive the cause of the Independent Repub- 
lican movement, as well as its aims and 
purposes. You assume that we desire to 
measure the respective numbers of those 
who support the Harrisburg ticket and 
those who find their principles expressed 
by the Philadelphia Convention. This is 
a complete and fatal misapprehension. We 
are organized to promote certain reforms, 
and not to abandon them in pursuit of 
votes. Our object is the overthrow of the 
"boss system " and of the " spoils system." 

In behalf of this we are willing and 
anxious to join hands with you whenever 
it is assured that the union will be honestly 
and earnestly for that purpose. But we 
cannot make alliances or agree to com- 
promises that in their face threaten the 
very object of the movement in which we 
have engaged. Whether your ticket has 
the support of many or few, of a majority 
or a minority of the Republican voters, 
does not affect in the smallest degree the 
duty of every citizen to record himself 
against the abuses which it represents. 
Had the gentlemen who compose it been 
willing to withdraw themselves from the 
field, as they were invited to join in doing, 
for the common good, by the Independent 
Republican candidates, this act would 
have encouraged the hope that a new con- 
vention, freely chosen by the people, and 
unembarrassed by claims of existing can- 
didates, might have brought forth the 
needed guarantee of party emancipation 
and public reform. 

This service, however, they have de- 
clined to render their party ; they not only 
claim and receive your repeated assurances 
of support, but they permit themselves to 
be put forward to secure the use of the In- 
dependent Republican votes at the same 
time that they represent the "bossism," 
the " spoils " methods, and the " machine " 
management which we are determined no 
longer to tolerate. The manner in which 
their candidacy was decreed, the means 
employed to give it convention formality, 
the obligations Mhich they incur by it, the 
political methods with which it identifies 
them, and the political and personal plans 
for whicli their official influence would be 
required, all 'oin to make it the most im- 



CURRENT POLITICS. 



313 



perative public duty not to give them sup- 
port at tliis election under any circum- 
stances. 

In closing this note, this committee 
must express its regret, that, having con- 
sidered it desirable to make overtures to 
the Independent Republicans, you should 
have so far misapprehended the facts of 
the situation. It is our desire to unite the 
Republican party on the sure ground of 
principle, in the confidence that we are 
thus serving it with the highest fidelity, and 
preserving for the future service of the 
Commonwealth that vitality of Repub- 
licanism which has made the party useful 
in the past, and which alone confers upon 
it now the right of continued existence. 
The only method which promises this re- 
sult in the approaching election is that 
proposed by the Independent Republican 
candidates in their letter of July 13th, 
1882, which was positively rejected by 
your committee. 

On behalf of the Independent Repub- 
lican State Committee of Pennsylvania, 

I. D. McKee, Chairman. 

With this communication ended all 

efforts at conciliation. 
******** 

The election followed, and the Demo- 
cratic ticket, headed by Robert E, Pattison 
of Philadelphia, received an average 
plurality of 40,000, and the Independent 
Republican ticket received an average 
vote of about 43,000 — showing that while 
Independence organized did not do as well 
in a gubernatorial as it had in a previous 
off-year, it yet had force enough to defeat 
tlie Republican State ticket headed by 
Gen. James A. Beaver. All of the three 
several State tickets were composed of 
able men, and the force of both of the 
Republican tickets on the hustings excited 
great interest and excitement ; yet the 
Republican vote, owing to the division, 
was not out by nearly one hundred thou- 
sand, and fifty thousand more Republicans 
than Democrats remained at home, many 
of them purposely. In New York, where 
dissatisfaction had no rallying point, about 
two hundred thousand Republicans re- 
mained at home, some because of anger at 
the defeat of Gov. Cornell in the State 
nominating convention — some in protest 
against the National Administrations, 
which was accused of the desire for direct 
endorsement where it presented the name 
of Hon Chas. J. Folger, its Secretary of 
the Treasury, as the home gubernatorial 
candidate, — others because of some of the 
many reasons set forth in the bill of 
complaints which enumerates the causes 
of the dissatisfaction within the party. 

At this writing the work of Republican 
repair is going on. Both the Senate and 



House at Washington are giving active 
work to the passage of a tariff bill, the re- 
peal of the revenue taxes, and the passage 
of a two-cent letter postage bill — measures 
anxiously hastened by the Republicans in 
order to anticipate friendly and defeat un- 
friendly attempts on the part of the 
Democratic House, which comes in with 
the first session of the 48th Congress. 

In Pennsylvania, as we close this review 
of the struggle of 1882, the Regular and 
Independent Republican State Committees 
— at least the heads thereof — are devising 
a plan to jointly call a Republican State 
Convention to nominate the State ticket 
to be voted for in November, 1883. The 
groundswell was so great that it had no 
sooner passed, than Republicans of all 
shades of opinion, felt the need of har- 
monious action, and the leaders every- 
where set themselves to the work of repair. 

The Republicans in the South differed 
from those of the North in the fact that 
their complaints were all directed against 
a natural political enemy — the Bourbons — 
and wherever there was opportunity they 
favored and entered into movements with 
Independent and Readjuster Democrats, 
with the sole object of revolutionizing 
political affairs in the South. Their suc- 
cess in these combinations was only great 
in Virginia, but it proved to be promising 
in North Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisi- 
ana, and may take more definite and 
generalshape in the great campaign of 1884. 

The Democratic party was evidently 
surprised at its great victory in 1882, and 
has not yet formally resolved what it will 
do with it. The Congress beginning with 
December, 1883, will doubtless give some 
indication of the drift of Democratic 
events. 

The most notable law passed in the 
closing session of the 47th Congress, was 
the Civil Service Reform Bill, introduced 
by Senator Geo. H. Pendleton of Ohio, 
but prepared under the direction of the 
Senate Judiciary Committee. The Re- 
publicans, feeling that there was some 
public demand for the passage of a 
measure of the kind, eagerly rushed to its 
support, at a time when it was apparent 
that the spoils of office might slip from 
their hands. From opposite motives the 
Democrats, who had previously encour- 
aged, now ran away from it, but it passed 
both Houses with almost a solid Repub- 
lican vote, a few Democrats in each House 
voting with them. President Arthur 
signed the bill, but at this writing the 
Commission which it creates has not been 
appointed, and of course none of the rules 
and constructions under the act have been 
formulated. Its basic principles are fixed 
tenure in minor places, competitive ex- 
aminations, and non-partisan selections. 



PART 111. 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 

COMPARISONS AND DESCRIPTION OF ALL LEADING ISSUES. 
WITH TABLES FOR READY REFERENCE. 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



THE FIRST POLITICAL PLATFORM ENUNCIATED IN THE UNITED STATES TO 
COMMAND GENERAL ATTENTION WAS DRAWN BY MR. MADISON IN 1798, WHOSE 
OBJECT WAS TO Pl.C^VOTJK CE THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS UNCONSTITU- 
TIONAL, AJfD TO DEFINE THE RIGHTS OF THE STATES. 



Vtr^nla Resolutions of 1798. 

Pronouncing' the Alien and Sedition Laws to be uncomtiiu- 
tiimal, and Definimj the ritjhls of the States. — Drawn by 
Mr. Madison. 

In the Virginia Honse af Delegates, 

Friday, Dec. 21, 1798. 

Resolved, That the General Assembly of 
Virginia doth unequivocally express a 
firm resolution to maintain and defend 
the Constitution of the United States, and 
the constitution of this state, against every 
aggression t^i^ier foreign or domestic; and 
that they vr.A support the government of 
the Unitet'. States in all measures war- 
ranted by the former. 

That this Assembly most solemnly de- 
clares a warm attachment to the Union of 
the states, to maintain which it pledges its 
powers ; and, that for this end, it is their 
duty to watch over and oppose every in- 
fraction of those principles which consti- 
tute the only basis of that Union, because 
a faithful observance of them can alone 
secure its existence and the public happi- 
ness. 

That this Assembly doth explicitly and 
peremptorily declare, that it views the 
powers of the federal government, as re- 
sulting from the compact to which the 
states are parties, as limited by the plain 
sense and intention of the instrument con- 
stituting that compact, as no farther valid 
than they are authorized by the grants 
enumerated in that compact ; and that in 
case of a deliberate, palpable, and dan- 
gerous exercise of other powers, not granted 
by the said compact, the states, who are 
parties thereto, have the right, and are in 
duty bound, to interpose, for arresting the 



progress of the evil, and for maintaining 
within their respective limits the authori- 
ties, rights, and liberties .appertaining to 
them. 

That the General Assembly doth also 
express its deep regret, that a spirit has, 
in sundry instances, been manifested by 
the federal government, to enlarge its 
powers by forced constructions of the con- 
stitutional charter which defines them ; 
and, that indications have appeared of a 
design to expound certain general phrases 
(which, having been copied from the very 
limited grant of powers in the former Ar- 
ticles of Confederation, were the less liable 
to be misconstrued) so as to destroy the 
meaning and effect of the particular 
enumeration which necessarily explains, 
and limits the general phrases, and so a.s 
to consolidate the states by degrees into 
one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and 
inevitable result of which would be, to 
transform the present republican system 
of the United States into an absolute, or at 
best, a mixed monarchy. 

That the General Assembly doth par- 
ticularly protest against the palpable and 
alarming infractions of the Constitution, 
in the two late cases of the "Alien and 
Sedition Acts," passed at the last session 
of Congress; the first of which exercises a 
power nowhere delegated to the federal 
government, and which, by uniting legis- 
lative and judicial powers to those of 
executive, subverts the general principles 
of free government, as well as the particu- 
lar organization and positive provisions of 
the Federal Constitution; and the other 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



of which acts exercises, in like manner, a 
power not delegated by the Constitution, 
but on the contrary, expressly and posi- 
tively forbidden by one of the amendments 
thereto ; a power which, more than any 
other, ou^ht to produce universal alarm, 
because it is levelled against the right of 
freely examining public characters and 
measures, and of free communication 
among the people thereon, which has ever 
been justly deemed the only effectual 
guardian of every other right. 

That this state having by its Conven- 
tion, which ratified the Federal Constitu- 
tion, expressly declared, that among other 
essential rights, " the liberty of conscience 
and the press cannot be cancelled, abridged, 
restrained, or modified by any authority 
of the United States," and from its extreme 
anxiety to guard these rights from everj^ 

()ossible attack of sophistry and ambition, 
laving with other states recommended an 
amendment for that purpose, which amend- 
ment was, in due time, annexed to the 
Constitution, it would mark a reproachful 
inconsistency, and criminal degeneracy, if 
an indifference were now shown to the 
most palpable violation of one of the 
rights, thus declared and secured ; and to 
the establishment of a precedent which 
may be fatal to the other. 

That the good people of this common- 
wealth, having ever felt, and continuing to 
feel the most sincere affection for their 
brethren of the other states; the truest 
anxiety for establishing and perpetuating 
the Union of all : and the most scrupulous 
fidelity to that Constitution, which is the 
pledge of mutual friendship, and the in- 
strument of mutual ha])piness; the General 
Assembly doth solemnly appeal to the like 
dispositions in the other States, in confi- 
dence that they will concur with this com- 
monwealth, in declaring, as it does hereby 
declare, that the acts aforesaid are uncon- 
stitutional ; and, that the necessary and 
proper measures will be taken by each for 
co-operating with this state, in maintain- 
ing unimpaired the authorities, rights, and 
liberties, reserved to the states, respectively, 
or to the people. 

That the governor be desired to transmit 
a copy of the foregoing resolutions to the 
executive authority of each of the other 
states, with a request that the same may be 
communicated to the legislature thereof; 
and that a copy be furnished to each of the 
Senators and Representatives representing 
this state in the Congress of the United 
States. 

Attest, John Stewart. 

1798. December 24th. Agreed to by the 
Senate. H. Brooke. 

A true copy from the original deposited 
in the office of the General Assembly. 
John Stewart, Keeper of Rolls. 



Extracts from the Address to the People, 
which accompanied the foregoing resolu- 
tions : — 

Fellow - Citizens : Unwilling to shrink 
from our representative responsibility, 
conscious of the purity of our motives, but 
acknowledging your right to supervise our 
conduct, we invite your serious attention 
to the emergency which dictated the sub- 
joined resolutions. Whilst we disdain to 
alarm you by ill-founded jealousies, we 
recommend an investigation, guided by 
the coolness of wisdom, and a decision bot- 
tomed, on firmness but tempered with 
moderation. 

It would be perfidious in those intrusted 
with the guardianship of the state sover- 
eignty, and acting under the solemn obliga- 
tion of the following oath : " I do sw-ear, 
that I will support the Constitution of the 
United States," not to warn you of encroach- 
ments, which, though clothed with the 
pretext of necessity, or disguised by argu- 
ments of expediency, may yet establish 
precedents, which may ultimately devote a 
generous and unsuspicious people to all 
the consequences of usurped power. 

Encroachments, springing from a govern- 
ment whose organization cannot be main- 
tained without the co-operation of the 
states, furnish the strongest incitements 
upon the state legislatures'to watchfulness, 
and impose upon them the strongest obliga- 
tion to preserve unimpaired the line of 
partition. 

The acquiescence of the states under in- 
fractions of the federal compact, would 
either beget a speedy consolidation, by 
precipitating the state governments into 
impotency and contempt ; or prepare the 
way for a revolution, by a repetition of 
these infractions, until the people are 
aroused to appear in the majesty of their 
strength. It is to avoid these calamities, 
that we exhibit to the people the momen- 
tous question, whether the Constitution of 
the United States shall yield to a construc- 
tion which defies every restraint and over- 
whelms the best hopes of republicanism. 

Exhortations to disregard domestic usur- 
pations until foreign danger shall have 
passed, is an artifice which may be for ever 
used ; because the possessors of power, who 
are the advocates for its extension, can 
ever create national embarrassments, to be 
successively employed to soothe the people 
into sleep, whilst that power is swelling 
silently, secretly, and fatally. Of the same 
character are insinuations of a foreign in- 
fluence, which seize upon a laudable en- 
thusiasm against danger from a broad, and 
distort it by an unnatural application, so 
as to blind your eyes against danger at 
home. 

The sedition act presents a scene which 
was never expected ny the early friends of 
the Constitution. It was then admitted 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



(hat the state sovereignties were only di- 
minished by powers specifically enumer- 
ated, or necessary to carry the specified 
powers into effect. Now federal authority 
IS deduced from implication, and from the 
existence of state law it is inferred that 
Congress possesses a similar power of legis- 
lation ; whence Congress will be endowed 
with a power of legislation in all cases 
whatsoever, and the states will be stript of 
every right reserved by the concurrent 
claims of a paramount legislature. 

The sedition act is the offspring of these 
tremendous pretensions, which inflict a 
death wound on the sovereignty of these 
states. 

For the honor of American understand- 
ing, we will not believe that the people 
have been allured into the adoption of the 
Constitution by an affectation of defining 
powers, whilst the preamble would admit 
a construction which would erect the will 
of Congress into a power paramount in all 
cases, and therefore limited in none. On 
the contrary, it is evident that the objects 
for which the Constitution was formed 
were deemed attainable only by a particu- 
lar enumeration and specification of each 
power granted to the federal government ; 
reserving all others to the people, or to the 
states. And yet it is in vain we search for 
any specified power, embracing the right 
of legislation against the freedom of the 
press. 

Had the states been despoiled of their 
sovereignty by the generality of the 
preamble, and had the federal government 
been endowed with whatever they should 
judge to be instrumental towards union, 
justice, tranquillity, common defence, gen- 
eral welfare, and the preservation of liberty 
nothing could have been more frivolous 
than an enumeration of powers. 

All the preceding arguments rising from 
a deficiency of constitutional power in Con- 
gress, apply to the alien act, and this act is 
liable to other objections peculiar to itself. 
If a suspicion that aliens are dangerous 
constitute the justification of that power 
exercised over them by Congress, then a 
similar suspicion will justify the exercise 
of a similar power over natives. Because 
there is nothing in the Constitution dis- 
tinguishing between the power of a state to 
permit the residence of natives and aliens. 
It is therefore a right originally possessed, 
and never s.trrendered by the respective 
states, and which is rendered dear and 
valuable to Virginia, because it is assailed 
through the bosom of the Constitution, 
and because her peculiar situation renders 
the easy admission of artisans and labor- 
ers an interest of vast importance. 

But this bill contains oLher features, still 
more alarming and dangerous. It dispen- 
ses with the trial by jury : it violates the 
judicial system; it confounds legislative, 



executive, and judicial powers ; it punishes 
without trial ; and it bestows upon the 
President despotic power over a numerous 
class of men. Are such measures consistent 
with our constitutional principles? And 
will an accumulation of ])Ower so extensive 
in the hands of the executive, over aliens, 
secure to natives the blessings of republi- 
can liberty ? 

If measures can mould governments, 
and if an uncontrolled power of construc- 
tion is surrendered to those who administer 
them, their progress may be easily foreseen 
and their end easily foretold. A lover of 
monarchy, who opens the treasures of cor- 
ruption, by distributing emolument among 
devoted partisans, may at the same time be 
approaching his object, and deluding the 
people with professions of republicanism. 
He may confound monarchy and republic- 
anism, by the art of definition. He may 
varnish over the dexterity which ambition 
never fails to display, with the pliancy of 
language, the seduction of expediency, or 
the prejudices of the times. And he may 
come at length to avow that so extensive 
a territory as that of the United States can 
only be governed by the energies of mon- 
archy ; that it cannot be defended, except 
by standing armies ; and that it cannot be 
united, except by consolidation. 

Measures have already been adopted 
which may lead to these consequences. 
They consist: 

In fiscal systems and arrangements, which 
keep a host of commercial and wealthy 
individuals, embodied and obedient to the 
mandates of the treasury. 

In armies and navies, which will, on the 
one hand, enlist the tendency of man to 
pay homage to his fellow-creature who can 
feed or honor him ; and on the other, em- 
ploy the principle of fear, by punishing 
imaginary insurrections, under the pretext 
of preventive justice. 

In swarms of officers, civil and milita,ry, 
who c;in inculcate political tenets tending 
to consolidation and monarchy, both by 
indulgences and severities ; and can act as 
spies over the free exercise of human reason. 

In restraining the freedom of the press, 
and investing the executive with legisla- 
tive, executive, and judicial powers, over 
a numerous body of men. 

And, that we may shorten the catalogue, 
in establishing by successive precedents 
such a mode of construing the Constitution 
as will rapidly remove every restraint upon 
federal power. 

Let history be consulted ; let the man of 
experience reflect ; nay, let the artificers 
of monarchy be asked what farther mate- 
rials they can need for building up their 
favorite system ? 

These are solemn, but painful truths ; 
and yet we recommend it to you not to for- 
get the possibility of danger from without 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



although danger threatens us from within. 
Usurpation is indeed dreadful, but against 
foreign invasion, if that should happen, let 
us rise with hearts and hands united, and 
repel the attack with the zeal of freemen, 
who will strengthen their title to examine 
and correct domestic measures by having 
defended their country against foreign ag- 
gression. 

Pledged as we are, fellow-citizens, to 
these sacred engagements, we yet humbly 
and fervently implore the Almighty Dis- 
poser of events to avert from our land war 
and usurpation, the scourges of mankind ; 
to permit our fields to be cultivated in 
peace; to instill into nations the love of 
friendly intercourse ; to sutler our youth to 
be educated in virtue ; and to preserve our 
morality from the pollution invariably in- 
cident to habits of Avar ; to prevent the 
laborer and husbandman from being har- 
assed by taxes and imposts ; to remove 
from ambition the means of disturbing the 
commonwealth; to annihilate all pretexts 
for power aftbided by war; to maintain 
the Constitution ; and to bless our nation 
with tranquillity, under whose benign in- 
fluence we may reach the summit of hap- 
piness and glory, to which we are destined 
by Nature and Nature's God. 

Attest, JoHK Stewart, C. H. D. 

1799, Jan. 23. Agreed to by the Senate. 

H. Bkooke, C. S. 

A true copy from the original, deposited 
in the office of the General Assembly. 
John Stewaet, Keeper of Eolls. 



Ans-vvers of the se-reral State Ijegislatnres. 

State of Delaware. — In the House 
of Eepresentatives, Feb. 1, 1799. Resolved, 
By the Senate and House of Representa- 
tiA-es of the state of Delaware, in General 
Assembly met, that they consider the reso- 
lutions from the state of Virginia as a very 
unjustifiable interference with the general 
government and constituted authorities of 
the United States, and of dangerous tend- 
ency, and therefore not fit subject for the 
further consideration of the General As- 
sembly. 

Isaac Davis, Speaker of the Senate. 

Stephen Lewis, Speaker of the H. of 
R's. Test— 

John Fisher, C. S. 
John Caldwell, C. H. R. 

State of Rhode Island and Prov- 
idence Plantations. — In General As- 
sembly, February, A. D. 1799. Certain 
resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia, 
passed on 21st of December last, being 
communicated to this Assembly, 



1. Resolved, That in the opinion of thi.? 
legislature, the second section of third ar- 
ticle of the Constitution of the United 
States in these words, to wit : The judi- 
cial power shall extend to all cases arising 
under the laws of the United States, vests 
in the federal courts, exclusively, and in 
the Supreme Court of the United States 
ultimately, the authority of deciding on 
the constitutionality of any act or law of 
the Congress of the United States. 

2. Resolved, That for any state legisla- 
ture to assume that authority, would be, 

1st. Blending together legislative and 
judicial powers. 

2d. Hazarding an interruption of the 
peace of the states by civil discord, in case 
of a diversity of opinions among the state 
legislatures ; each state having, in that 
case, no resort for vindicating its own 
opinions, but to the strength of its own 
arm. 

3d. Submitting most important ques- 
tions of law to less competent tribunals ; 
and 

4th. An infraction of the Constitution 
of the United States, expressed in plain 
terras. 

3. Resolved, That although for the above 
reasons, this legislature, in their public 
capacity, do not feel themselves authorized 
to consider and decide on the constitu- 
tionality of the sedition and alien laws (so 
called) ; yet they are called upon by the 
exigency of this occasion, to declare, that 
in their private opinions, these laws are 
within the powers delegated to Congress, 
and promotive of the welfare of the Uni- 
ted States. 

4. Resolved, That the governor commu- 
nicate these resolutions to the supreme ex- 
ecutive of the state of Virginia, and at the 
same time express to him that this legisla- 
ture cannot contemplate, without extreme 
concern and regret, the many evil and 
fatal consequences which may flow from 
the very unwarrantable resolutions afore- 
said, of the legislature of Virginia, passed 
on the twenty-first day of December last. 

A true copy. Samuel Eddy, Sec. 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
—In Senate, Feb. 9, 1799. The legisla- 
ture of Massachusetts having taken into 
serious consideration the resolutions of the 
State of Virginia, passed the 21st day of 
December last, and communicated by 
his excellency the governor, relative to 
certain supposed infractions of the Con- 
stitution of the United States, by the gov- 
ernment thereof, and being convinced that 
the Federal Constitution is calculated to 
promote the happiness, prosperity, and 
safety of the people of these United States, 
and to maintain that union of the several 
states, so essential to the welfare of the 
whole ; and being bound by solemn oath 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



to support and defend that Constitution, 
feel it unnecessary to make any professions 
of their attachment to it, or of their firm 
determination to support it against every 
aggression, foreign or domestic. 

But they deem it their duty solemnly to 
declare, that while they hold sacred the 
]>rinciple, that consent of the people is the 
only pure source of just and legitimate 
■ power, they cannot admit the right of the 
siate legislatures to denounce the adminis- 
tration of that government to which the 
people themselves, by a solemn compact, 
have exclusively committed their national 
concerns : That, although a liberal and 
enlightened vigilance among the people is 
always to be cherished, yet an unreasona- 
ble jealousy of the men of their choice, 
and a recurrence to measures of extremity, 
upon groundless or trivial pretexts, have a 
strong tendency to destroy all rational lib- 
erty at home, and to deprive the United 
States of the most essential advantages in 
their relations abroad : That this legisla- 
ture are persuaded that the decision of all 
cases in law and equity, arising under the 
Constitution of the United States, and the 
construction of all laws made in pursu- 
ance thereof, are exclusively vested by the 
people in the judicial courts of the United 
States. 

That the people in that solemn compact, 
which is declared to be the supreme law 
of the land, have not constituted the state 
legislatures the judges of the acts or mea- 
sures of the federal government, but have 
confided to them the power of proposing 
such amendments of the Constitution, as 
shall appear to them necessary to the in- 
terests, or conformable to the wishes of 
the people whom they represent. 

That by this construction of the Con- 
stitution, an amicable and dispassionate 
remedy is pointed out for any evil which 
experience may prove to exist, and the 
peace and prosperity of the United States 
may be preserved without interruption. 

But, should the respectable state of Vir- 
ginia persist in the assumption of the 
right to declare the acts of the national 
government unconstitutional, and should 
she oppose successfully her force and will 
to those of the nation, the Constitution 
would be reduced to a mere cipher, to the 
form and pageantry of authority, without 
the energy of power. Every act of the 
federal government which thwarted the 
views or checked the ambitious projects of 
a particular state, or of its leading and in- 
ftu ^ntial members, would be the object of 
" ' I'tsition and of remonstrance; while 
the people, convulsed and confused by the 
conflict between two hostile jurisdictions, 
enjoying the protection of neither, would 
be wearied into a submission to some bold 
leader, who would establish himself on the 
ruin.s of both. 

21 



The legislature of Massachusetts, al- 
though they do not themselves claim the 
right, nor admit the authority of any of 
the state governments, to decide upon the 
constitutionality of the acts of the federal 
government, still, lest their silence should 
be construed into disapprobation, or at 
best into a doubt of the constitutionality 
of the acts referred to by the State of Vir- 
ginia ; and, as the General Assembly of 
Virginia has called for an expression of 
their sentiments,,do explicitly declare, that 
they consider the acts of Congress, com- 
monly called "the alien and sedition acts," 
not only constitutional, but expedient and 
necessary: That the former act respects 
a description of persons whose rights were 
not particularly contemplated in the Con- 
stitution of the United States, who are en- 
titled only to a temporary protection, 
while they yield a temporary allegiance ; 
a protection which ought to be withdrawn 
Avhenever they become " dangerous to the 
public safety," or are found guilty of 
" treasonable machination " against the 
government : That Congress having been 
especially intrusted by the people with the 
general defence of the nation, had not only 
the right, but were bound to protect it 
against internal as well as external foes. 
That the United States, at the time of pass- 
ing the act concerning aliens, were threat- 
ened with actual invasion, had been driv- 
en by the unjust and ambitious conduct of 
the French government into warlike pre- 
parations, expensive and burthensome, and 
had then, within the bosom of the coun- 
try, thousands of aliens, who, we doubt 
not, were ready to co-operate in any ex- 
ternal attack. 

It cannot be seriously believed, that the 
LTnited States should have waited till the 
poignard had in fact been plunged. The 
removal of aliens is the usual preliminary 
of hostility, and is justified by the invari- 
able usages of nations. Actual hostility 
had unhappily long been experienced, and 
a formal declaration of it the government 
had reason daily to expect. The law, 
therefore, was just and salutary, and no 
officer could, with so much propriety, be 
intrusted with the execution of it, as the 
one in whom the Constitution has reposed 
the executive power of the United States. 

The sedition act, so called, is, in the 
opinion of this legislature, equally defen- 
sible. The General Assembly of Virginia, 
in their resolve under consideration, ob- 
serve, that when that state by its conven- 
tion ratified the Federal Constitution, it 
expressly declared, " That, among other 
essential rights, the liberty of conscience 
and of the press cannot be cancelled, 
abridged, restrained, or modified by any 
authority of the United States," and from 
its extreme anxiety to guard these rights 
Irom every possible attack of sophistry or 



8 



AMERICAN POLITIC 



ambition, with other states, recommend 
an, amendment for that purpose : which 
amendment was, in due time, annexed to 
the Constitution ; but they did not surely 
expect that the proceedings of their state 
convention were to explain the amend- 
ment adopted by the Union. The words 
of that amendment, cm this subject, are, 
" Congress shall make no law abridging 
the freedom of speech or of the press." 

The act complained of is no abridgment 
of the freedom of eithej. The genuine 
liberty of speech and the press, is the lib- 
erty to utter and publish the truth ; but 
the constitutional right of the citizen to 
utter and publish the truth, is not to be 
confounded with the licentiousness in 
speaking and writing, that is only em- 
ployed in propagating falsehood and slan- 
der. This freedom of the press has been 
explicitly secured by most, if not all, the 
state constitutions ; and of this provision 
there has been generally but one construc- 
tion among enlightened men ; that it is a 
security for the rational use and not the 
abuse of the press ; of which the courts of 
law, the juries, and people will judge; this 
right is not infringed, but confirmed and 
established by the late act of Congress. 

By the Constitution, the legislative, ex- 
ecutive, and judicial departments of gov- 
ernment are ordained and established ; 
and general enumerated powers vested in 
them respectively, including those which 
are prohibited to the several states. Cer- 
tain powers are granted in general terms 
by the people to their general government, 
for the purposes of their safety and protec- 
tion. The government is not only em- 
powered, but it is made their duty to re- 
pel invasions and suppress insurrections ; 
to guaranty to the several states a repub- 
lican form of government ; to protect each 
state against invasion, and, when applied 
to, against domestic violence ; to hear and 
decide all cases in law and equity, arising 
under the Constitution, and under any 
treaty or law made in pursuance thereof ; 
and all cases of admiralty and maritime 
.jurisdiction, and relating to the law of na- 
tions. Whenever, therefore, it becomes 
necessary to cflect any of the objects de- 
signated, it is perfectly consonant to all 
just rules of construction, to infer, that the 
usual means and powers necessary to the 
attainment of that object, are also granted : 
But the Constitution has left no occasion 
to resort to implication for these powers ; 
it has made an express grant of them, in 
the 8th section of the first article, which 
ordains, "That Congress shall have power 
to make all hnvs which shall be necessary 
and proper for carrying into execution the 
foregoing powers, and all other powers 
vested by the Constitution in the govern- 
ment of the United States or in any de- 
partment or officer thereof." 



This Constitution has ostablis'ied a Su- 
preme Court of the United States, but has 
made no provisions for its protection, even 
against such improper conduct in its pres- 
ence, as might disturb its proceedings, un- 
less expressed in the section before recited. 
But as no statute has been passed on this 
subject, this protection is, and has been 
for nine years past, uniformly found in the 
application of the principles and usages of 
the common law. The same protection 
may unquestionably be afforded by a stat- 
ute passed in virtue of the before-men- 
tioned section, as necessary and proper, for 
carrying into execution the powers vested 
in that department. A construction of 
the different parts of the Constitution, per- 
fectly just and fair, will, on analogous 
principles, extend protection and security 
against the offences in question, to the 
other departments of government, in dis- 
charge of their respective trusts. 

The President of the United States is 
bound by his oath " to preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution," and it is ex- 
pressly made his duty, "to take care that 
the laws be faithfully executed ; " but this 
would be impracticable by any created 
being, if there could be no legal restraint 
of those scandalous misrepresentations of 
his measures and motives, which directly 
tend to rob him of the public confidence. 
And equally impotent would be every 
other public officer, if thus left to the mercy 
of the seditious. 

It is hoklen to be a truth most clear, that 
the important trusts before enumerated 
cannot be discharged by the government 
to which they are committed, without the 
power to restrain seditious practices and 
unlawful combinations against itself, and 
to protect the officers thereof i'rom abusive 
misrepresentations. Had the Constitution 
withheld this power, it would have made 
the government responsible for the effects 
without any control over the causes which 
naturally produce them, and would have 
essentially failed of answering the great 
ends for which the people of the United 
States declare, in the first clause of that in- 
strument, that they establish the same, 
viz : " To form a more perfect union, es- 
tablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, 
provide for the common defence, promote 
the general warfare, and secure the bless- 
ings of liberty to ourselves and jiosterity." 

Seditious practices and unlawi'ul combi- 
nations against the federal govei'ument, or 
any officer thereof, in the performance of 
his duty, as well as licentiousness of siieech 
and of the press, were punishable on the 
principles of common law in the courts of 
the United States, before the act in ques- 
tion was passed. This act then is an ame- 
lioration of that law in favor of the party 
accused, as it mitigates the punishment 
which that authorizes, and admits of any 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



investigation ol' public men and measures 
whicti is regulated by truth. It is not in- 
tended to jjrotect men in office, only as 
they are agents of the people. Its object 
is to afford legal security to public offices 
and trusts created for the safety and hap- 
piness of the people, and therefore the se- 
curity derived from it is for the benefit of 
the people, and is their right. 

The construction of the Constitution and 
of the existing law of the land, as well as 
the act complained of, the legislature of 
Massachusetts most deliberately and firmly 
believe results from a just and full view of 
the several parts of the Constitution : and 
they consider that act to be wise and ne- 
cessary, as an audacious and unprincipled 
spirit of falsehood and abuse had been too 
long unremittingly exerted for the pur- 
pose of perverting public opinion, and 
threatened to undermine and destroy the 
whole fabric of government. 

The legislature further declare, that in 
tlie foregoing sentiments they have ex- 
pressed the general opinion of their consti- 
tuents, who have not only acquiesced 
without complaint in those particular 
measures of the federal government, but 
have given their explicit approbation by 
re-electing those men who voted for the 
adoption of them. Nor is it apprehended, 
that the citizens of this state will be ac- 
cused of supineness or of an indifference 
to their constitutional rights ; for while, 
on the one hand, they regard with due vi- 
gilance the conduct of the government, on 
the other, their freedom, safety and happi- 
ness require, that they should defend that 
government and its constitutional mea- 
sures against the open or insidious attacks 
of any foe, whether foreign or domestic. 

And, lastly, t'.iat the legislature of Mas- 
sacnusetts feel a strong conviction, that 
the several Tmited States are connected 
by a commou interest which ought to ren- 
der their 'luion indissoluble, and that this 
state will always co-operate with its con- 
federa^i states in rendering that union pro- 
ductive of mutual security, freedom, and 
happiness. 

Sent down for concurrence. 

Samuel Philips, President 

In the House of Representatives, Feb. 
13, 179'J. 

Read and concurred. 

Edward II. Robbins, Speaker. 
A true copy. Attest, 

JoHX Avery, Secretary. 

State of New York. — In Senate, 
March 5, 1799. — Whereas, the people of 
the United States have established for 
themselves a free and independent national 
government: And whereas it is essential 
to the existence of every government, that 
it have authority to defend and preserve 



its constitutional powers inviolate, inas- 
much an every infringement thereof tends 
to its subversion : And whereas the judi- 
cial power extends expressly to all cases of 
law and equity arising untfer the Consti- 
tution and the laws of the United States 
whereby the interference of the legislatures 
of the particular stateB in those cases is 
manifestly excluded : And whereas our 
peace, prosperity, and happiness, eminent- 
ly depend on the preservation of the Union, 
in order to which, a reasonable confidence 
in the constituted authorities and chosen 
representatives of the people is indispen- 
sable : And whereas every measure calcu- 
lated to weaken that confidence has a ten- 
dency to destroy the usefulness of our pub- 
lic functionaries, and to excite jealousies 
equally hostile to rational liberty, and the 
principles of a good republican govern- 
ment : And whereas the Senate, not per- 
ceiving that the rights of the particular 
states have been violated, nor any uncon- 
stitutional powers assumed by the general 
government, cannot forbeiir to express the 
anxiety and regret with which they observe 
the inflammatory and pernicious senti- 
ments and doctrines which are contained 
in the resolutions of the legislatures of 
Virginia and Kentucky — sentiments and 
doctrines, no less repugnant to the Consti- 
tution of the United States, and the prin- 
ciples of their union, than destructive to 
the Federal government and unjust to 
those whom the people have elected to ad- 
minister it: wherefore, Resolved^ That 
while the Senate feel themselves con- 
strained to bear unequivocal testimony 
against such sentiments and doctrines^ 
they deem it a duty no less indispensable, 
explicitly to declare their incompetency, as 
a branch of the legislature of this state, to su- 
pervise the acts of the general government. 

Resolved, Tliat his Excellency, the 
Governor, be, and he is hereby requested 
to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolu- 
tion to the executives of the states of Vir- 
ginia and Kentucky, to the end that the 
same may be communicated to the legisla- 
tures thereof. 

A true copy. 

Abm. B. Bauckhr, Clerk. 

State of Connecticut, — At a General 
Assembly of the state of Connecticut, 
holden at Hartford, in the said state, on 
the second Thursday of May, Anno Domi- 
ni 1799, his excellency the governor hav- 
ing communicated to this assembly sundry 
resolutions of the legislature of Virginia, 
adopted in December, 1798, which relate 
to the measures of the general government; 
and the said resolutions having been con- 
sidered, it is 

Resolved, That this Assembly views with 
deep regret, and explicitly cliV;avow3, the 
principles contained iu tlie jiibrosiiid reso- 



10 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



lutioiLs, And particularly the opposition 
to the " Alien and Sedition Acts " — acta 
whicii the Constitution authorized ; which 
the etxigcncy'of the country rendered ne- 
cessary ; which the constituted authorities 
have enacted, and which merit the entire 
approtiation of this Assembly. They, 
therefore, decidedly refuse to concur witii 
the leg^islature of Virginia, in promoting 
-any of the objects attempted in the afore- 
said rccioiutiou'. 

And it is further resolved. That hia ex- 
cellency the governor be requested to trans- 
mit a copy of the foregoing resolution to 
the governor of Virginia, that it may be 
communicated' to the legislature of that 
state. 

Passed iu the House of Representatives 
nnanimously. 

Attest, John C. Smith, Clerk. 

Concuired, unanimously, in the upper 
House. 

Teste, Sam. Wyllys, Sec'y. 

Statb OOP New Hampshire. — In the 
House of Representatives, June 14, 1799. 
— ^The committee to take into considera- 
tion the resolutions of the General Assem- 
bly of Virginia, dated December 21, 1798 ; 
also certain re^solutions of the legislatture of 
Kentucky of the 10th of November, 1798 ; 
report as lollows : — 

The legislature of New Hampshire, hav- 
ing takea into consideration certain reso- 
lutions of the General Assembly of Vir- 
ginia, dated December 21, 1798 ; also cer- 
tain resolutions of the legislature of Ken- 
tucky, ofthe lOthof November, 1798,— 

Resolved, That the legislature of New 
Hampahire unequivocally express a firm 
resolution to maintain and defend the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and the con- 
stitution of this state, again.st every aggres- 
sion, either foreign or domestic, and that 
they will support the government of the 
■ United States in all measures warranted 
by the fonuer. 

That the state legislatures are not the 
proper tribunals to determine the consti- 
tutionality of the laws of the general gov- 
ernment ; that the duty of such decision is 
properly and exclusively confided to the 
judicial department. 

That if the legislature of New Hamp- 
shire, fbr mere speculative purposes, were 
to express an opinion on the acts of the 
general government, commonly called 
^'the Alien and Sedition Bills," that 
opinion would unreservedly be, that those 
acts are constitutional and, in the present 
critical situation of our country, highly ex- 
pexiient. 

That the constitutionality and expe<li- 
ency ofthe acts aforesaid have been very 
ably advocated and clearly demonstrated 
by many citizens ofthe United States, more 
especJauy by the minority of the General 



Assembly of Virginia. The legislature of 
New Hampshire, therefore, deem it unne- 
cessary, by any train of arguments, to at- 
tempt further illustration of the proposi- 
tions, the truth of which, it is confidently 
believed, at this day, is very generally seen 
and acknowledged. 

Which report, being read and considered, 
was unanimously received and accepted, 
one hundred and thirty-seven members 
being present. 

Sent up for concurrence. 

John Prentice, Speaker. 

In Senate, same day, read and concurred 
in unanimously. 

Amos Shepard, President. 

Approved June 15, 1799. 

J. T. Gii<MAN, Governor. 
A true copy. 

Attest, Joseph Pearson, Sec'y. 

State of Vermont. — In the House of 
Representatives, October 30, A. d, 1799. — 
The House proceeded to take under their 
consideration the resolutions of the Gene- 
ral Assembly of Virginia, relative to cer- 
tain measures of the general government, 
transmitted to the legislature of this state 
for their consideration ; whereupon, 

Resolved, that the General Assembly of 
the state of Vermont do highly disapprove 
of the resolutions of the General Assembly 
of the state of Virginia, as being unconsti- 
tutional in their nature and dangerous in 
their tendency. It belongs not to state 
legislatures to decide on the constitution- 
ality of the laws made by the general gov- 
ernment; this power being exclusively 
vested in judiciary couits ofthe Union. 

That his excellency the governor be re- 
quested to transmit a copy of this resolu- 
tion to the executive of Virginia, to be 
communicated to the General Assembly of 
that state; and that the same be sent to 
the Governor and Council for their con- 
currence. 

Samuel C. Crafts, Clerk. 

In Council, October 30, 1799.— Read and 
concurred in unanimously. 

Richard Whitney, Sec'y. 

Resolutions of 1798 and 1790. 

(The original draught prepared by Thumas JefTeraon.) 

The following resolutions passed the 
House of Representatives of Kentucky, 
Nov. 10, 1798. On the passage of the first 
resolution, one dissentient; 2d, 3d, 4th, 
nth, Gth, 7th, 8th, two dissentients; 9th, 
three di.ssentients. 

1. Resolved, That the several states com- 
posing the United States of America, are 
not united on the principle of unlimited 
submission to their general government; 



FOi^lTICAL PLATFORMS. 



U 



bat that by compact under the style aud 
title of a Constitution for the United States, 
and of amendments thereto, they consti- 
tnted a general government for special pur- 
poses, delegated to that government certain 
definite powers, reserving, each state to it- 
self, the residuary mass of right to their 
own self-government: and, that whenso- 
ever the general government a.ssumes un- 
delegated powers, its acts are unauthorita- 
tive, void, and of no force ; that to this 
compact each state acceded as a state, and 
is an integral party ; that this govern- 
ment, created by this compact, was not 
made the exclusive or final judge of the 
extent of the powers delegated to itself; 
since that would have made its discretion, 
and not the Constitution, the measure of 
its powers ; but, that as in all other cases 
of compact among parties having no com- 
mon judge, each party has an equal right 
to judge for itself, as well of infractions as 
of the mode and measure of redress. 

2. Resolved, That the Constitution of 
the United States having delegated to Con- 
gress a power to punish treason, counter- 
feiting the securities and current coin of 
the United States, piracies and felonies 
committed on the high seas, and offences 
against the laws of nations, and no other 
crimes whatever ; and it being true, as a 
genenil principle, and one of the amend- 
ments to the Constitution having also de- 
clared, " that the powers not delegated to 
the United States by the Constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the states, are reserved 
to the states respectively, or to the people," 
therefore also the same act of Congress, 
passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, and 
entitled "An act in addition to the act 
entitled An act for the i)unishment of cer- 
tiiin crimes against the United States ;" as 
also the act passed by them on the 27th 
day of June, 1798, entitled " An act to 
punish frauds committed on the Bank of 
the United States," (and all other their 
acts which assume to create, define, or 
punish crimes other than those enumerated 
in the Constitution), are altogether void 
and of no force, and that the power to 
create, define, and punish such other crimes 
is reserved, and of right appertains solely 
and exclusively to the respective states, 
each within its own territory. 

3. Resolved, That it is true, as a general 
principle, and is also expressly declared by 
one of the amendments to the Constitution, 
that " the powers not delegated to the 
United States by the Constitution, nor pro- 
hibited by it to the states, are reserved to 
the states respectively, or to the people ;" 
and that no power over the freedom of re- 
ligion, freedom of speech, or freedom of 
the press being delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
by it to the states, all lawful powers respect- 
ing the same did of right remain, and were 



reserved to the states ort<> the people: that 
thus was manifested their deterafiiiiation to 
retain to themselves the right of judging 
how far the licentiousness of speech and 
of the press may be abridged without les- 
sening their useful freedom, anct how far 
those abuses which cannot be separated 
from their use should be toleratca rather 
than the use be destroyed ; and thus also 
they guarded against all abridgment by the 
United States, of the freedom of religious 
principles and exercises, and retained to 
themselves the right of protecting the same, 
as this, stilted by a law passed on the gen- 
eral demand of its citizens, had already 
protected them from all human restraint or 
interference : and that, in addition to this 
genenJ principle and express declaration, 
another and more special provision has 
been made by one of the amendments to 
the Constitution, which expressly declares, 
that " Congress shall make no laws respect- 
ing an establishment of religion^ or pro- 
hibiting the free exercise thereof, or 
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the 
press/' thereby guarding in the same sen- 
tence, and under the same words, the free- 
dom of religion, of speech^ and of the 
press, insomuch that whatever violates 
either, throv/s down the sanctuary which 
covers the others ; and that libels, false- 
hood, and defamation, equally with heresy 
and false religion, are withheld from the 
cognisance of federal tribunals. Tliat there- 
fore the act of the Congress of the United 
States, passed on the 14th of July, 1798, 
entitletl " An act in addition to the act en- 
titled An act for the punishment of certain 
crimes against the United States," which 
does abridge the freedom of the press, is 
not law, but is altogether void and of no 
force. 

4. Resolved, That alien friends are under 
the jurisdiction and protection of the laws ^ 
of the state wlierein they are : that no 
power over them has been deleg-ated to the 
United States, nor prohibited to the indi- 
vidual states distinct from their power over 
citizens; and it being true, as a- general 
principle, and one of the amendments to 
the Constitution having idso declared, that 

" the powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
to the s-tates, are reserved to the states re- 
spectively, or to the people," the act of the 
Congress of the United States, passed the 
22d day of June, 1798, entitled " An act 
concerning aliens," which iii^snines power 
over alien friends not delegated by the Con- 
stitution, is not law, but is altogether void 
and of no force, 

5. Resolved, That in addition to the gen- 
eral principle as well as the express de- 
claration, that powers not delegated are re- 
served, another and more special provision 
inferred in the Constitution, from abund- 
ant caution has declared, " that the migra- 



i;i 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



t.iou or imj)urt;iiioii nf such persons as any 
of the wtatea now existing shall think 
{)rojier to admit, shall not be prohibited by 
the Congress prior to the year 1808." That 
this com ni cm wealth does admit the migra- 
tion of alien friends described as the sub- 
ject of the said act concerning aliens ; that 
a provision against prohibiting their migra- 
tion, iN .! provision against all acts equiva- 
lent thereto, or it would be nugatory ; that 
to remove theni when migrated is equiva- 
Jent to a proliibition of their migration, 
; nd is, tlierelbro, c^ontrary to the said pro- 
\ ision of the Constitution, and void. 

6. Resolved, Thiit the imprisonment of 
a person under the protection of the laws 
of this commoHwealth on his failure to 
obey the siiiwle order of the President to 
depart out of the United St-ate^s, as is under- 
taken by the said act, entitled, "An act 
concerning aliens," is c(mtrary to the Con- 
stitution, one amendment in which has 
provided, that " no per.sou shall be deprived 
of liberty without due process of law," 
and, that another having provided, " that 
in all criminal f)r(>secutioiLs, the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a public trial by 
an impartial Juiy, to be informed a.s to the 
nature and caiwe of the accusation, to be 
confronlfd v/ith the witnesses against him, 
to havi- <()nipulsory process for obtaining 
witnesses in his favor, and to have assist- 
ance of counsel for his defence," the same 
act undertaking tx) authorize the President 
to remove a i)erson out of the United States 
who Ls under the {)rotection of the law, on 
his own .suspicion, without jury, without 
public tri.il, without confrontation of the 
witnesses against him, without having wit- 
nesses in his favor, without defence, with- 
out coun.sel, is csontrary to these provisions 
also of the fyonstitution, is therefore not 
law, but utterly void and of no force. 

That transferring the power of judging 
any person who is under the protection of 
the laws, from the courts to the President 
of the United States, as is undertaken by 
the same act c^incerning aliens, is against 
the article oi' the ^Constitution which pro- 
vides, that *' the Judicial power of the 
Unite<l Htatfs shall be vested in the courts, 
the judges of which shall hold their office 
during good beliavior," and that the said 
act is \'oid for tiiat reason also ; and it is 
further to be noted that this transfer of 
judiciary power is to that magistrate of the 
general government who already possesses 
all the executive, and a qualified negative 
in all the legislative powers. 

7. Resolved, That the construction ap- 
plied by the general government (as is 
evident by sundry of their proee^edings) to 
tiiose paj"tH of the < constitution of the 
United States which delegate to Congress 
power to lay and collect taxes, duties, im- 
posts, excdses ; to pay the debts, and pro- 
vide for the common defence and gejieral 



welfiire of the United States, and to make 
all laws which shall be necessary and 
proper for carrjdng into execution the 
powers vested by tlie Constitution in the 
government of the United States, or any 
department thereof, goes to the destruction 
of all the limits prescribed to their power 
by the Constitution : That words meant by 
that instrument to be subsidiary only t(; 
the execution of the limited powers, ought 
not to be .so construed as themselves to give 
unlimited powers, nor a part so to be taken 
as to destroy the whole residue of the in- 
strument : That the proceedings of the 
general government under color of those 
articles, will be a fit and necessary subject 
for revisal and comction at a time of 
greater tranquillity, while those specified in 
the preceding resolutions call for imme- 
diate redress. 

8. Resolved, That the preceding resolu- 
tions be transmitted to the Senators and 
Representatives in Congress from this com- 
monwealth, who are enjoined to present 
the same to their respective Houses, and 
to use their best endeavors to procure at 
the next session of Congress a repeal of 
the aforesaid unconstitutional and obnox- 
ious acts. 

9. Resolved lastly, That the governor of 
this commonwealth be, and is hereby au- 
thorized and requested to communicate the 
preceding resolutions to the legislatures of 
the several states, to assure them that this 
commonwealth considers union for special 
national purpo.ses, and particularly for 
those sj)ecified in their late federal com- 
pact, to be friendly to the peace, happiness, 
and pros])erity of all the states — that, faith- 
ftil to that compact, according to the plain 
intent and meaning in which it was under- 
stood and acceded to by the several parties, 
it is sincerely anxious for its preservation ; 
that it does also believe, that to take from 
the states all the powers of self-govern- 
ment, and transfer them to a general and 
consolidated government, without regard 
to the special delegations and reservations 
solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not 
for the peace, happiness, or prosperity of 
these states ; and that, therefore, this com- 
monwealth is determined, as it doubts not 
its co-states are, to submit to undelegated 
and consequently unlimited powers in no 
man, or body of men on earth : that if the 
acts before specified should stand, these 
conclusions would flow from them ; that 
the general government may place any act 
they think proi)eron the list of crimes and 
punish it tliemselves, whether enumerated 
or not enumerated by the Constitution as 
cognisable by them ; that they may trans- 
fer its cognisance to the President or any 
other person, who may himself be the ac- 
cuser, counsel, judge, and jury, whose sas- 
picions may be the evidence, his order the 

I .sentence, his officer the executioner, r.nd 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



13 



his breast the sole record of the transac- 
tion ; that a very numerous and valuable 
description of the inhabitants of these 
states, being by this precedent reduced as 
outlaws to the absolute dominion of one 
man and the barriers of the Constitution 
thus swept from us all, no rampart now re- 
mains against the passions and the power 
<>i' a majority of Congress, to ])rotect from 
I like exportation or other grievous pun- 
i-iliment the minority of the same body, 
the legislatures, judges, governors, and 
counsellors of the states, nor their other 
peaceable inhabitants who may venture to 
reclaim the constitutional rights and liber- 
ties of the states and people, or who, for 
other causes, good or bad, may be obnox- 
ious to the view or marked by the suspi- 
cions of the President, or to be thought dan- 
gerous to his or their elections or other 
interests, public or personal ; that the 
friendless alien has been selected as the 
safest subject of a first experiment ; but 
the citizen will soon follow, or rather \ias 
already followed ; for, already has a sedi- 
tion act marked him as a prey : that these 
and successive acts of the same character, 
unless arrested on the threshold, may tend 
to drive these states into revolution and 
blood, and will furnish new calumnies 
against republican governments, and new 

firetexts for those who wish it to be bo- 
ieved, that man cannot be governed but 
by a rod of iron ; that it would be a dan- 
gerous delusion were a confidence in the 
men of our choice to silence our fears for 
the safety of our rights ; that confidence is 
everywhere the parent of despotism ; free 
government is found in jealousy and not 
in confidence ; it is jealousy and not con- 
fidence which prescribes limited constitu- 
tions to bind down those whom we are 
obliged to trust with power ; that our Con- 
stitution has accordingly fixed the limits 
to which, and no tarther, our confidence 
may go ; and let the honest advocate of 
confidence read the alien and sedition acts, 
and say if the Constitution has not been 
wise in fixing limits to the government it 
created, and whether we should be wise in 
destroying those limits ? Let him say what 
the government is, if it be not a tyranny, 
which the men of our choice have conferred 
on the President, and the President of our 
choice has assented to and accepted over 
the friendly strangers, to whom the mild 
spirit of our country and its laws had 
pledged hospitality and protection ; that 
the men of our choice have more respected 
the bare suspicions of the President than 
the solid rights of innocence, the claims of 
justification, the sacred force of truth, and 
the forms and substance of law and justice. 
In questions of power, then, let no more 
be said of confidence in man, but bii^l him 
down from mischief by the chains of the 
Constitution. That this Coinnion wealth 



does therefore call on its co-states for an 
expression of their sentiments on the acts 
concerning aliens, and for the punishment 
of certain crimes hereinbefore specified, 
plainly declaring whether these acts are or 
are not authorized by the federal compact. 
And it doubts not that their sense will be 
so announced as to prove th^ir attachment 
to limited government, whether general or 
jjarticular, and that the rights and liberties 
of their co-states will be exposed to no 
dangers by remaining embarked on a com- 
mon bottom with their own : but they will 
concur with this commonwealth in consid- 
ering the said acts as so palpably against 
the Constitution as to amount to an undis- 
guised declaration, that the compact is not 
meant to be the measure of the powers of 
the general government, but that it will 
proceed in the exercise over these states of 
all powers whatsoever. That they will 
view this as seizing the rights of the states 
and consolidating them in the hands of the 
general government, wiui a power assumed 
to bind the states (not merely in cases 
made federal) but in all cases whatsoever, 
by laws made, not with their consent, but 
by others against their consent ; that this 
would be to surrender the form of govern- 
ment we have chosen, and live under one 
deriving its powers from its own will, and 
not from our authority ; and that the co- 
states recurring to their natural rights in 
cases not made federal, will concur in de- 
claring these void and of no force, and will 
each unite with this Commonwealth in re- 
questing their re])eal at the next session of 
Congress. 

Edmuxd Bullock, S. H. R. 

John Campbell, S. P. T. 

I'assed the House of Representatives, 
Nov. 10, 1798. 

Attest, Thos. Todd, C. H. R. 

In Senate, Nov. 13, 1798. — Unanimously 
concurred in. 

Attest, B. Thurston, C. S. 

Approved, Nov. 19, 1798. 

J AS. Garrard, Gov. of Ky. 

By the Governor, 

Harry Toulmin, Sec. of State. 

House of Representatives, Thursdav, | 

Nov. 14, 1799. j 

The House, according to the standing 
order of the day, resolved itself into a 
committee of the whole House, on the state 
of the commonwealth, Mr. Desha in the 
chair ; and after some time spent therein, 
the speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. 
Desha reported that the committee had 
taken under consideration sundry resolu- 
tions passed by several state legislatures, 
on the subject of the alien and sedition 
laws, and had come to a resolutioii there- 
upon, which he delivered in :it the clerk's 



14 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



table, where it was read and unanimously 
agreed to by the House, as follows : — 

The representatives of the good people 
of this commonwealth, in General Assem- 
bly convened, having maturely considered 
the answers of sundry states in the Union, 
to their resolutions passed the last session, 
respecting certain unconstitutional laws of 
C'ongress, commonly called the alien and 
sedition laws, would be faithless, indeed, 
to themselves and to those they represent, 
were they silently to acquiesce in the prin- 
ciples and doctrines attempted to be main- 
tained in all those answers, that of Vir- 
ginia only excepted. To again enter the 
field of argument, and attempt more fully 
or forcibly to expose the unconstitutional- 
ity of those obnoxious laws, would, it is 
apprehended, be as unnecessary as unavail- 
ing. We cannot, however, but lament 
that, in the discussion of those interesting 
subjects by sundry of the legislatures of 
our sister states, unibunded suggestions 
and uncandid insinuations, derogatory to 
the true character and principles of this 
commonwealth, have been substituted in 
place of fair reasoning and sound argu- 
ment. Our opinions of these alarming 
measures of the general government, to- 
gether with our reasons for those opinions, 
were detailed with decency and with tem- 
per, and submitted to the discussion and 
judgment of our fellow-citizens throughout 
the Union. Whether the like decency 
and tem.per have been observed in the an- 
swers of most of those states who have 
denied or attempted to obviate the great 
truths contained in those resolutions, we 
have now only to submit to a candid world. 
Faithful to the true principles of the Fed- 
eral Union, unconscious of any designs to 
disturb the harmony of that Union, and 
anxious only to escape the fangs of despot- 
ism, the good people of this common- 
wealth are regardless of censure or calum- 
niation. Lest, however, the silence of 
this commonwealth should be construed 
into an acquiescence in the doctrines and 
principles advanced and attempted to be 
maintained by the said answers, or lest 
those of our fellow-citizens throughout the 
Union who so widely differ from us on 
those important subjects, should be deluded 
by the expectation, that we shall be de- 
terred from what we conceive our duty, or 
shrink from the principles contained in 
those resolutions — therefore. 

Resolved, That this commonwealth con- 
siders the Federal Union, upon the terms 
and for the purposes specified in the late 
compact, as conducive to the liljerty and 
happiness of the several states : That it 
does now unequivocally declare its attach- 
ment to the Union, and to that compact, 
agreeably to its obvious and real intention, 
and will be among the Inst to seek its dis- 
solution : That if those who administer 



the general government be permitted to 
transgress the limits fixed by that compact, 
by a total disregard to the special delega- 
tions of power therein contained, an amii- 
hilation of the state governments, and the 
creation upon their ruins of a general cf)n- 
solidated government, will be the inevita- 
ble consequence: That the principle and 
construction contended for by sundry of 
the state legislatures, that the general gov- 
ernment is the exclusive judge of the ex- 
tent of the powers delegated to it, stop 
nothing short of despotism — since the dis- 
cretion of those who administer the gov- 
ernment, and not the Constitution, would 
be the measure of their powers : That the 
several states who formed that instrument 
being sovereign and inde])endent, have the 
unquestionable right to judge of the in- 
fraction ; and that a nullification by those 
sovereignties of all unauthorized acts done 
under color of that instrument is the right- 
ful remedy : That this commonwealth 
does, under the most deliberate reconsid- 
eration, declare that the said alien and 
sedition laws are, in their opinion, palpa- 
ble violations of the said Constitution ; 
and, however cheerfully it may be disposed 
to surrender its opinion to a majority of its 
sister states, in matters of ordinary or 
doubtful policy, yet, in momentous regula- 
tions like the present, which so vitally 
wound the best rights of the citizen, it 
would consider a silent acquiescence as 
highly criminal : That although this com- 
monwealth, as a party to the federal com- 
pact, will bow to the laws of the Union, 
yet it does, at the same time, declare that 
it will not now, or ever hereafter, cease to 
opjDose in a constitutional manner every 
attempt, at what quarter soever offered, to 
violate that compact. And, finally, in or- 
der that no pretext or arguments may be 
drawn from a supposed acquiescence on 
the part of this commonwealth in the con- 
stitutionality of those laws, and be thereby 
used as precedents for similar future viola- 
tions of the federal compact — this com- 
monwealth does now enter against them its 
solemn protest. 

Extract, &c. Attest, T. Todd, C. H. R. 

In Senate, Nov. 22, 179i>— Read and con- 
curred in. 

Attest, B. Thurston, C. S. 

"WasliingtoM's Farewell Address to the Peo- 
ple of the Vnited States, Sept. 17, 1796. 

Accepted as a Platform for the Pcoji/c oj the Nation, regard- 
less of party. 

Friends and Fellow-citizens: — 

The period for a new election of a citi- 
zen to administer the executive govern- 
ment of the United States being not far 
distant, and the time actually arrived when 
your thoughts must be employed in desig- 
nating the person who is to be clothed with 
that important trust, it appears to me pro- 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 



16 



per, especially as it may conduce to a more 
distinct expi'cssion of the public voice, that 
I should now apprise you of the resolution 
I have formed to decline being considered 
among the number of those out of whom a 
choice is to be made. I beg you, at the 
same time, to do me the justice to be as- 
sured that this resolution has not been 
taken without a strict regard to all the 
considerations appertaining to the relation 
which binds a dutiful citizen to his coun- 
try ; and that in withdrawing the tender of 
service, which silence, in my situation, 
might imply, I am influenced by no dimi- 
nution of zeal for your future interests; no 
deficiency of grateful respect of your past 
kindness ; but am supported by a full con- 
viction that the step is compatible with 
both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance 
hitherto in, the office to which your suf- 
frages have twice called me, have been a 
uniform sacrifice of inclination to the 
opinion of duty, and to a deference for 
what appeared to be your desire. I con- 
stantly hoped that it would have been 
much earlier in my power, consistently 
with motives which I was not at liberty to 
disregard, to return to that retirement from 
which I had been reluctantly drawn. The 
strength of my inclination to do this, pre- 
vious to the last election, had even led to 
the preparation of an address to declare it 
to you ; but mature reflection on the then 
perplexed and critical posture of our affairs 
with foreign nations, and the unanimous 
advice of persons entitled to my confidence, 
impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, 
external as well as internal, no longer ren- 
ders the pursuit of inclination incompati- 
ble with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; 
and am persuaded, whatever partiality 
may be retained for my services, that, in 
the present circumstances of our country, 
you will not disapprove my determination 
to retire. 

The impressions with which I first un- 
dertook the arduous trust were explained 
on the proper occasion. In the discharge 
of this trust, I will only say, that I have 
with good intentions contributed towards 
the organization and administration of the 
government the best exertions of which a 
very fallible judgment was capable. Not 
unconscious in the outset of the inferiority 
of my qualifications, experience, in my 
own eyes — perhaps still more in the eyes 
of others — has strengthened the motives to 
diffidence of myself; and every day the in- 
creasing weight of years admonishes me, 
more and more, that the abode of retire- 
ment is as necessary to me as it will be 
welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- 
stances have given peculiar value to my 
services, they were temporary, I have the 
consolation to believe that, while choice 



and prudence invite me to quit the politi- 
cal scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which 
is intended to terminate the career of my 
public life, my feelings do not permit me 
to suspend the deep acknowledgment of 
that debt of gratitude which I owe to my 
beloved country for the many honors it 
has conferred upon me; still more for the 
steadfast confidence with which it has 
supported me ; and for the opportunities I 
have thence enjoyed of manifesting my 
inviolable attachment, by services faithful 
and persevering, though in usefulness un- 
equal to my zeal. If benefits have re- 
sulted to our country from these services, 
let it always be remembered to your 
praise, and as an instructive example in 
our annals, that under circumstances in 
which the passions, agitated in every direc' 
tion, were liable to mislead; amidst ap- 
pearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes 
of fortune often discouraging ; in situations 
in which, not unfrequently, want of suc- 
cess has countenanced the spirit of criti- 
cism, — the constancy of your support was 
the essential prop of the efforts, and a 
guarantee of the plans, by which they 
were effected. Profoundly penetrated by 
this new idea, I shall carry it wi^n me to 
my grave, as a strong incitement to un- 
ceasing vows, that Heaven may continue 
to you the choicest tokens of its benefi- 
cence ; that union and brotherly affection 
may be perpetual ; that the free Constitu- 
tion, which is the- work of your hands, 
may be sacredly maintained ; that its ad- 
ministration, in every department, may be 
stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that in 
fine, the happiness of the people of these 
states, under the auspices of liberty, may 
be made complete, by so careful a preser- 
vation and so prudent a use of this blessing 
as will acquire to them the glory of recom- 
mending it to the apjdause, the affection, 
and the adoption of every nation which is 
yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a 
solicitude for your welfare, which cannot 
end but with my life, and the apprehen- 
sion of danger natural to that solicitude, 
urge me, on an occasion like the present, 
to offer to your solemn contemjtlation, and 
to recommend to your frequent review, 
some sentiments, which are the result of 
much reflection, of no inconsiderable ob- 
servation, and which appear to me all-im- 
portant to the permanency of your felicity' 
as a people. These will be afforded to you 
with the more freedom, as you can only 
see in them the disinterested warning of a 
parting friend, who can possibly have no 
personal motive to bias his counsel ; nor 
can I forget, as an encouragement to it, 
your indulgent reception of my sentiments 
on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with 



16 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



every ligament of your hearts, no recom- 
mendation of mine is necessary to fortify 
or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government which consti- 
tutes you one people, is also now dear to 
you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar 
in the edifice of your real independence — 
the support of your tranquillity at home, 
your peace abroad, of your safety, of your 
prosperity, of that very liberty which you 
fo highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee 
that, Ironi different causes and from differ- 
ent quarters, much pains will be taken, 
many artifices employed, to weaken in 
your minds the conviction of this truth ; 
as this is the point in your political fortress 
against which, the batteries of internal and 
external enemies will be most constantly 
and actively, (thougii often covertly and 
insidiously) directed, — it is of infinite mo- 
ment that you should properly estimate the 
immense value of your national union to 
your collective and individual happiness ; 
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, 
and immovable attachment to it; accus- 
toming yourself to think and speak of it as 
of the palladium of your political safety 
and prosperity, watching for its preserva- 
tion with jealous anxiety; discountenan- 
cing whatever may suggest even a suspicion 
that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; 
and indignantly frowning upon the first 
dawning of every attempt to alienate any 
portion of our country from the rest, or to 
enfeeble the sacred ties which now link to- 
gether the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of 
sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth 
or choice, of a common country, that coun- 
try has a right to concentrate your affec- 
tions. The name of American, which be- 
longs to you in your national capacity, 
must always exalt the just pride of patri- 
otism, more than appellations derived from 
local discriminations. With slight shades 
of diflFerence, you have the same religion, 
manners, habits, and political principles. 
You have, in a common cause, fought and 
triumphed together ; the independence and 
liberty you possess are the Avork of joint 
counsels and joint efforts, of common dan- 
gers, sufferings, and successes. But these 
considerations, however powerfully they 
address themselves to your sensibility, are 
generally outweighed by those which ap- 

{)ly more immediately to your interest ; 
lere every portion of our country finds the 
most commanding motives for carefully 
guarding and preserving the union of the 
whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained inter- 
course with the South, protected by the 
equal laws of a common government, finds, 
in the productions of the latter, great ad- 
ditional resources of maritime and com- 
mercial enterprise, and precious materials 
of manufacturing industrj^ The South, in 



the same intercourse benefiting by the 
agency of the North, sees its agriculture 
grow, and its commerce expanded. Turn- 
ing partly into its own channels the sea- 
men of the North, it finds its particular 
navigation invigorated ; and while it con- 
tributes, in different ways, to nourish and 
increase the general mass of the national 
navigation, it looks forward to the protec- 
tion of a maritime strength to which itself 
is unequally adapted. The East, in like 
intercourse with the West, already finds, 
and in the progressive improvement of in- 
terior communication, by land and by 
water, will more and more find, a valuable 
vent for the commodities which eacli brings 
from abroad or manufactures at home. The 
West derives from the East supplies re- 
quisite to its growth or comfort, and what 
is perhaps of still greater consequence, it 
must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoy- 
ment of indispensable outlets for its own 
])roductions, to the weight, influence, and 
the maritime strength of the Atlantic side 
of the Union, directed by an indissoluble 
community of interests as one nation. Any 
other tenure by which the West can hold 
this essential advantage, whether derived 
from its own separate strength, or from an 
apostate and unnatural connexion with any 
foreign power, must be intrinsically pre- 
carious. 

While, then, every part of our country 
thus feels an immediate and particular in- 
terest in union, all the parts combined can- 
not fail to find, in the united mass of 
means and efforts, greater strength, greater 
resource, proportionably greater security 
from external danger, a less frequent inter- 
ruption of their peace by foreign nations ; 
and what is of inestimable value, they must 
derive from union an exemption from those 
broils and wars between themselves, which 
so frequently afflict neighboring countries, 
not tied together by the same government ; 
which their own rivalship alone would be 
sufficient to produce, but which opposite 
foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, 
would stimulate and embitter. Hence, 
likewise, they will avoid the necessity of 
those overgrown military establishments, 
which, under any form of government, are 
inauspicious to liberty, and which are to 
be regarded as particularly hostile to re- 
publican liberty ; in this sense it is that 
your union ought to be considered as a 
main prop of your liberty, and that the 
love of one ought to endear to you the pre- 
servation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive 
language to every reflecting and virtuous 
mind, and exhibit the continuance of the 
Union as a primary object of patriotic de- 
sire. Is there a doubt, whether a commoi 
government can embrace so large a sphere ? 
Let experience solve it. To listen to mere 
speculation, in such a case, were criminal. 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 



17 



We are authorized to hope, that a proper 
organization of the whole, with the aux- 
iliary agency of governments for the re- 
spective subdivisions, will afford a happy 
issue to the experiment. It is well worth 
a fair and full experiment. With such 
powerful and obvious motives to Union, 
affecting all parts of our country, while ex- 
perience shall not have demonstrated its 
impracticability, there will always be rea- 
son to distrust the patriotism of those who, 
in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken 
its bands. 

In contemplating the causes which may 
disturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of 
serious concern, that any ground should 
have been furnished for characterizing 
parties by geographical discriminations — 
Northern and Southern — Atlantic and 
Western : whence designing men may en- 
deavor to excite a belief that there is a real 
difference of local interests and views. One 
of the expedients of party to acquire in- 
fluence within particular districts, is to 
misrepresent the opinions and aims of oth- 
er districts. You cannot shield yourselves 
too much against the jealousies and heart- 
burnings which spring from these misrep- 
resentations ; they tend to render alien to 
each other those who ought to be bound 
together by paternal affection. The inhabi- 
tants of our Western country have lately 
had a useful lesson on this head ; they have 
seen in the negotiation by the executive, 
and in the unanimous ratification by the 
Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the 
universal satisfaction at that event through- 
out the United States, decisive proof how 
unfounded were the suspicions propagated 
among them, of a policy in the general 
government, and in the Atlantic States, 
unfriendly to their interest in regard to the 
Mississippi — that with Great Britain, and 
that with Spain, which secure to them 
everything they could desire in respect to 
■*our foreign relations, towards confirming 
their prosperity. Will it not be their wis- 
dom to rely ibr the preservation of these 
advantages on the Union by which they 
were procured ? Will they not henceforth 
be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, 
who would sever them from their brethren, 
and connect them with aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your 
Union a government of the whole is indis- 
pensable. No alliance, however strict be- 
tween the parties, can be an adequate sub- 
stitute; they must inevitably experience 
the infractions and interruptions which all 
alliances, in all time, have experienced. 
Sensible of this momentous truth, you 
have improved upon your first essay, by 
the adoption of a Constitution of govern- 
ment, better calculated than your former 
for an intimate union, and for the effica- 
cious management of your common con- 
cerns. This government, the offspring of 



our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed 
— adopted upou full investigation and ma- 
ture deliberation, completely free in its 
principles, in the distribution of its powers 
— uniting security with energy, and con- 
taining within itself a provision for its own 
amendment, has a just claim to your con- 
fidence and your support. Respect for its 
authority, compliance with its laws, ac- 
quiescence in its measures, are duties en- 
joined by the fundamental maxims of true 
liberty. The basis of our political system 
is the right of the people to make and to 
alter their Constitutions of government; 
but the Constitution which at any time 
exists, till changed by an explicit and 
authentic act of the whole people, is sacred- 
ly obligatory upon all. The very idea of 
the power and right of the people to estab- 
lish government, presupposes the duty of 
every individual to obey the established 
government. 

All obstruction to the execution of laws, 
all combinations and associations under 
whatever plausible character, with the 
real design to direct, control, counteract, or 
awe the regular deliberation and action of 
the constituted authorities, are destructive 
to this fundamental principle, and of fatal 
tendency. They serve to organize faction, 
to give it an artificial and extraordinary 
force, to put in the place oi' the delegated 
will of the nation, the will of a party, often 
a small but artful and enterprising minority 
of the community ; and, according to the 
alternate triumphs of different parties, to 
make the public administration the mirror 
of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro- 
jects of fashion, rather than the organ of 
consistent and wholesome plans, digested 
by common counsels and modified by mu- 
tual interests. 

However combinations or associations of 
the above description may now and then 
answer popular ends, they are likely, in 
the course of time and things, to become 
potent engines, by which cunning, am- 
Ijitious, and unprincipled men will be 
enabled to subvert the ])ower of the people, 
and to usurp for themselves the reins oi' 
government; destroying, afterwards, the 
very engines which had lifted them to un- 
just dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your gov- 
ernment, and the permanency of your 
present happy state, it is requisite, not only 
that you steadily discountenance irregular 
oppositions to its acknowledged authority, 
but also that you resist with care the spirit 
of innovation upon its princij^les, however 
specious the j^retexts. One method of as- 
sault may be to effect, in the forms of the 
Constitution, alterations which will impair 
the energy of the system, and thus to un- 
dermine what cannot be directly over- 
thrown. In all the changes to which yoii 
may be invited, remember that :iiiic and 



18 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



habit are at least as necessary to fix the 
true character of governments as of other 
human institutions ; that experience is the 
surest standard by which to test the real 
tendency of the existing constitution of a 
country ; that facility in changes, upon the 
credit of mere hypothesis and opinion ex- 
poses to perpetual change, from the end- 
less variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and 
remember, especially, that for the efficient 
management of your common interests, in 
a country so extensive as ours, a govern- 
ment of as much vigor as is consistent with 
the perfect security of liberty is indispen- 
sable. Liberty itself will find in such a 
government, with powers properly distri- 
buted, and adjusted, its surest guardian. 
It is, indeed, little else than a name, where 
the government is too feeble to withstand 
the enterprise of faction, to confine each 
member of the society within the limits de- 
scribed by the laws, and to maintain all 
in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of 
the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the 
danger of parties in the state with particu- 
lar reference to the founding of them on 
geographical discriminations. Let me 
now take a more comprehensive view, and 
warn you, in the most solemn manner, 
against the banefi.il effects of the spirit of 
party generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable 
from our nature, having its root in the 
strongest passions of the human mind. It 
exists under diflerent shapes in all govern- 
ments, more or less stifled, controlled, or 
repressed ; but in those of the popular 
form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and 
is truly their worst enemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction 
over another, sharpened by the spirit of 
revenge, natural to party dissensions, 
which, in different ages and countries, has 
perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is 
itself a frightful despotism. But this 
leads, at length, to a more formal and 
permanent despotism. The disorders and 
miseries which result, gradually incline 
the minds of men to seek security and re- 
pose in the absolute power of an indi- 
vidual ; and sooner or later, the chief of 
some prevailing faction, more able or more 
fortunate than his competitors, turns this 
disposition to the purposes of his own ele- 
vation on the ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an ex- 
tremit}-^ of this kind (which, nevertheless, 
ought not to be entirely out of sight), the 
common and continual mischiefs of the 
spirit of party are sufficient to make it the 
interest and duty of a wise people to dis- 
courage and restrain it. 

It serves always to distract the public 
councils, and enfeeble the public adminis- 
tration. It agitates the community with 
ill-founded jealon-<ios and false alarms ; 



kindles the animosity of one part against 
another; foments, occasionally, riot and 
insurrection. It opens the door to foreign 
influence and corruption, which find a 
facilitated access to the government itself, 
through the channels of party passions. 
Thus the policy and the will of one coun- 
try are subjected to the policy and will of 
another. 

There is an opinion that parties, in free 
countries, are useful checks upon the ad- 
ministration of the government, and serve 
to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, 
within certain limits, is probably true; 
and in governments of a monarchical cast, 
patriotism may look with indulgence, if 
not with favor, upon the spirit of party. 
But in those of the popular character, in 
governments purely elective, it is a spirit 
not to be encouraged. From their natural 
tendency, it is certain there will always be 
enough of that spirit for every salutary 
purpose. And there being constant dan- 
ger of excess, the effort ought to be, by 
force of public opinion, to mitigate and 
assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it 
demands a uniform vigilance to prevent 
its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of 
warming, it should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits 
of thinking, in a free country, should in- 
spire caution in those intrusted with its 
administration, to confine themselves with- 
in their respective constitutional spheres, 
avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of 
one department, to encroach upon another. 
The spirit of encroachment tends to con- 
solidate the powers of all the departments in 
one, and thus to create, whatever the form 
of government, a real despotism. A just 
estimate of that love of power, and prone- 
ness to abuse it, which predominates in 
the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us 
of the truth of this position. 

The necessity of reciprocal checks in the 
exercise of political power, by dividing 
and distributing it into different deposito- 
ries, and constituting each the guardian 
of the public weal, against invasions l)y 
the others, has been evinced by experi- 
ments, ancient and modern ; some of them 
in our own country, and under our own 
eyes. To preserve them'must be as neces- 
sary as to institute them. If, in the 
opinion of the people, the distribution or 
modification of the constitutional powers 
be, in any particular, wrong, let it be cor- 
rected by an amendment in the way which 
the Constitution designates. But let there 
be no change by usurpation; for though 
this, in one instance, may be the instru- 
ment of good, it is the customary weapon 
by which free governments are destroyed. 
The precedent must always greatly o\er- 
balance, in permanent evil, any paiti^l or 
transient benefit which the use tan ;.; ;'.ny 
time viold. 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



19 



Of all the dispositions and habits which 
lead to political prosperity, religion and 
morality are indispensable supports. In 
vain would that man claim the tribute of 
patriotism, who should labor to subvert 
these great pillars of human happiness, 
the^e firmest })rops of the duties of men 
and citizens. The mere politician, equally 
with the pious man, ought to respect and 
c'lerish them. A volume could not trace 
ail their connexions with private and pub- 
lic felicity. Let it simply be asked, where 
is the security for property, for reputation, 
for life, if the sense of religious obligation 
desert the oaths which are the instruments 
of investigation in courts of justice? And 
let us with caution indulge the supposition, 
that morality can be maintained without' 
religion. Whatever may be conceded to 
the influence of refined education on minds 
of peculiar structure, reason and experi- 
ence both forbid us to exjiect that national 
morality can prevail in exclusion of re- 
ligious principles. It is substantially true, 
that virtue or morality is a necessary 
spring of popular government. The rule, 
indeed, extends with more or less force to 
every species of free government. Who, 
that is a sincere friend to it, can look with 
indifference upon attempts to shake the 
foundation of the fabric? 

Promote then, as an object of primary 
importance, institutions for the general 
dilfusion of knowledge. In proportion as 
the structure of a government gives force 
to public opinion, it is essential that pub- 
lic opinion should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength 
and securitv, cherish public credit. One 
method of presers-ing it is to use it as spar- 
ingly as possible, avoiding occasions of 
expense b\' cultivating peace, but remem- 
^bering also that timely disbursements to 
prepare for danger frequently prevent 
/much greater disbursements to repel it ; 
avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of 
debt, not only by shunning occasions of 
expense, but by vigorous exertions in time 
of peace to discharge the debts which un- 
avoidable wars may have occasioned ; not 
ungenerouslv throwing upon posterity the 
burden which we ourselves ought to bear. 
The execution of th'ese maxims belongs to 
your representatives, but it is necessary 
that public opinion should co-operate. To 
facilitate to them the performance of their 
duty, it is essential that you should practi- 
cal! v bear in mind, that toward the payments 
of debts there must be revenues ; that to 
have revenue there must be taxes ; that no 
taxes can be devised, which are not more 
or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that 
the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable 
from the selection of the proper objects 
(which is always a choice of difficulties) 
ought to be a decisive moment for a can- 
did construction of the conduct of the 



government in making it, and for a spirit 
of acquiescence in the measure for obtain- 
ing revenue, which the public exigencies 
may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards 
all nations ; cultivate peace and harmony 
with all ; religion and morality enjoin this 
conduct; and can it be that good policy 
does not equally enjoin it? It will be 
worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no 
distant period a great nation, to give to 
mankind the magnanimous and too novel 
example of a people always guided by an 
exalted justice and benevolence. Who 
can doubt that, in the course of time and 
things, the fruits of such a plan would 
richly repay any temporary advantages 
which might be lost by a steady adherence 
to it? Can it be that Providence has not 
connected the permanent felicity of a na- 
tion with its virtue? The experiment, at 
least, is recommended by every sentiment 
which ennobles human nature. Alas! is 
it rendered impossible by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing 
is more essential than that permanent, in- 
veterate antipathies against particular na- 
tions, and passionate attachment for others, 
should be excluded : and that in place of 
them, just and amicable feelings towards 
all should be cultivated. The nation 
which indulges towards another an habitual 
hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some 
degree, a slave. It is a slave to its ani- 
mosity or to its affection ; either of which 
is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty 
and its interest. Antipathy in one nation 
against another, disposes each more readily 
to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of 
slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty 
and untractable, when accidental or trifling 
occasions of dispute occur. Hence fre- 
quent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and 
bloody contests. The nation, prompted by 
ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels 
to war the government, contrary to the best 
calculations of policy. The government 
sometimes participates in the national 
propensity, and adopts, through passion, 
what reason would reject ; at other times 
it makes the animosity of the nation sub- 
servient to projects of hostility, instigated 
by pride, ambition, and other sinister and 
pernicious motives. The peace often, some- 
times perhaps the liberty, of nations has 
been the victim. 

So likewise a passionate attachment of 
one nation to another produces a variety 
of evils. Sympathy for the favorite na- 
tion, facilitating the illusion of an im- 
tiginary common interest, in cases where 
no real common interest exists, and infus- 
ing into one the enmities of the other, 
betrays the former into a participation in 
the quarrels and wars of the latter, without 
adequate inducement or justification. It 
leads also to concessions to the f;ivorite 



20 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



nation of privileges denied to others, which 
is apt doubly to injure the nation making 
the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting 
with what ought to have been retained, 
and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a 
disposition to retaliate, in the parties from 
whom equal privileges are withheld; and 
it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- 
luded citizens (who devote themselves 
to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or 
sacrifice the interest of their own country, 
without odium ; sometimes even with popu- 
larity ; gilding with the appearance of a 
virtuous sense of obligation, a commend- 
able deference for public opinion, or a 
laudable zeal for public good, the base or 
foolish compliances of ambition, corrup- 
tion, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in in- 
numerable ways, such attachments are 
particularly alarming to the truly enlight- 
ened and independent patriot. How many 
opportunities do they afford to tamper 
with domestic factions, to practice the art 
of reduction, to mislead public opinion, to 
influence or awe the jjublic councils? 
Such an attachment of a, small or weak, 
towards a great and powerful nation, dooms 
the former to be the satellite of the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign 
influence (I conjure you to believe me, 
fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free peo- 
ple ought to be constantly awake ; since 
history and experience prove that foreign 
influence is one of the most baneful foes 
of republican government. But that 
jealousy, to be useful, must be impar- 
tial ; else it becomes the instrument of the 
very influence to be avoided, instead of a 
defence against it. Excessive partiality 
for one foreign nati(m, and excessive dis- 
like for another, cause those whom they 
actuate to see danger only on one side, and 
serve to veil, and even second, the arts of 
influence on the other. Real patriots, who 
may resist the intrigues of the iavorite, are 
liable to become suspected and odious; 
while its tools and dupes usurp the ap- 
plause and confidence of the people, to 
surrender their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in re- 
gard to foreign nations, is, in extending 
our commercial relations, to have with 
them as little political connexion as possi- 
ble. So far as we have already formed 
engagements, let them be fulfilled with 
perfect good faith. There let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, 
which to us have none, or a very remote 
relation. Hence she must be engaged in 
frequent controversies, the causes of which 
are essentially foreign to our concerns. 
Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us 
to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in 
the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or 
the ordinary combinations and collisions 
of her friendships or enmities. 



Our detached and distant situation in- 
vites and enables us to pursue a different 
course. If we remain one people under 
an efiicient government, the period is not 
far off when we may defy material injury 
from external annoyance ; when we may 
take such an attitude as will cause the 
neutrality we may at any time resolve 
upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when 
belligerent nations, under the impossibility 
of making acquisitions upon us, will not 
lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; 
when we may choose peace or war, as our 
interests, guided by justice, shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so pecu- 
liar a situation? Why quit our own to 
stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by in- 
terweaving our destiny with that of any 
part of Europe, entangle our peace and 
prosperity in the toils of European ambi- 
tion, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? 

It is our true policy to steer clear of 
permanent alliances with any portion of 
the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we 
are now at liberty to do it ; lor let me not 
be understood as capable of patronizing 
infidelity to existing engagements. I hold 
the maxim no less applicable to public 
than to private affairs, that honesty is al- 
ways the best policy. I repeat it, there- 
fore, let those engagements be observed in 
their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, 
it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to 
extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by 
suitable establishments, on a respectable 
defensive posture, we may safely trust to 
temporary alliances for extraordinary 
emergencies. 

Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with 
all nations, are recommended by policy, 
humanity, and interest. But even our com- 
mercial policy should hold an equal and 
impartial hand; neither seeking nor grant- 
ing exclusive favors or preferences; con- 
sulting the natural cause of things ; diffus- 
ing and diversifying, by gentle means, the 
streams of commerce, by forcing nothing ; 
establishing, with powers so disposed, in 
order to give trade a stable course, to de- 
fine the rights of our merchants, and to 
enable the government to support them, 
conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
that present circumstances and mutual 
opinions will permit, but temjiorary, and 
liable to be, from time to time, abandoned 
or varied, as experience and circumstances 
shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, 
that it is folly in one nation to look for dis- 
interested favors from another; that it 
must pay, with a portion of its independ- 
ence, for whatever it may accept under 
that character ; that by such acceptance it 
may ]>lace itself in the condition of hav- 
ing given equivalents for nominal favors, 
and yet of being reproached with ingrati- 
tude for not giving more. There can be 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 



21 



no greater error than to expect, or calcu- 
late upon, real favors from nation to nation. 
It is an illusion which experience must 
cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these 
counsels of an old and affectionate friend, 
I dare not hope they will make the strong 
and lasting impression I could wish ; that 
they will control the usual current of the 
pas.5ions, or prevent our nation from run- 
ning the course wl ich has hitherto marked 
the destiny of nations ; but if I may even 
flatter myself that they may be productive 
of some partial benefit, some occasional 
good ; that they may now and then recur 
to moderate the fury of party spirit, to 
warn against the mischiefs of foreign in- 
trigue-*, to guard against the impostures of 
pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a 
full recompense for the solicitude for your 
welfare by which they have been dictated. 

How far, in the discharge of my official 
duties, I have been guided by the princi- 
ples which have been delineated, the pub- 
lic records, and other evidences of my con- 
duct, must witness to you and the world. 
To myself, the assurance of my own con- 
science is, that I have at least believed my- 
self to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in 
Europe, my proclamation of the 23d of 
Aj)ril, 1793, is the index to my plan. 
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and 
by that of your representatives in both 
Houses of Congress, the spirit of that 
measure has continually governed me, un- 
influenced by any attempts to deter or di- 
vert me from it. 

After deliberate examination, with the 
aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was 
well satisfied that our country, under all 
the circumstances of the case, had a right 
to take, and was bound in duty and inter- 
est to take a neutral position. Having 
taken it, I determined, as far as should 
depend upon me, to maintain it with mod- 
eration, perseverance, and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the 
right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- 
sary on this occasion to detail. I will only 
observe, that, according to my understand- 
ing of the matter, that right, so far from 
being denied by any of the belligerent 
powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding neutral conduct 
may be inferred, without anything more, 
from the obligation which justice and hu- 
manity impose on every nation, in cases in 
which it is free to act, to maintain invio- 
late the relations of peace and unity to- 
wards other nations. 

The inducements of interests, for observ- 
ing that conduct, will' best be referred to 
your own reflections and experience. 
With me, a predominant motive lias been 
to endeavor to gain time to our country to 
<v'A\ti and mature its vet recent institutions, 



and to progrejis, without interruption, to 
that degree of strength and consistency 
which is necessary to give it, humanly 
speaking, the command of its own for- 
tunes. 

Though, in reviewing the incidents of 
my administration, I am unconscious of 
intentional error; I am, nevertheless, too 
sensible of my defects not to think it pro- 
bable that I may have committed many 
errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently 
beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate 
the evils to which they may tend. I shall 
also carry with me the hope, that my coun- 
try will never come to view them with in- 
dulgence ; and that, after forty-five years 
of my life dedicated to its service with an 
upright zeal, the faults of incompetent 
abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as 
myself must soon be to the mansions of 
rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this, as in 
other things, and actuated by that fervent 
love towards it which is so natural to a 
man who views in it the native soil of 
himself and his progenitors for several 
generations, I anticipate, with pleasing ex- 
pectation, that retreat in which I promise 
myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet 
enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of 
my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of 
good laws under a free government — the 
ever favorite object of my heart — and 
happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual 
cares, labors, and dangers. 

George Washington. 
United States, 17th of Sept., 1796. 



1800.— No Federal Platform. 



Repnbllcan Platform, Plilladelplila. 

Adopted in Congressional Caucus. 

1. An inviolable preservation of the 
Federal constitution, according to the true 
sense in which it was adopted by the states 
that in which it was advocated by its 
friends, and not that which its enemies 
apprehended, who, therefore, became 
its enemies. 

2. Opposition to monarchizing its fea- 
tures by the forms of its administration, 
with a view to conciliate a transition, fii-st, 
to a president and senate for life ; and, 
secondly, to an hereditary tenure of those 
offices, and thus to worm out the elective 
principle. 

3. Preservation to the states of the pow- 
ers not yielded by them to the Union, and 
to the legislature of the Union its constitu- 
tional share in division of powers ; and re- 
sistance, therefore, to existing movements 
for transferring all the powers of the states 



22 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



to the general government, and all of those 
of that government to the executive 
branch. 

4. A rigorously frugal administration of 
the government, and the application o.^ all 
the possible savings of the public revenue 
to the liquidation of the public debt ; and 
resistance, therefore, to all measures look- 
ing to a multiplication of officers and sala- 
ries, merely to create partisans and to aug- 
ment the i^ublic debt, on the principle of 

■ its being a ])ublic blessing. 

5. Reliance for internal defense solely 
upon the militia, till actual invasion, and 
for such a naval force only as may be suf- 
ficient to protect our coasts and harbors 
from depredations ; and opposition, there- 
ibre, to the policy of a standing army in 
time of peace which may overawe the pub- 
lic sentiment, and to a navy, which, by its 
own expenses, and the wars in which it 
will implicate us, will grind us with pub- 
lic burdens and sink us under them. 

6. Free commerce with all nations, po- 
litical connection with none, and little or 
no diplomatic establishment. 

7. Opposition to linking ourselves, by 
new treaties, with the quarrels of Europe, 
entering their fields of slaughter to pre- 
serve their balance, or joining in the con- 
federacy of kings to war against the princi- 
ples of liberty. 

8. Freedom of religion, and opposition 
to all maneuvers to bring about a legal as- 
cendency of one sect over another. 

9. Freedom of speech and of the press ; 
and opposition, therefore, to all violations 
of the constitution, to silence, by force, and 
not by reason, the comj^laints or criticisms, 
just or unjust, of our citizens against the 
conduct of their public agents. 

10. Liberal naturalization laws, under 
•which the Avell disposed of all nations who 
may desire to embark their fortunes with 
|us and share with us the public burdens, 

may have that oppportunity, under mode- 
rate restrictions, for the development of 
honest intention, and severe ones to guard 
against the usurpation of our flag. 

] 1 Encouragement of science and the 
arts in all their branches, to the end that 
the American people may perfect their in- 
dependence of all foreign monopolies, in- 
fltitutions and influences. 



1801— 1811.- Ko Platforms. 

(No Convention or Oauem lield.) 



1813.— No Republican Platform. 



No Federal Platform. 



Cllntonlaii Platform. 

Neio York, AuguM 17. 

1. Opposition to nominations of chief 
magistrates by congressional caucuses, as 
well because such practices are the exer- 
cise of undelegated authority, as of their 
repugnance to the freedom of elections. 

2. Opposition to all customs and usages 
in both the executive and legislative de- 
partments which have for their object the 
maintenance of an official regency to pre- 
scribe tenets of political faith, the line of 
conduct to be deemed fidelity or recreancy 
to rei)ublican principles, and to perpetuate 
in themselves or families the offices of the 
Federal government. 

3. Opposition to all efforts on the part of 
j^articular states to monopolize the princi- 
pal offices of the government, as well be- 
cause of their certainty to destroy the har- 
mony which ought to prevail amongst all 
the constituent pai'ts of the Union, as of 
their leanings toward a form of oligarchy 
entirely at variance with the theory of re- 
publican government ; and, consequently, 
particular opposition to continuing a citi- 
zen of Virginia in the executive office an- 
other term, unless she can show that she 
enjoys a corresponding monopoly of talents 
and patriotism, after she has been honored 
with the presidency for twenty out of 
twenty-four years of our constitutional ex- 
istence, and when it is obvious that the 
practice has arrayed the agricultural 
against the commercial interests of the 
country. 

4. Opposition to continuing public men 
for long periods in offices of delicate trust 
and weighty responsibility as the reward 
of i)ublic services, to the detriment of all 
or any particular interest in, or section of, 
the country ; and, consequently, to the 
contiiuiance of Mr. Madison in an office 
which, in view of our pending difficulties 
witli Great Britain, requires an incumbent 
of greater decision, energy and efficiency. 

5. Opposition to the lingering inadequa- 
cy of preparation for the war with Great 
15ritain, now about to ensue, and to the 
measure which allows uninterrupted trade 
with Spain and Portugal, which, as it can 
not be carried on under our flag, gives to 
Great Britain the means of sup])lying her 
armies with jirovisions, of which they 
would otherwise be destitute, and thus al- 
fording aid and comfort to our enemy. 

6. Averment of the existing necessity 
for placing the country in a condition for 
aggre-sive action for the conquest of the Bri- 
tish American Provinces and for the defence 
of our coasts and exposed frontiers: and of 
the propriety of sudi a levy of taxes as will 
raise the necessary funds for the emergency. 

7. Advocacy of the election of De Witt 
Clinton as the surest method of relieving 
the countrv from all the evils existing and 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 



23 



prospective, for the reason that his great 
talents and inflexible patriotism guaranty 
a firm and unyielding maintenance of our 
national sovereignty, and the protection of 
those commercial interests which were 
flagging under the weakness and imbecility 
of the administration. 



1815. — Resolutions passed Ity the Hartford 
Couventlou, Jaiiuary 4. 

Resolved, That it be and is hereby re- 
commended to the legislatures of the seve- 
ral states represented in this convention, to 
adopt all such measures as may be neces- 
sary effectually to protect the citizens of 
said states from the operation and effects of 
all acts which have been or niay be passed 
by the Congress of the United States, 
which shall contain provisions subjecting 
the militia or other citizens to forcible 
drafts, conscriptions, or impressments not 
authorized by the constitution of the United 
States. 

Resolved, That it be and is hereby re- 
commended to the said legislatures, to au- 
thorize an immediate and an earnest ap- 
plication to be made to the government of 
the United States, requesting their consent 
to some arrangement whereby the said 
states may, separately or in concert, be 
empowered to a.ssume upon themselves the 
defense of their territory against the ene- 
my, and a reasonable portion of the taxes 
collected within said states may be paid 
into the respective treasuries thereof, and 
appropriated to the balance due said states 
and to the future defense of the same. 
The amount so paid into said treasuries to 
be credited, and the disbursements made 
as aforesaid to be charged to the United 
States. 

Resolved, That it be and hereby is re- 
commended to the legislatures of the afore- 
said states, to pass laws where it has not 
already been done, authorizing the gov- 
ernors or commanders-in-chief of their mi- 
litia to make detachments from the same, 
or to form voluntary corps, as shall be 
most convenient and conformable to their 
constitutions, and to cause the same to be 
well armed, equipped, and held in readi- 
ness for service, and upon request of the 
governor of either of the other states, to 
employ the whole of such detachment or 
corps, as well as the regular forces of the 
state, or such part thereof as may be re- 
quired, and can be spared consistently with 
the safety of the state, in assisting the state 
making such request to repel any invasion 
thereof which shall be made or attempted 
by the public enemy. 

Resolved, That the following amendments 
of the constitution of the United States be 
recommended to the states represented as 

22 



aforesaid, to be proposed by them for 
adoption by the state legislatures, and in 
such cases as may be deemed expedient by 
a convention chosen by the people of each 
state. And it is further recommended that 
the said states shall persevere in their ef- 
forts to obtain such amendments, until the 
same shall be effected. 

First. Representatives and direct taxes 
shall be apportioned among the several 
states which may be included within this 
Union, according to their respective num- 
bers of free jjersons, including those bound 
to serve for a term of years, and excluding 
Indians not taxed, and all other persons ; 

Second. No new state shall be admitted 
into the Union by Congress, in virtue of 
the power granted in the constitution, 
without the concurrence of two-thirds of 
both houses ; 

Third. Congress shall not have power to 
lay an embargo on the ships or vessels of the 
citizens of the United States, in the ports or 
harbors thereof, for more than sixty days ; 

Fourth. Congress shall not have power, 
without the concurrence of two-thirds of 
both houses, to interdict the commercial 
intercourse between the United States and 
any foreign nation or the dependencies 
thereof; 

Fifth. Congress shall not make nor de- 
clare war, nor authorize acts of hostility 
against any foreign nation, without the 
concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, 
except such acts of hostility be in defense 
of the territories of the United States when 
actually invaded ; 

Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be 
naturalized shall be eligible as a member 
of the Senate or House of Representatives 
of the United States, or capable of holding 
any civil office under the authority of the 
United States ; 

Seventh. The same person shall not be 
elected President of the United States a 
second time, nor shall the President be 
elected from the same state two terms in 
succession. 

Resolved, That if the application of these 
states to the government of the United 
States, recommended in a foregoing resolu- 
tion, should be unsuccessful, and peace 
should not be concluded, and the defense 
of these states should be neglected, as it has 
been since the commencement of the war, 
it will, in the opinion of this convention, 
be expedient for the legislatures of the 
several states to appoint delegates to an- 
other convention, to meet at Boston, in the 
state of Massachusetts, on the third Mon- 
day of June next, with such powers and 
instructions as the exigency of a crisis so 
momentous may require. 

Resolved, That the Honorable George 
Cabot, the Honorable Chauncey Goodrich, 
the Honorable Daniel Lyman, or any two 
of them, be authorized to call another 



24 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



meeting of this convention, to be holden 
in Boston at any time before new delegates 
shall be chosen as recommended in the 
above resolution, if in their judgment the 
situation of the country shall urgently re- 
quire it. 



From 1813-18S49.— No Platforms by either 

political party, except tlnat at Hartford 

Ijy Federalists, given, above. 



1S30.— Aiiti-masoiiic resolution, 

Philadelphia, September. 

Resolved, That it is recommended to the 
people of the United States, opposed to 
secret societies, to meet in convention on 
Monday, the 26th day of September, 1831, 
at the city of Baltimore, by delegates equal 
in number to their representatives in both 
Houses of Congress, to make nominations 
of suitable candidates for the offices of 
President and Vice-President, to be sup- 
ported at the next election, and for the 
transaction of such other business as the 
cause of Anti-Masonry may require. 



1833.— National Oemocratic Platform, 
adopted at a ratification Meeting 

at Washington Citi/, May li. 

Resolved, That an adequate protection 
to American industry is indispensable to 
the prosperity of the country ; and that an 
abandonment of the policy at this period 
would be attended with consequences ruin- 
ous to the best interests of the nation. 

Resolved, That a uniform system of in- 
ternal improvements, sustained and sup- 
ported by the general government, is calcu- 
lated to secure, in the highest degree, the 
harmony, the strength and permanency of 
the republic. 

Resolved, That the indiscriminate remo- 
val of public officers for a mere difference 
of political opinion, is a gross abuse of 
power; and that the doctrine lately boldly 
preached in the United States Senate, that 
"to the victors belong the spoils of the 
vanquished," is detrimental to the interests, 
corrupting to the morals, and dangerous to 
the liberties of the country. 



1836.— "liOcofoco" Platform, 

New York, January. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, 
that all men are created free and equal ; 
that they are endowed by their Creator 
with certain inalienable rights, among' 
which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness ; that the true foundation of re- 



publican government is the equal rights of 
every citizen in his person and pro])erty, 
and in their management ; that the idea is 
quite unfounded that on entering into 
society we give up any natural right ; that 
the rightful power of all legislation is to 
declare and enforce only our natural rights 
and duties, and to take none of them from 
us ; that no man has the natural right to 
commit aggressions on the equal rights of 
another, and this is all from which the 
law ought to restrain him ; that every man 
is under the natural duty of contributing 
to the necessities of society, and this all 
the law should enforce on him ; that when 
the laws have declared and enforced all 
this, they have fulfilled their functions. 

We declare unqualified hostility to bank 
notes and paper money as a circulating 
medium, because gold and silver is the only 
safe and constitutional currency ; hostility 
to any and all monopolies bj' legislation, 
because they are violations of equal rights 
of the people ; hostility to the dangerous 
and unconstitutional creation of vested 
rights or prerogatives by legislation, be- 
cause they are usurpations of the people's 
sovereign rights ; no legislative or other 
authority in the body politic can rightful- 
ly, by charter or otherwise, exempt any 
man or body of men, in any case whatever, 
from trial by jury and the jurisdiction or 
operation of the laws which govern the 
community. 

We hold that each and every law or act 
of incorporation, passed by preceding le- 
gislatures, can be rightfully altered and re- 
pealed by their successors ; and that they 
should be altered or repealed, when neces- 
sary for the public good, or when required 
by a majority of the people. 



1836.— AVbig Resolutions, 

Albany, N. Y., February 3. 

Resolved, That in support of our cause, 
we invite all citizens opposed to Martin 
Van Buren and the Baltimore nominees. 

Resolved, That Martin Van Buren, by 
intriguing with the executive to obtain his 
influence to elect him to the presidency, 
has set an example dangerous to our free- 
dom and corrupting to our free institutions. 

Resolved, That the support we render to 
William H. Harrison is by no means given 
to him solely on account of his brilliant 
and successfiil services as leader of our 
armies during the la.st war, but that in 
him we view also the man of high intellect, 
the stern patriot, uncontaminated by the 
machinery of hackneyeS politicians — a 
man of the school of Washington. 

Resolved, That in Francis Granger we 
recognize one of our most distinguished 
fellow-citizens, whose talents we admire, 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



25 



whose patriotism we trust, and whose prin- 
ciples we sanction. 



1839.— Abolition Resolution, 

Warsaw, N. Y., November 13. 

Resolved, That, in our judgment, eA'ery 
consideration of duty and expediency 
which ought to control the action of Chris- 
tian freemen, requires of the Abolitionists 
of the United States to organize a distinct 
and independent political party, embracing 
all the necessary means for nominating 
candidates for office and sustaining them 
by public suffrage. 



Al>olltioii Platforms. 

The first national platform of the Aboli- 
tion party upon which it went into the 
contest in 1840, favored the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia and 
Territories ; the inter-stateslave-trade, and 
a general oi^position to slavery to the full 
extent of constitutional power. 

In 1848, that portion of the party which 
did not support the Buffalo nominees took 
the ground of affirming the constitutional 
authority and duty of the General Govern- 
ment to abolish slavery in the States. 

Under the head of " Buffiilo," the plat- 
form of the Free Soil party, which nomi- 
nated Mr. Van Buren, will be found. 



1840. — Democratic Platform, 

Baliimore, May 5. 

Resolved, That the Federal government 
is one of limited powers, derived solely 
from the constitution, and the grants of 
power shown therein ought to be strictly 
construed by all the departments and agents 
of the government, and that it is inexpe- 
dient and dangerous to exercise doubtful 
constitutional powers. 

2. Resolved, That the constitution does 
not confer upon the general government 
the power to commence and carry on a 
general system of internal improvements. 

3. Resolved, That the constitution does 
not confer authority upon the Federal 
government, directly or indirectly, to as- 
sume the debts of the several states, con- 
tracted for local internal improvements or 
other state purposes ; nor would such as- 
sumption be just or expedient. 

4. Resolved, That justice and sound po- 
licy forbid the Federal government to 
foster one branch of industry to the detri- 
ment of another, or to cherish the interests 
of one portion to the injury of another 
portion of our common country — that every 
citizen and every section of the country 



has a right to demand and insi.st upon an 
equality of rights and privileges, and to 
complete and ample protection of persons 
and property from domestic violence or 
foreign aggression. 

5. Resolved, That it is the duty of every 
branch of the government to enforce and 
practice the most rigid economy in con- 
ducting our public affairs, and that no 
more revenue ought to be raised than is 
required to defray the necessary expenses 
of the government. 

6. Resolved, That Congress has no power 
to charter a United States bank ; that we 
believe such an institution one of deadly 
hostility to the best interests of the coun- 
try, dangerous to our republican institu- 
tions and the liberties of the people, and 
calculated to place the business of the 
country within the control of a concen- 
trated money power, |ind above the laws 
and the will of the people. 

7. Resolved, That Congress has no power 
under the constitution, to interfere with or 
control the domestic institutions of the 
several states ; and that such states are the 
sole and proper judges of everything per- 
taining to their own affairs, not prohibited 
by the constitution ; that all efforts, by 
Abolitionist's or others, made to induce 
Congress to interfere with questions of 
slavery, or to take incipient steps in rela- 
tion thereto, are calculated to lead to the 
most alarming and dangerous consequen- 
ces, and that all such efforts have an inevi- 
table tendency to diminish the happiness 
of the people, and endanger the stability 
and permanence of the Union, and ought 
not to be countenanced by any friend to 
our political institutions. 

8. Resolved, That the separation of the 
moneys of the government from banking 
institutions is indispensable for the safety 
of the funds of the government and the 
rights of the people. 

9. Resolved, That the liberal principles 
embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration 
of Independence, and sanctioned in the 
constitution, which makes ours the land of 
liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of 
every nation, have ever been cardinal prin- 
ciples in the democratic faith ; and every 
attempt to abridge the jiresent privilege 
of becoming citizens, and the owners of 
soil among us, ought to be resisted with 
the same spirit which swept the alien and 
sedition laws from our statute book. 

Whereas, Several of the states which 
have nominated Martin Van Buren as a 
candidate for the presidency, have put in 
nomination different individuals as candi- 
dates for Vice-President, thus indicating a 
diversity of opinion as to the person best 
entitled to the nomination ; and whereas, 
some of the said states are not represented 
in this convention ; therefore, 

Resolved, That the convention deem it 






AMERICAN POLITICS. 



expedient at the present time not to choose 
between the individuals in nomination, 
but to leave the decision to their repub- 
lican fellow-citizens in the several states, 
trusting that before the election shall take 
place, their opinions will become so con- 
centrated as to secure the choice of a Vice- 
President by the electoral college. 



1843. 



1. Resolved, 



-Lilberty Platform. 

Buffulo, August 30. 

That human brotherhood is 
a cardinal principle of true democracy, as 
well as of pure Christianity, which spurns 
all inconsistent limitations ; and neither 
the political party which repudiates it, nor 
the political system which is not based 
upon it, can be truly democratic or per- 
manent. 

2. Resolved, That the Liberty partj^ 
placing itself upon this broad principle, 
will demand the absolute and unqualified 
divorce of the general government from 
slavery, and also the restoration of equal- 
ity of rights among men, in every state 
where the partv exists, or may exist. 

3. Resolved, That the Liberty party has 
not been organized for any temporary pur- 
pose by interested politicians, _ but has 
arisen from among the people in conse- 
quence of a conviction, hourly gaining 
ground, that no other party in the country 
represents the true principles of American 
liberty, or the true spirit of the constitu- 
tion of the United States. 

4. Resolved, That the Liberty party has 
not been organized merely for the over- 
throw of slavery ; its first decided effort 
must, indeed, be directed against slave- 
holding as the grossest and most revolting 
manifestation of despotism, but it will also 
carry out the principle of equal rights into 
all its practical consequences and applica- 
tions, and support every just measure con- 
ducive to individual and social freedom. 

5. Resolved, That the Liberty party is 
not a sectional party but a national party ; 
was not originated in a desire to accom- 
plish a single object, but in a comprehen- 
sive regard to the great interests of the 
whole country ; is not a new party, nor a 
third partv, but is the party of 1776, re- 
viving the principles of that memorable 
era, and striving to carry them into prac- 
tical application. 

6. Resolved, That it was understood in the 
times of the declaration and the constitu- 
tion, that the existence of slavery in some 
of the states was in derogation of the prin- 
ciples of American liberty, and a deep 
stain upon the character of the country, 
and the implied faith of the states and the 
nation was pledged that slavery should 
never be extended beyond its then exist- 



ing limits, but should be gradually, and 
yet, at no distant day, wholly abolished by 
state authority. 

7. Resolved, That the faith of the states 
and the nation thus pledged, was most 
nobly redeemed by the voluntary aboli- 
tion of slavery in several of the states, and 
by the adoption of the ordinance of 1787, 
for the government of the territory north- 
west of the river Ohio, then the only ter- 
ritory in the United States, and conse- 
quently the only territory subject in this 
respect to the control of Congress, by 
which ordinance slavery was forever ex- 
cluded from the vast regions which now 
compose the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
Michigan, and the territory of Wisconsin, 
and an incapacity to bear up any other 
than freemen was impressed on the soil 
itself. 

8. Resolved, That the faith of the states 
and the nation thus pledged, has been 
shamefully violated by the omission, on 
the part of many of the states, to take any 
measures whatever for the abolition of 
slavery within their respective limits ; by 
the continuance of slavery in the District 
of Columbia, and in the territories of 
Louisiana and Florida ; by the legislation 
of Congress ; by the protection afforded by 
national legislation and negotiation to 
slaveholding in American vessels, on the 
high seas, employed in the coastwise Slave 
Traffic ; and by the extension of slavery 
far beyond its original limits, by acts of 
Congress admitting new slave states into 
the Union. 

9. Resolved, That the fundamental truths 
of the Declaration of Independence, that 
all men are endowed by their Creator with 
certain inalienable rights, among which 
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness, was made the fundamental law of 
our national government, by that amend- 
ment of the constitution which declares 
that no person shall be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property, without due process 
of law. 

10. Resolved, That we recognize as sound 
the doctrine maintained by slaveholding 
jurists, that slavery is against natun^.l 
rights, and strictly local, and that its ex- 
istence and continuance rests on no other 
support than state legislation, and not on 
any authority of Congress. 

11. Resolved, That the general govern- 
ment has, under the constitution, no pow- 
er to establish or continue slavery any- 
where, and therefore that all treaties and 
acts of Congress establishing, continuing 
or favoring slavery in the District of Co- 
lumbia, in the territory of Florida, or on 
the high seas, are unconstitutional, and all 
attempts to hold men as property within 
the limits of exclusive national jurisdic- 
tion ought to be prohibited by law. 

12. Resolved, That the provisions of the 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



27 



constitution of the United States which 
confers extraordinary political j^owers on 
the owners of slaves, and thereby consti- 
tuting the two hundred and fifty thousand 
slaveholders in the slave states a privi- 
leged aristocracy ; and the provisions for 
the reclamation of fugitive slaves from 
service, are anti-republican in their char- 
acter, dangerous to the liberties of the peo- 
ple, and ought to be abrogated. 

13. Resolved, That the practical opera- 
tion of the second of these provisions, is 
seen in the enactment of the act of Con- 
gress respecting persons escaping from 
their masters, which act, if the construc- 
tion given to it by the Supreme Court of 
the United States in the case of Prigg vs. 
Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies the ha- 
beas corpus acts of all the states^ takes 
away the whole legal security of per- 
sonal fi-eedom, and ought, therefore, to be 
immediately repealed. 

14. Resolved, That the peculiar patron- 
age and support hitherto extended to 
slavery and slaveholding, by the general 
government, ought to be immediately with- 
drawn, and the example and influence of 
national authority ought to be arrayed on 
the side of liberty and free labor. 

15. Resolved, That the practice of the 
general government, which prevails in 
the slave states, of employing slaves upon 
the public works, instead of fi-ee laborers, 
and paying aristocratic masters, with a 
view to secure or reward political services, 
is utterly indefensible and ought to be 
abandoned. 

16. Resolved, That freedom of speech 
and of the press, and the right of petition, 
and the right of trial by jury, are sacred 
and inviolable ; and that all rules, regula- 
tions and laws, in derogation of either, are 
oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be 
endured by a free people. 

17. Resolved, That we regard voting, in 
an eminent degree, as a moral and reli- 
gious duty, which, when exercised, should 
be by voting for those who will do all in 
their power for immediate emancipation. 

18. Resolved, That this convention re- 
commend to the friends of liberty in all 
those free states where any inequality of 
rights and privileges exists on account of 
color, to employ their utmost energies to 
remove all such remnants and effects of 
the slave system. 

Whereas, The constitution of these Uni- 
ted States is a series of agreements, cove- 
nants or contracts between the people of 
the United States, each with all, and all 
with each ; and, 

Whereas, It is a principle of universal 
morality, that the moral laws of the Crea- 
tor are paramount to all human laws ; or, 
in the language of an Apostle, that " we 
ought to obey God rather than men ; " 
and, 



Whereas, The principle of common law 
— that any contract, covenant, or agree- 
ment, to do an act derogatory to natural 
right, is vitiated and annulled by its in- 
herent immorality — has been recognized 
by one of the justices of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, who in a re- 
cent case expressly holds that " a7ii/ con- 
tract that rests upon such a basis is void ;" 
and. 

Whereas, The third clause of the second 
section of the fourth article of the constitu- 
tion of the United States, when construed 
as providing for the surrender of a fugitive 
slave, does "rest upon such a basis," in 
that it is a contract to rob a man of a 
natural right — namely, his natural right 
to his own liberty — and is therefore ab- 
solutely void. Therefore, 

19. Resolved, That we hereby give it to 
be distinctly understood by this nation 
and the world, that, as abolitionists, con- 
sidering that the strength of our cause lies 
in its righteousness, and our hope for it in 
our conformity to the laws of God, and our 
respect for the rights of man, we owe it to 
the Sovereign Ruler of the Universe, as a 
proof of our allegiance to Him, in all our 
civil relations and offices, whether as pri- 
vate citizens, or public functionaries sworn 
to support the constitution of the United 
States, to regard and to treat the third 
clause of the fourth article of that instru- 
ment, whenever applied to the case of a 
fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, 
and consequently as forming no part of the 
constitution of the United States, when- 
ever we are called upon or sworn to sup- 
port it. 

20. Resolved, That the power given to 
Congress by the constitution, to provide 
for calling out the militia to suppress in- 
surrection, does not make it the duty of 
the government to maintain slavery by 
military force, much less does it make 
it the duty of the citizens to form a part 
of such military force ; when freemen 
unsheathe the sword it should be to strike 
for liberty, not for despotism. 

21. Resolved, That to preserve the peace 
of the citizens, and secure the blessings of 
freedom, the legislature of each of the free 
states ought to keep in force suitable statutes 
rendering it penal for any of its inhabi- 
tants to transport, or aid in transporting 
from such state, any person sought to be 
thus transported, merely because subject 
to the slave laws of any other state ; this 
remnant of independence being accorded 
to the free states by the decision of the 
Supreme Court, in the case of Prigg vs. 
the state of Pennsylvania. 



1844.— AVhlR Platform. 

BiiUimore, 3[<iy 1. 

1. Resolved, That these principles may 



28 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



"be summed as comprising a well-regulated 
national currency : a tariff for revenue to 
defray the necessary expenses of the gov- 
ernment, and discriminating with special 
reference to the protection of the domes- 
tic labor of the country ; the distribution 
of the proceeds from the sales of the pub- 
lic lands ; a single term for the presidency ; 
reform of executive usurpations ; and 
generally such an administration of the 
affairs of the country as shall impart to 
every branch of the public service the 
greatest practical efficiency, controlled by 
a well-regulated and wise economy. 



a 



1S44..- Democratic Platform. 

Baltimore, May 27. 

Eesolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9, of 
the platform of 1840, were reaffirmed, to 
which were added the following : 

10. Resolved, That the proceeds of the 
public lauds ought to be sacredly ap- 
plied to the national objects specified in 
the constitution, and that we are opposed 
to the laws lately adopted, and to any law 
for the distribution of such proceeds 
among the states, as alike inexpedient in 
policy and repugnant to the constitution. 

11. Resolved, That we are decidedly op- 
posed to taking from the President the 
qualified veto power by which he is ena- 
bled, under restrictions and responsibili- 
ties amply sufficient to guard the public 
interest, to suspend the passage of a bill 
whose merits can not secure the approval 
of two-thirds of the Senate and House of 
Eepresentatives, until the judgment of the 
people can be obtained thereon, and which 
has thrice saved the American people from 
the corrupt and tyrannical domination of 
the bank of the United States. 

12. Resolved, That our title to the whole 
of the territory of Oregon is clear and un- 
questionable ; that no portion of the same 
ought to be ceded to England or any other 
power, and that the reoccupation of Ore- 
gon and the reannexation of Texas at the 
earliest practicable period, are great 
American measures, which this conven- 
tion recommends to the cordial support of 
the democracy of the Union. 



1848.— Democratic Platform. 

BaUimore, May 22. 

1. Resolved, That the American democ- 
racy place their trust in the intelligence, 
the patriotism, and the discriminating jus- 
tice of the American people. 

2. Resolved, That we regard this as a 
distinctive feature of our political creed, 
which we are proud to maintain before the 
world, as the great moral element in a 



form of government springing from and 
upheld by the popular will ; and contrast 
it with the creed and practice of federal- 
ism, under whatever name or form, which 
seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, 
and which conceives no imposture too 
monstrous for the popular credulity. 

3. Resolved, Therefore, that entertain- 
ing these views, the Democratic party of 
this Union, through the delegates assem- 
bled in general convention of the states, 
coming together in a spirit of concord, of 
devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free 
representative government, and appealing 
to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of 
their intentions, renew and reassert before 
the American people, the declaration of 
principles avowed by them on a former oc- 
casion, when, in general convention, they 
presented their candidates for the popular 
suffrage. 

Resolutions 1, 2, 3 and 4, of the plat- 
form of 1840, were reaffirmed. 

8. Resolved, That it is the duty of every 
branch of the government to enforce and 
I^ractice the most rigid economy in con- 
ducting our public affairs, and that no 
more revenue ought to be raised than is re- 
quired to defray the necessary expenses of 
the government, and for the gradual but 
certain extinction of the debt created by 
the prosecution of a just and necessary 
war. 

Resolution 5, of the platform of 1840, 
was enlarged by the following : 

And that the results of democratic legis- 
lation, in this and all other financial mea- 
sures, \x\ion which issues have been made 
between the two political parties of the 
country, have demonstrated to careful and 
practical men of all parties, their sound- 
ness, safety and utility in all business pur- 
suits. 

Resolutions 7, 8 and 9, of the platform 
of 1840, were here inserted. 

13. Resolved, That the proceeds of the 
public lands ought to be sacredly applied 
to the national objects specified in the con- 
stitution ; and that we are opposed to any 
law for the distribution of such proceeds 
among the states as alike inexpedient in 
policy and repugnant to the constitution. 

14. Resolved, That we are decidedly op- 
posed to taking from the President the 
qualified veto power, by which he is en- 
abled, un dcr restrictions and responsibili- 
ties amply sufficient to guard the public in- 
terests, to supend the passage of a bill 
whose merits can not secure the approval 
of two-thirds of the Senate and House of 
Representatives, until the judgment of the 
people can be obtained thereon, and which 
has saved the American people from the 
corrupt and tyrannical domination of the 
Bank of the United States, and from a cor- 
rupting system of general internal im- 
provements. 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



29 



15. Resolved, That the war with Mexi- 
co, provoked on her part by years of insult 
and injury, was commenced by her army 
crossing the Rio Grande, attacking the 
American troops, and invading our sister 
state of Texas, and upon all the principles 
of patriotism and the laws of nations, it is 
a just and necessary war on our part, in 
which every American citizen should have 
shown himself on the side of his country, 
and neither morally nor physically, by 
word or by deed, have given " aid and 
comfort to the enemy. " 

16. Resolved, That we would be rejoiced 
at the assurance of peace with Mexico, 
founded on the just jjrinciples of indem- 
nity for the past and security for the fu- 
ture ; but that while the ratification of the 
liberal treaty offered to Mexico remains in 
doubt, it is the duty of the country to sus- 
tain the administration and to sustain the 
country in every measure necessary to pro- 
vide for the vigorous prosecution of the 
war, should that treaty be rejected. 

17. Resolved, That the officers and sol- 
diers who have carried the arms of their 
country into Mexico, have crowned it with 
imjjerishable glory. Their unconquerable 
courage, their daring enterprise, their un- 
faltering perseverance and fortitude when 
assailed on all sides by innumerable foes 
and that more formidable enemy — the 
diseases of the climate — exalt their devoted 
patriotism into the highest heroism, and 
give them a right to the profound grati- 
tude of their country, and the admiration 
of the world. 

18. Resolved, That the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention of thirty states composing 
the American Republic, tender their fra- 
ternal congratulations to the National Con- 
vention of the Republic of France, now as- 
sembled as the free suffrage representative 
of the sovereignty of thirty-five millions of 
Republicans, to establish government on 
those eternal principles of equal rights, for 
which their La Fayette and our Washing- 
ton fought side by side in the struggle for 
our national independence ; and we would 
especially convey to them, and to t^ie 
whole people of France, our earnest wishes 
for the consolidation of their liberties, 
through the wisdom that shall guide their 
councils, on the basis of a democratic con- 
stitution, not derived from the grants or 
concessions of kings or dynasties, but orig- 
inating from the only true source of political 
power recognized in the states of this 
Union — the inherent and inalienable right 
of the people, in their sovereign capacity, 
to make and to amend their forms of gov- 
ernment in such manner as the welfare 
of the community may require. 

19. Resolved, That in view of the recent 
development of this grand political truth, 
of the sovereignty of the people and their 
capacity and power for self-government, 



which is prostrating thrones and erecting 
republics on the ruins of despotism in the 
old world, we feel that a high and sacred 
duty IS devolved, with increased responsi- 
bility, upon the Democratic party of this 
countiy, as the party of the people, to sustain 
and advance among us constitutional lib- 
erty, equality, and fi'aternity, by continu- 
ing to resist all monopolies and exclusive 
legislation for the benefit of the few at the 
expense of the many, and by a vigilant 
and constant adherence to those principles 
and comj^romises of the constitution, which 
are broad enough and strong enough to 
embrace and uphold the Union as it was, 
the Union as it is, and the Union as it 
shall be in the full expansion of the 
energies and capacity of this great and 
progressive i^eople. 

20. Resolved, That a copy of these reso- 
lutions be forwarded, through the American 
minister at Paris, to the National Conven- 
tion of the Republic of France. 

21. Resolved, That the fruits of the 
great political triumph of 1844, which elect- 
ed James K. Polk and George M. Dallas, 
President and Vice-President of the United 
States, have fulfilled the hopes of the de- 
mocracy of the Union in defeating the de- 
clared purposes of their opponents in 
creating a National Bank ; in preventing 
the corrupt and unconstitutional distribu- 
tion of the land proceeds from the com- 
mon treasury of the Union for local pur- 
poses ; in protecting the currency and labor 
of the country from ruinous fluctuations, 
and guarding the money of the country for 
the use of the people by the establishment 
of the constitutional treasury ; in the noble 
impulse given to the cause of ti*ee trade by 
the repeal of the tariff of '42, and the crea- 
tion of the more equal, honest, and pro- 
ductive tariff of 1846 ; and that, in our 
opinion, it would be a fatal error to weaken 
the bands of a political organization by 
which these great reforms have been 
achieved, and risk them in the hands of 
their known adversaries, with whatever 
delusive appeals they may solicit our sur- 
render of that vigilance which is the only 
safeguard of liberty. 

22. Resolved, That the confidence of the 
democracy of the Union in the principles, 
capacity, firmness, and integrity of James 
K. Polk, manifested by his nomination and 
election in 1844, has been signally justified 
by the strictness of his adherence to sound 
democratic doctrines, by the jjurity of pur- 
pose, the energy and ability, which have 
characterized his administration in all our 
affliirs at home and abroad ; that we tender 
to him our cordial congratulations upon 
the brilliant success which has hitherto 
crowned his patriotic efforts, and assure 
him in advance, that at the expiration of 
his jiresidential term he will carry with him 



30 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



to his retirement, the esteem, respect and 
admiration of a gratefiil country. 

23. Resolved, Tliat this convention here- 
by present to the people of tlie United States 
Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as the candidate 
of the Democratic party for the office of 
President, and William O. Butler, of Ken- 
tucky, for Vice-President of the United 
States. 



184.8,_Whig Principles Adopted at a Rati- 
ftcation Meeting, 

Philadelphia, June 9. 

1. Resolved, That the Whigs of the 
United States, here assembled by their 
representatives, heartily ratify the nomi- 
nations of General Zachary Taylor as Pres- 
ident, and Millard Fillmore as Vice-Pres- 
ident, of the United States, and pledge 
themselves to their support. 

2. Resolved, That in the choice of Gen- 
eral Taylor as the Whig candidate for 
President, we are glad to discover sympathy 
with a great popular sentiment throughout 
the nation — a sentiment which having its 
origin in admiration of great military suc- 
cess, has been strengthened by the develop- 
ment, in every action and every word, of 
sound conservative opinions, and of true 
fidelity to the great example of former 
days, and to the principles of the constitu- 
tion as administered by its founders. 

3. Resolved, That General Taylor, in say- 
ing that, had he voted in 1844, he would 
have voted the Whig ticket, gives us the 
assurance — and no better is needed from a 
consistent and truth-speaking man — that 
his heart was with us at the crisis of our 
political destiny, when Henry Clay was 
our candidate, and when not only Whig 
principles were well defined and clearly 
asserted, but Whig measures depended on 
success. The heart that was with us then 
is with us now, and, we have a soldier's 
word of honor, and a life of public and 
private virtue, as the security. 

4. Resolved, That we look on General 
Taylor's administration of the government 
as one conducive of peace, prosperity and 
union ; of peace, because no one better 
knows, or has greater reason to deplore, 
what he has seen sadly on the field of vic- 
tory, the horrors of war, and especially of a 
foreign and aggressive w^ar ; of prosperity, 
now more than ever needed to relieve the 
nation from a burden of debt, and restore 
industry — agricultural, manufacturing, and 
commercial — to its accustomed and peace- 
ful functions and influences; of union, be- 
cause we have a candidate whose very 
position as a southwestern man, reared on 
the banks of the great stream whose trib- 
utaries, natural and artificial, embrace the 
whole Union, renders the protection of the 
interests of the whole country his first 
trust, and whose various duties in past life 



have been rendered, not on the soil, or 
under the flag of any state or section, but 
over the wide frontier, and under the 
broad banner of the nation. 

5. Resolved, That standing, as the Whig 
party does, on the broad and firm platform 
of the constitution, braced up by all its in- 
violable and sacred guarantees and com- 
promises, and cherished in the affections, 
because protective of the interests of the 
people, we are proud to have as the ex- 
ponent of our opinions, one who is pledged 
to construe it by the wise and generous 
rules which Washington applied to it, and 
who has said — and no Whig desires any 
other assurance — that he will make Wash- 
ington's administration his model. 

6. Resolved, That as Whigs and Ameri- 
cans, we are proud to acknowledge our 
gratitude for the great military services 
which, beginning at Palo Alto, and end- 
ing at Buena Vista, first awakened the 
American people to a just estimate of him 
who is now our Whig candidate. In the 
discharge of a painful duty — for his march 
into the enemy's country was a reluctant 
one ; in the command of regulars at one 
time, and volunteers at another, and of 
both combined ; in the decisive though 
jjunctual discipline of his camp, where all 
respected and loved him ; in the negotia- 
tion of terms for a dejected and desperate 
enemy ; in the exigency of actual conflict 
when the balance was perilously doubtful^ 
we have found him the same — brave, dis- 
tinguished, and considerate, no heartless 
spectator of bloodshed, no trifler with hu- 
man life or human happiness ; and we do 
not know which to admire most, his hero- 
ism in withstanding the assaults of the 
enemy in the most hopeless fields of Buena 
Vista — mourning in generous sorrow over 
the graves of Ringgold, of Clay, of Hardin 
— or in giving, in the heat of battle, terms 
of merciful capitulation to a vanquished 
foe at Monterey, and not being ashamed to 
avow that he did it to spare women and 
children, helpless infancy and more help- 
less age, against whom no American sol- 
dier ever wars. Such a military man, 
whose triumphs are neither remote nor 
doubtful, whose virtues these trials have 
tested, we are proud to make our candidate. 

7. Resolved, That in support of this 
nomination, we ask our Whig friends 
throughout the nation to unite, to co-op- 
erate zealously, resolutely, with earnest- 
ness, in behalf of our candidate, whom 
calumny can not reach, and with respect- 
ful demeanor to our adversaries, whose can- 
didates have yet to prove their claims on 
the gratitude of the nation. 



1S4:8.— Buffalo Platform. 

Vtica, June 22. 

Whereas, We have assembled in conven- 
tion as a union of freemen, for the sake of 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



31 



freedom, forgetting all past political dif- 
ference, in a common resolve to maintain 
the rights of free labor against the aggres- 
sion of the slave power, and to secure free 
soil to a free people ; and, 

Whereas, The political conventions re- 
cently assembled at Baltimore and Phila- 
delphia — the one stifling the voice of a 
great constituency, entitled to be heard in 
its deliberations, and the other abandoning 
its distinctive principles for mere avail- 
ability — have dissolved the national party 
organization heretofore existing, by nomi- 
nating for the chief magistracy of the 
United States, under the slaveholding dic- 
tation, candidates, neither of whom can be 
supported by the opponents of slavery ex- 
tension, without a sacrifice of consistency, 
duty, and self-respect ; and. 

Whereas, These nominations so made, 
furnish the occasion, and demonstrate the 
necessity of the union of the people under 
the banner of free democracy, in a solemn 
and formal declaration of their independ- 
ence of the slave power, and of their fixed 
determination to rescue the Federal gov- 
ernment from its control, 

1. Resolved, therefore, That we, the peo- 
ple here assembled, remembering the ex- 
ample of our fathers in the days of the 
first Declaration of Independence, putting 
our trust in God for the triumph of our 
cause, and invoking His guidance in our 
endeavors to advance it, do now plant our- 
selves upon the national platform of free- 
dom, in opposition to the sectional plat- 
form of slavery. 

2. Resolved, That slavery in the several 
states of this Union which recognize its 
existence, depends upon the state laws 
alone, which can not be repealed or modi- 
fied by the Federal government, and for 
which laws that government is not respon- 
sible. We therefore propose no interfer- 
ence by Congress with slavery within the 
limits of any state. 

3. Resolved, That the proviso of Jeffer- 
son, to prohibit the existence of slavery, 
after 1800, in all the territories of the 
United States, southern and northern ; the 
votes of six states and sixteen delegates in 
Congress of 1784, for the proviso, to three 
states and seven delegates against it ; the 
actual exclusion of slavery from the North- 
western Territory^ by the Ordinance of 
1787, unanimously adopted by the states 
in Congress ; and the entire history of that 
period, clearly show that it was the settled 
policy of the nation not to extend, na- 
tionalize or encourage, but to limit, lo- 
calize and discourage, slavery ; and to this 
policy, which should never have been de- 
parted from, the government ought to 
return. 

4. Resolved, That our fathers ordained 
the constitution of the United States, in 
order, among other great national objects, 



to establish justice, promote the general 
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty ; 
but expressly denied to the Federal gov- 
ernment, which they created, all constitu- 
tional power to deprive any person of life, 
liberty, or property, without due legal 
process. 

5. Resolved, That in the judgment of 
this convention, Congress has no more 
power to make a slave than to make a 
king ; no more power to institute or estab- 
lish slavery than to institute or establish a 
monarchy ; no such power can be found 
among those specifically conferred by the 
constitution, or derived by just implication 
from them. 

6. Resolved, That it is the duty of the 
Federal government to relieve itself from 
all responsibility for the existence or con- 
tinuance of slavery wherever the govern- 
ment possesses constitutional power to 
legislate on that subject, and it is thus re- 
sponsible for its existence. 

7. Resolved, That the true, and, in the 
judgment of this convention, the only safe 
means of preventing the extension of 
slavery into territory now free, is to pro- 
hibit its extension in all such territory by 
an act of Congress. 

8. Resolved, That we accept the issue 
which the slave power has forced upon us ; 
and to their demand for more slave states, 
and more slave territory, our calm but 
final answer is, no more slave states and 
no more slave territory. Let the soil of 
our extensive domains be kept free for the 
hardy pioneers of our own land, and the 
oppressed and banished of other lands, 
seeking homes of comfort and fields of 
enterprise in the new world. 

9. Resolved, That the bill lately re- 
ported by the committee of eight in the 
Senate of the United States, was no com- 
promise, but an absolute surrender of the 
rights of the non-slaveholders of all the 
states ; and while we rejoice to know that 
a measure which, while opening the door 
for the introduction of slavery into the 
territories now free, would also have 
opened the door to litigation and strife 
among the fiiture inhabitants thereof, to 
the ruin of their peace and prosperity, was 
defeated in the House of Representatives, 
its passage, in hot haste, by a majority, 
embracing several senators who voted in 
open violation of the known will of their 
constituents, should warn the people tO' 
see to it that their representatives be not 
suffered to betray them. There must be 
no more compromises with slavery ; if 
made, they must be repealed. 

10. Resolved, That we demand freedom 
and established institutions for our breth- 
ren in Oregon, now exposed to hardships, 
peril, and massacre, by the reckless hos- 
tility of the slave power to the establish- 
ment of free government and free territo- 






AMERICAN POLITICS. 



ries; 



and not only for them, but for our 
brethren in California and New Mexico. 

11. Resolved, It is due not only to this 
occasion, but to the whole people of the 
United States, that we should also declare 
ourselves on certain other questions of na- 
tional policy ; therefore, 

12. Resolved, That we demand cheap 
postage for the people ; a retrenchment of 
the expenses and patronage of the Federal 
government ; the abolition of all unneces- 
sary offices and salaries ; and the election 
by "the people of all civil officers in the 
service of the government, so far as the 
same may be practicable. 

13. Resolved, that river and harbor im- 
provements, when demanded by the safety 
and convenience of commerce with for- 
eign nations, or among the several states, 
are objects of national concern, and that it 
is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of 
its constitutional power, to provide there- 
for. 

14. Resolved, That the free grant to 
actual settlers, in consideration of the ex- 
penses thev incur in making settlements in 
the wilderness, which are usually fully 
equal to their actual cost, and of the pub- 
lic benefits resulting therefrom, of reason- 
able portions of the public lands, under 
suitable limitations, is a wise and just 
measure of public policy, which will pro- 
mote in various ways the interests of all 
the states of this Union ; and we, there- 
fore, recommend it to the favorable con- 
sideration of the American People. 

15. Resolved, That the obligations of 
honor and patriotism require the earliest 
practical payment of the national debt, and 
we are, therefore, in favor of such a tarifl' 
of duties as will raise revenue adequate to 
defray the expenses of the Federal govern- 
ment, and to pay annual installments of 
our debt and the interest ihereon. 

16. Resolved, That we inscribe on our 
banner, "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free 
Labor, and Free Men," and under it we Avill 
fight on, and fight ever, unrii a triumphant 
victory shall reward our exertions. 



1853.— Democratic Platform. 



Baltimore, June 1. 



Resolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, of the 
platform of 1848, were reaffirmed, to which 
were added the following : 

8. Resolved, That it is the duty of every 
branch of the government to enforce and 
practice the most rigid economy in con- 
ducting our public aflPairs, and that no 
more revenue ought to be raised than is 
required to defray the necessary expenses 
of the government, and for the gradual but 
certain extinction of the public debt. 

9. Resolved, That Congress has no power 



to charter a National Bank ; that we be- 
lieve such an institution one of deadly 
hostility to the best interests of the coun- 
try, dangerous to our republican institu- 
tions and the liberties of the people, and 
calculated to place the business of the 
country within the control of a concen- 
trated money jiower, and that above the 
laws and will of the people ; and that the 
results of Democratic legislation, in this 
and all other financial measures, upon 
which issues have been made between the 
two political parties of the country, have 
demonstrated to candid and practical men 
of all parties, their soundness, safety, and 
utility, in all business pursuits. 

10. Resolved, That the separation of the 
moneys of the government irom banking 
institutions is indispensable for the safety 
of the funds of the government and the 
rights of the people. 

11. Resolved, That the liberal princijiles 
embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration 
of Independence, and sanctioned in the 
constitution, Avhich makes ours the land 
of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed 
of every nation, have ever been cardinal 
principles in the Democratic faith ; and 
every attempt to abridge the privilege of 
becoming citizens and the owners of the 
soil among us, ought to be resisted with 
the same sjiirit that swept the alien and 
sedition laws from our statute books. 

12. Resolved, That Congress has no 
power under the constitution to interfere 
with, or control, the domestic institutions 
of the several states, and that such states 
are the sole and proper judges of every- 
thing appertaining to their own affairs, not 
prohibited by the constitution; that all 
efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made 
to induce Congress to interfere with ques- 
tions of slavery, or to take incipient steps 
in relation thereto, are calculated to lead 
to the most alarming and dangerous conse- 
quences ; and that all such efforts have an 
inevitable tendency to diminish the happi- 
ness of the people, and endanger the sta- 
bility and permanency of the Union, and 
ought not to be countenanced by any 
friend of our political institutions. 

13. Resolved, That the foregoing propo- 
sition covers, and is intended to. embrace, 
the whole subject of slavery agitation in 
Congress ; and therefore the Democratic 
party of the Union, standing on this na- 
tional platform, will abide by, and adhere 
to, a faithful execution of the acts known 
as the Compromise measures settled by 
last Congress, " the act for reclaiming fugi- 
tives from service labor " included ; which 
act, being designed to carrj^ out an ex- 
press provision of the constitution, can 
not, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor 
so changed as to destroy or impair its 
efficiency. 

14. Resolved, That the Democratic party 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



33 



will resist all attempts at renewing in Con- 
gress, or out of it, the agitation of the 
slavery question, under whatever shape or 
color the attempt may be made. 

[Here resolutions iS and 14, of the plat- 
form of 1848, were inserted.] 

17. Resolved, That the Democratic party 
will faithfully abide by and uphold the 
principles laid down in the Kentucky and 
Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and 
in the report of Mr. Madison to the Vir- 
ginia Legislature in 1799 ; that it adopts 
those principles as constituting one of the 
main foundations of its political creed, and 
is resolved to carry them out in their ob- 
vious meaning and import. 

18. Resolved, That the war with Mexico, 
upon all the principles of patriotism and 
the law of nations, was a just and necessary 
war on our part, in which no American 
citizen should have shown himself opposed 
to his country, and neither morally nor 
physically, by word or deed, given aid and 
comfort to the enemy. 

19. Resolved, That we rejoice at the re- 
storation of friendly relations with our 
sister Republic of Mexico, and earnestly 
desire for her all the blessings and pros- 
perity which we enjoy under republican 
institutions, and we congratulate the 
American people on the results of that 
war which have so manifestly justified the 
policy and conduct of the Democratic 
party, and insured to the United States 
indemnity for the past and security for the 
future. 

20. Resolved, That, in view of the condi- 
tion of popular institutions in the old 
world, a high and sacred duty is devolved 
with increased responsibility upon the De- 
mocracy of this country, as the party of 
the people, to uphold and maintain the 
rights of every state, and thereby the 
union of states, and to sustain and advance 
among them constitutional liberty, by con- 
tinuing to resist all monopolies and exclu- 
sive legislation for the benefit of the few 
at the expense of the many, and by a 
vigilant and constant adherence to those 
principles and compromises of the consti- 
tution which are broad enough and strong 
enough to embrace and uphold the Union 
as it is, and the Union as it should be, in 
the full expansion of the energies and ca- 
pacity of this great and progressive people. 



1853.— Whig Platform. 

Baltimore, June 10. 

The Whigs of the United States, in con- 
vention assembled adhering to the great 
conservative principles by Avhich they are 
controlled and governed, and now as ever 
relying upon the intelligence of the Ameri- 
can people, with an abiding confidence in 
their capacity for self-government and 



their devotion to the constitution and the 
Union, do proclaim the following as the 
political sentiments and determination for 
the establishment and maintenance of 
which their national organization as a 
party was effected : 

First. The government of the United 
States is of a limited character, and is con- 
fined to the exercise of powers expressly 
granted by the constitution, and such as 
may be necessary and 2>roper for carrying 
the granted powers into full execution, 
and that powers not granted or necessarily 
implied are reserved to the states respec- 
tively and to the people. 

Second. The state governments should 
be held secure to their reserved rights, and 
the General Government sustained in its 
constitutional powers, and that the Union 
should be revered and watched over as the 
palladium of our liberties. 

Third. That while struggling freedom 
everywhere enlists the warmest sympathy 
of the Whig party, we still adhere to the 
doctrines of the Father of his Country, as 
announced in his Farewell Address, of 
keeping ourselves free from all entangling 
alliances with foreign countries, and of 
never quitting our own to stand upon for- 
eign ground ; that our mission as a repub- 
lic is not to propagate our ojjinions, or im- 
pose on other countries our forms of gov- 
ernment, by artifice or force, but to teach 
by example, and show by our success, 
moderation and justice, the blessings of 
self-government, and the advantages of 
free institutions. 

Fourth. That, as the people make and 
control the government, they should obey 
its constitution, laws and treaties as they 
would retain their self-respect and the re- 
spect which they claim and will enforce 
from foreign powers. 

Fifth. Governments should be conduc- 
ted on the principles of the strictest econo- 
my ; and revenue sufficient for the expen- 
ses thereof, in time of peace, ought to be 
derived mainly from a duty on imports, 
and not from direct taxes ; and on laying 
such duties sound policy requires a just 
discrimination, and, when practicable, by 
specific duties, whereby suitable encour- 
agement may be afforded to American in- 
dustry, equally to all classes and to all 
jDortions of the country. 

Sixth. The constitution vests in Con- 
gress the power to open and repair har- 
bors, and remove obstructions from navi- 
gable rivers, whenever such improvements 
are necessary for the common defense, and 
for the protection and facility of commerce 
with foreign nations or among the states, 
said improvements being in every instance 
national and general in their character. 

Seventh. The Federal and state govern- 
ments are parts of one system, alike neces- 
sary for the common prosperity, peace and 



34 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



security, and ought to be regarded alike 
with a cordial, habitual and immovable at- 
tachment. Respect for the authority of 
each, and acquiescence in the just consti- 
tutional measures of each, are duties re- 
quired by the plainest considerations of 
national, state and individual welfare. 

Eighth. That the series of acts of the 
32d Congress, the act known as the Fugi- 
tive Slave Law included, are received and 
acquiesced in by the Whig party of the 
United States as a settlement in principle 
and substance of the dangerous and excit- 
ing questions which they embrace ; and, 
so far as they are concerned, we will main- 
tain them, and insist upon their strict en- 
forcement, until time and experience shall 
demonstrate the necessity of further legis- 
lation to guard against the evasion of the 
laws on the one hand and the abuse of 
their powers on the other — not impairing 
their present efficiency ; and we deprecate 
all further agitation of the question thus 
settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will 
discountenance all efforts to continue or 
renew such agitation whenever, where- 
ever or however the attempt may be made ; 
and we will maintain the system as essen- 
tial to the nationality of the Whig party, 
and the integrity of the Union. 



1853.— Free-soQ Platform. 

PiUsburg, Augitsl 11. 

Having assembled in national conven- 
tion as the free democracy of the United 
States, united by a common resolve to 
maintain right against wrong, and freedom 
against slavery; confiding in the intelli- 
gence, patriotism, and discriminating jus- 
tice of the American people ; putting our 
trust in God for the triumph of our cause, 
and invoking His guidance in our endea- 
vors to advance it, we now submit to the 
candid judgment of all men, the following 
declaration of principles and measures : 

1. That governments, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed, 
are instituted among men to secure to all 
those inalienable rights of life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness, with which they 
are endowed by their Creator, and of which 
none can be deprived by valid legislation, 
except for crime. 

2. That the true mission of American 
democracy is to maintain the liberties of 
the people, the sovereignty of the states, 
and the perpetuity of the Union, by the 
impartial application of public affairs, 
without sectional discriminations, of the 
fundamental principles of human rights, 
strict justice, and an economical adminis- 
tration. 

3. That the Federal goyernment is one 
of limited powers, derived solely from the 



constitution, and the grants of power there- 
in ought to be strictly construed by all the 
departments and agents of the government, 
and it is inexpedient and dangerous to ex- 
ercise doubtful constitutional powers. 

4. That the constitution of the United 
States, ordained to form a more perfect 
Union, to establish justice, and secure the 
blessings of liberty, expressly denies to the 
general government all power to deprive 
any person of life, liberty, or property, 
without due process of law ; and, there- 
fore, the government, having no more 
power to make a slave than to make a 
king, and no more power to establish 
slavery than to establish a monarchy, 
should at once proceed to relieve itself 
from all responsibility for the existence of 
slavery, wherever it possesses constitutional 
power to legislate for its extinction. 

5. That, to the persevering and importu- 
nate demands of the slave power for more 
slave states, new slave territories, and the 
nationalization of slavery, our distinct 
and final answer is — no more slave states, 
no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, 
and no national legislation for the extra- 
dition of slaves. 

6. That slavery is a sin against God, and 
a crime against man, which no human en- 
actment nor usage can make right ; and 
that Christianity, humanity, and patriot- 
ism alike demand its abolition. 

7. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is 
repugnant to the constitution, to the prin- 
ciples of the common law, to the spirit of 
Christianity, and to the sentiments of the 
civilized world; we, therefore, deny its 
binding force on the American people, 
and demand its immediate and total re- 
peal. 

8. That the doctrine that any human 
law is a finality, and not subject to modi- 
fication or repeal, is not in accordance 
with the creed of the founders of our gov- 
ernment, and is dangerous to the liberties 
of the people. 

9. That the acts of Congress, known as 
the Compromise measures of 1850, by mak- 
ing the admission of a sovereign state con- 
tingent upon the adoption of other mea- 
sures demanded by the special interests of 
slavery ; by their omission to guarantee 
freedom in the free territories ; by their at- 
tempt to impose unconstitutional limita- 
tions on the powers of Congress and the 
people to admit new states ; by their pro- 
visions for the assumption of five millions 
of the state debt of Texas, and for the pay- 
ment of five millions more, and the cession 
of large territory to the same state under 
menace, as an inducement to the relin- 
quishment of a groundless claim ; and by 
their invasion of the sovereignty of the 
states and the liberties of the people, 
through the enactment of an unjust, op- 
pressive, and unconstitutional fugitive 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



oO 



slave law, are i)roved to be inconsistent 
with all the principles and maxims of de- 
mocracy, and wholly inadequate to the 
settlement of the questions of which they 
are claimed to be an adjustment. 

10. That no permanent settlement of 
the slavery question can be looked for ex- 
cept in the practical recognition of the 
truth that slavery is sectional and freedom 
national ; by the total separation of the 
general government from slavery, and the 
exercise of its legitimate and constitutional 
influence on the side of freedom ; and by 
leaving to the states the whole subject of 
slavery and the extradition of fugitives 
from service. 

11. That all men have a natural right to 
a portion of the soil ; and that as the use 
of the soil is indispensable to life, the right 
of all men to the soil is as sacred as their 
right to life itself. 

12. That the public lands of the United 
States belong to the people and should not be 
sold to individuals nor granted to corpora- 
tions, but should be held as a sacred trust 
for the benefit of the people, and should 
be granted in limited quantities, free of 
cost, to landless settlers. 

13. That due regard for the Federal 
constitution, a sound administrative poli- 
cy, demand that the ftinds of the general 
government be kept separate from bank- 
ing institutions ; that inland and ocean 
postage should be reduced to the lowest 
possible point ; that no more revenue 
should be raised than is required to defray 
the strictly necessary expenses of the pub- 
lic service and to pay ofl' the public debt ; 
and that the power and patronage of the 
government should be diminished by the 
abolition of all unnecessary oflices, salaries 
and privileges, and by the election of the 
people of all civil officers in the service of 
the United States, so far as may be consist- 
ent with the prompt and efficient transac- 
tion of the public business. 

14. That river and harbor improvements, 
when necessary to the safety and con- 
venience of commerce with foreign nations, 
or among the several states, are objects of 
national concern ; and it is the duty of 
Congress, in the exercise of its constitu- 
tional powers, to provide for the same. 

15. That emigrants and exiles from the 
old world should find a cordial welcome to 
homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in 
the new ; and every attempt to abridge 
their privilege of becoming citizens and 
owners of soil among us ought to be resist- 
ed with inflexible determination. 

16. That every nation has a clear right 
to alter or change its own government, 
and to administer its own concerns in such 
manner as may best secure the rights 
and promote the happiness of the people ; 
and foreign interference with that right is 
a dangerous violation of the law of nations. 



against which all independent govern- 
ments should protest, and endeavor by all 
proper means to j^revent ; and especially is 
it the duty of the American government, 
representing the chief republic of the 
world, to protest against, and by all pro- 
per means to prevent, the intervention of 
kings and emperors against nations seek- 
ing to establish for themselves republican 
or constitutional governments. 

17. That the independence of Hayti 
ought to be recognized by our government, 
and our commercial relations with it placed 
on the footing of the most favored nations. 

18. That as by the constitution, "the 
citizens of each state shall be entitled to 
all the privileges and immunities of citi- 
zens in the several states," the practice of 
imprisoning colored seamen of other states, 
while the vessels to which they belong lie 
in port, and refusing the exercise of the 
right to bring such cases before the Su- 
preme Court of the United States, to test 
the legality of such proceedings, is a fla- 
grant violation of the constitution, and an 
invasion of the rights of the citizens of 
other states, utterly inconsistent with the 
professions made by the slaveholders, that 
they wish the provisions of the constitu- 
tion faithfully observed by every state in 
the Union. 

19. That we recommend the introduc- 
tion into all treaties hereafter to be nego- 
tiated between the United States and for- 
eign nations, of some provision for the 
amicable settlement of difficulties by a re- 
sort to decisive arbitrations. 

20. That the free democratic party is 
not organized to aid either the Whig or 
Democratic wing of the great slave compro- 
mise party of the nation, but to defeat 
them both ; and that rejiudiating and re- 
nouncing both as hopelessly corrupt and 
utterly unworthy' of confidence, the pur- 
pose of the Free Democracy is to take pos- 
session of the Federal government and ad- 
minister it for the better protection of the 
rights and interests of the whole people. 

21. That we inscribe on our banner 
Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and 
Free Men, and under it will fight on and 
fight ever, until a triumjjhant victory shall 
reward our exertions. 

22. That upon this platform, the con- 
vention presents to the American people, 
as a candidate for the office of President 
of the United States, John P. Hale, of 
New Hampshire, and as a candidate for 
the office of Vice-President of the United 
States, George W. Julian, of Indiana, and 
earnestly commend them to the support of 
all freemen and all parties. 



1856.— Tbe American Platform. 

Adopted at Philadelphia February 21. 

1, An humble acknowledgment to tho 



36 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Supreme Being for His protecting care 
vouchsafed to our fathers in their success- 
ful revolutionary struu:gle, and hitherto 
manifested to us, their descendants, in the 
preservation of the liberties, the indepen- 
dence, and the union of these states. 

2. The perpetuation of the Federal 
Union and constitution, as the palladium 
of our civil and religious liberties, and the 
only sure bulwarks of American Lridepend- 
ence. 

3. Americans must rule America ; and to 
this end native-hoYw citizens should be se- 
lected for all state, federal, and municipal 
offices of government employment, in pre- 
ference to all others. Nevertheless, 

4. Persons born of American parents 
residing temporarily abroad, should be 
entitled to all the rights of native-born 
citizens. 

5. No person should be selected for polit- 
ical station (whether of native or foreign 
birth), who recognizes any allegiance or 
obligation of any description to any foreign 
prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses 
to recognize the federal and state constitu- 
tions (each within its sphere) as paramount 
to all other laws, as rules of political ac- 
tion. 

6. The unequaled recognition and main- 
tenance of the reserved rights of the several 
states, and the cultivation of harmony and 
fraternal good-will between the citizens 
of the several states, and, to this end, non- 
interference by Congress w'ith questions 
appertaining solely to the individual states, 
and non-intervention by each state with 
the affairs of any other state. 

7. The recognition of the right of native- 
born and naturalized citizens of the Uni- 
ted States, permanently residing in any 
territory thereof, to frame their constitu- 
tion and laws, and to regulate their domes- 
tic and social affairs in their own mode, 
subject only to the provisions of the fed- 
eral constitution, with the privilege of ad- 
mission into the Union whenever they 
have the requisite population for one 
Representative in Congress: Provided, al- 
ways, that none but those who are citizens 
of the United States under the constitu- 
tion and laws thereof, and who have a 
fixed residence in any such territory, ought 
to participate in the formation of the con- 
stitution or in the enactment of laws for 
said territory or state. 

8. An enforcement of the principles 
that no state or territory ought to admit 
others than citizens to the right of suffrage 
or of holding political offices of the United 
States. 

9. A change in the laws of naturaliza- 
tion, making a continued residence of 
twenty-one years, of all not heretofore 
provided for, an indispensable requisite for 
citizenship hereafter, and excluding all 
paupers and persons convicted of crime 



from landing upon our shores ; but no in- 
terference with the vested rights of for- 
eigners. 

10. Ojiposition to any union between 
church and state ; no interference with 
religious faith or worship ; and no test- 
oaths for office. 

11. Free and thorough investigation 
into any and all alleged abuses of public 
functionaries, and a strict economy in pub- 
lic expenditures. 

12. The maintenance and enforcement 
of all laws constitutionally enacted, until 
said laws shall be repealed, or shall be de- 
clared null and void by competent judicial 
authority. 

13. Opposition to the reckless and un- 
wise policy of the present administration 
in the general management of our national 
affairs, and more especially as shown in 
removing "Americans" (by designation) 
and conservatives in principle, from office, 
and placing foreigners and ultraists in 
their places ; as shown in a truckling sub- 
serviency to the stronger, and an insolent 
and cowardly bravado towards the weaker 
powers ; as shown in reopening sectional 
agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise ; as shown in granting to un- 
naturalized foreigners the right of suffrage 
in Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in its 
vacillating course on the Kansas and Ne- 
braska question ; as shown in the corrup- 
tions which pervade some of the depart- 
ments of the government ; as shown in dis- 
gracing meritorious naval officers through 
prejudice or caprice ; and as shown in the 
blundering mismanagement of our foreign 
relations. 

14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils 
and prevent the disastrous consequences 
otherwise resulting therefrom, we would 
build up the " American Party " upon the 
principles hereinbefore stated. 

15. That each state council shall have 
authority to amend their several constitu- 
tions, so as to abolish the several degrees, 
and substitute a pledge of honor, instead 
of other obligations, for fellowship and 
admission into the party, 

16. A free and open discussion of all 
political principles embraced in our plat- 
form. 



1856. — Democratic Platform, 

Adopted at Cincinruiti, June 6. 

Resolved, That the American democracy 
place their trust in the intelligence, the 
patriotism, and discriminating justice of 
the American people. 

Resolved, That we regard this as a dis- 
tinctive feature of our political creed, 
which we are proud to maintain before 
the world as a great moral element in a 
form of government springing from and 
upheld by the popular will ; and we con- 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



37 



traat it with the creed and practice of 
federalism, under whatever name or form, 
which seeks to palsy the will of the con- 
stituent, and which conceives no imposture 
too monstrous for the popular credulity. 

Resolved, therefore, That entertaining 
these views, the Democratic party of this 
Union, through their delegates, assembled 
in general convention, coming together in 
a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doc- 
trines and faith of a free representative 
government, and appealing to their fellow 
citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, 
renew and reassert, before the American 
people, the declaration of princij^les 
avowed by them, when, on former occa- 
sions, in general convention, they have 
preseated their candidates for the popular 
suffrage. 

L That the Federal government is one 
of limited power, derived solely from the 
constitution, and the grants of jiower made 
therein ought to be strictly construed by 
all the departments and agents of the gov- 
ernment, and that it is inexpedient and 
dangerous to exercise doubtftil constitu- 
tional powers. 

2. That the constitution does not confer 
upon the general government the power to 
commence and carry on a general system 
of internal improvements. 

3. That the constitution does not confer 
authority upon the Federal government, 
directly or indirectly, to assume the debts 
of the several states, contracted for local 
and internal improvements or other state 
purposes; nor would such assumption be 
just or expedient. 

4. That justice and sound policy forbid 
the Federal government to foster one 
branch of industry to the detriment of 
another, or to cherish the interests of one 
portion of our common country ; that every 
citizen and every section of the country 
has a right to demand and insist upon an 
equality of rights and j^rivileges, and a 
complete and ample protection of persons 
and property from domestic violence and 
foreign aggression. 

. 5. That it is the duty of every branch 
of the government to enforce and practice 
the most rigid economy in conducting our 
public affairs, and that no more revenue 
ought to be raised than is required to de- 
fray the necessary expenses of the govern- 
ment and gradual but certain extinction of 
the public debt. 

6. That the proceeds of the public lands 
ought to be sacredly applied to the national 
objects specified in the constitution, and 
that we are oi^posed to any law for the dis- 
tribution of such proceeds among the states, 
as alike inexpedient in policy and repug- 
nant to the constitution. 

7. That Congress has no power to char- 
ter a national bank ; that we believe such 
an institution one of deadly hostility to 



the best interests of this country, danger- 
ous to our republican institutions and the 
liberties of the people, and calculated to 
place the business of the country within 
the control of a concentrated money power 
and above the laws and will of the people ; 
and the results of the democratic legisla- 
tion in this and all other financial measures 
upon which issues have been made between 
the two political parties of the country, 
have demonstrated to candid and practical 
men of all parties their soundness, safety, 
and utility in all businesis pursuits. 

8. That the separation of the moneys of 
the government from banking institutions 
is indispensable to the safety of the funds 
of the government and the rights of the 
people. 

9. That we are decidedly opposed to 
taking from the President the qualifietl 
veto power, by which he is enabled, under 
restrictions and responsil)ilities amply suffi- 
cient to guard the public interests, to sus- 
pend the passage of a bill whose merits 
can not secure the approval of two-thirds 
of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, until the judgment of the people can 
be obtained thereon, and which has savetl 
the American people from the corrupt and 
tyrannical dominion of the Bank of the 
United States and from a corrupting sys- 
tem of general internal improvements. 

10. That the liberal princiisles embodied 
by Jefferson in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and sanctioned in the Constitu- 
tion, which makes ours the land of liberty 
and the asylum of the oppressed of every 
nation, have ever been cardinal principles 
in the democratic faith ; and every at- 
tempt to abridge the privilege of becom- 
ing citizens and owners of soil among us, 
ought to be resisted with the same spirit 
which swept the alien and sedition laws 
from our statute books. 

And whereas, Since the foregoing decla- 
ration was uniformly adopted by our prede- 
cessors in national conventions, an adverse 
political and religious te.st has been 
secretly organized by a party claiming to 
be exclusively Americans, and it is proper 
that the American democracy should 
clearly define its relations thereto; and 
declare its determined opposition to all 
secret political societies, by whatever name 
they may be called — 

Resolved, That the foundation of this 
union of states having been laid in, and 
its prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent 
example in free government built upon, 
entire freedom of matters of religious con- 
cernment, and no respect of persons in re- 
gard to rank or place of birth, no party 
can justly be deemed national, constitu- 
tional, or in accordance with American 
principles, which bases its exclusive organ- 
ization upon religious oj)inio'ns and acci- 
dental birth-place. And hence a political 



38 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



crusade in the nineteenth century, and in 
the United States of America, against 
Catholics and foreign-born, is neither justi- 
iied by the past history or future prospects 
ol' tlie country, nor in unison with the 
spirit of toleration and enlightened free- 
dom which peculiarly distinguishes the 
American system of jjopular government. 
Resolved, That we reiterate with renewed 
energy of purpose the well-considered 
declarations of former conventions upon 
the sectional issue of domestic slavery, 
and concerning the reserved rights of the 
states — 

1. That Congress has no power under 
the constitution to interfere with or con- 
trol the domestic institutions of the several 
states, and that all such states are the sole 
and proper judges of everything apper- 
taining to their own affairs not prohibited 
by the constitution ; that all efforts of the 
Abolitionists or others, made to induce 
Congress to interfere with questions of 
slavery, or to take incipient steps in rela- 
tion thereto, are calculated to lead to the 
most alarming and dangerous conse- 
quences, and that all such efforts have an 
inevitable tendency to diminish the hap- 
piness of the people and endanger the 
stability and permanency of the Union, 
and ought not to be countenanced by auy 
friend of our political institutions. 

2. That the foregoing proposition covers 
and was intended to embrace the whole 
subject of slavery agitation in Congress, 
and therefore the Democratic party of the 
Union, standing on this national platform, 
will abide by and adhere to a faithful exe- 
cution of the acts known as the compro- 
mise measures, settled by the Congress of 
1850 — "the act for reclaiming fugitives 
from service or labor " included ; which 
act, being designed to carry out an express 
provision of the constitution, can not, Avith 
fidelity thereto, be repealed, or so changed 
as to destroy or imjiair its efficiency. 

3. That the Democratic party will resist 
all attempts at renewing in Congress, or 
out of it, the agitation of the slavery ques- 
tion, under whatever shape or color the 
attempt may be made. 

4. That the Democratic party will faith- 
fully abide by and uphold the principles 
laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia 
resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and in the 
report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia 
legislature in 1799; that it adopts these 
principles as constituting one of the main 
foundations of its political creed, and is 
resolved to carry them out in their obvious 
meaning and import. 

And that we may more distinctly meet 
the issue on which a sectional party, sub- 
sisting exclusively on slavery agitation, 
now relies to test the fidelity of the people, 
north and south, to the constitution and 
the Union — 



1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship 
with and desiring the co-operation of all 
who regard the preservation of the Union 
under the constitution as the paramount 
issue, and repudiating all sectional parties 
and platforms concerning domestic slavery 
which seek to embroil the states and in- 
cite to treason and armed resistance to law 
in the territories, and whose avowed pur- 
pose, if consummated, must end in civil 
war and disunion, the American democracy 
recognize and adopt the principles con- 
tained in the organic laws establishing the 
territories of Nebraska and Kansas, as em- 
bodying the only sound and safe solution 
of the slavery question, upon which the 
great national idea of the people of this 
whole country can repose in its determined 
conservation of the TJnion, and non-inter- 
ference of Congress with slavery in the 
territories or in the District of Columbia. 

2. That this was the basis of the com- 
promise of 1850, confirmed by both the 
Democratic and Whig parties in national 
conventions, ratified by the people in the 
election of 1852, and rightly applied to the 
organization of the territories in 1854. 

3. That by the uniform application of 
the Democratic principle to the organiza- 
tion of territories and the admission of 
new states, with or without domestic sla- 
very, as they may elect, the equal rights of 
all the states will be preserved intact, the 
original compacts of the constitution main- 
tained inviolate, and the perpetuity and 
expansion of the Union insured to its ut- 
most capacity of embracing, in peace and 
harmony, every future American state that 
may be constituted or annexed with a re- 
publican form of government. 

Resolved, That we recognize the right 
of the people of all the territories, includ- 
ing Kansas and Nebraska, acting through 
the legally and fairly expressed will of the 
majority of the actual residents, and when- 
ever the number of their inhabitants justi- 
fies it, to form a constitution, with or with- 
out domestic slavery, and be admitted into 
the Union upon terms of perfect equality 
with the other states. 

Resolved, finally, That in view of the 
condition of 'the popular institutions in the 
old world (and the dangerous tendencies 
of sectional agitation, combined with the 
attempt to enforce civil and religious disa- 
bilities against the rights of acquiring and 
enjoying citizenship in our own land), a 
high and sacred duty is devolved, with in- 
creased responsibility, upon the Demo- 
cratic party of this country, as the party 
of the Union, to uphold and maintain the 
rights of every state, and thereby the 
union of the states, and to sustain and ad- 
vance among us constitutional liberty, by 
continuing to resist all monopolies and ex- 
clusive legislation for the benefit of the few 
at the expense of the many, and by a vigi- 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



39 



lant and constant adherence to those prin- 
ciples and compromises of the constitution 
which are broad enough and strong enough 
lo embrace and uphold the Union as it 
WIS, the Union as it is, and the Union as 
it shall be, in the full ex^jression of the 
energies and capacity of this great and 
progressive people. 

1. Resolved, That there are questions 

(connected with the foreign policy of this 
country which are inferior to no domestic 
questions whatever. The time has come 
for the peojjle of the United States to de- 
clare themselves in favor of free seas and 
progressive free trade throughout the world, 
and, by solemn manifestations, to place 
their moral influence at the side of their 
successful example. 

2. Resolved, That our geographical and 
political position with reference to the other 
states of this continent, no less than the 
interest of our commerce and the develoj^- 
ment of our growing power, requires that 
we should hold sacred the principles in- 
volved in the Monroe doctrine. Their 
bearing and import admit of no miscon- 
struction, and should be applied with un- 
bending rigidity. 

3. Resolved, That the great highway 
which nature, as well as the assent of states 
most immediately interested in its main- 
tenance, has marked out for free commu- 
nication between the Atlantic and Pacific 
oceans, constitutes one of the most impor- 
tant achievements realized by the spirit of 
modern times, in the unconquerable energy 
of our people ; and that result would be 
secured by a timely and efficient exertion 
of the control which we have the right to 
claim over it; and no power on earth 
should be suffered to impede or clog its 
progress by any interference with relations 
that may suit our policy to establish be- 
tween our government and the govern- 
ments of the states within whose dominions 
it lies ; we can under no circumstances sur- 
render our preponderance in the adjust- 
ment of all questions arising out of it. 

4. Resolved, That in view of so com- 
manding an interest, the people of the 
United States cannot but sympathize with 
the efforts which are being made by the 
])eople of Central America to regenerate 
that portion of the continent which covers 
uhe passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus. 

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party 
will expect of the next administration that 
every projjcr etlbrt be made to insure our 
ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico, and to 
miintain permanent protection to the great 
<ui lets through which are emptied into its 
waters the products raised out of the soil 
and the commodities created by the indus- 
try of the people of our western valleys 
and of the Union at large. 

6. Resolved, That the administration of 
Franklin Pierce has been true to Dcnio 

2.3 



cratic principles, and, therefore, true to the 
great interests of the country ; in the face 
of violent opposition, he has maintained 
the laws at home and vindicated the rights 
of American citizens abroad, and, there- 
fore, we proclaim our unqualified admira- 
tion of his measures and policy. 



1856.— Republican Platform, 

Adopted at Pfdladelphia, Jmie 17. 

This convention of delegates, assembled 
in pursuance of a call addressed to the 
people of the United States, without regard 
to past political differences or divisions, 
who are opposed to the repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise, to the policy of the 
present administration, to the extension of 
slavery into free territory ; in favor of ad- 
mitting Kansas as a free state, of restoring 
the action of the Federal government to 
the principles of Washington and Jeffer- 
son ; and who purpose to unite in present- 
ing candidates for the offices of President 
and Vice-President, do resolve as follows : 

Resolved, That the maintenance of the 
principles promulgated in the Declaration 
of Independence, and emboilied in the 
federal constitution, is essential to the pre- 
servation of our Republican institutions, 
and that the federal constitution, the rights 
of the states, and the union of the states, 
shall be preserved. 

Resolved, That with our republican 
fathers we hold it to be a self-evident truth 
that all men are endowed with the inalien- 
able rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness, and that the primary object 
and ulterior design of our Federal govern- 
ment were, to secure these rights to all 
persons within its exclusive jurisdiction ; 
that as our republican fathers, when they 
had abolished slavery in all our national 
territory, ordained that no person should 
be deprived of life, liberty, or property, 
without due process of law, it becomes our 
duty to maintain this provision of the con- 
stitution against all attempts to violate it 
for the purpose of establishing slavery in 
any territory of the United States, by posi- 
tive legislation, prohibiting its existence or 
extension therein. That we deny the au- 
thority of Congress, of a territorial legis- 
lature, of any individual or association of 
individuals, to give legal existence to sla- 
very in any territory of the United States, 
while the present constitution shall be 
maintained. 

Resolved, That the constitution confers 
u])on Congress sovereign power over the 
•territories of the United States for their 
government, and that in the exercise of 
this power it is both the right and the im- 
jierativo duty of Congress to prohibit in 
the territories those twin relics of barbar- 
ism — polygamy and slavery. 



40 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Resolved, That while the constitution of 
the United States was ordained and estab- 
lished, in order to form a more perfect 
union, establish justice, insure domestic 
tranquillity, ])rovide for the common de- 
fense, promote the general welfare, and 
secure the blessings of liberty, and contains 
ample provisions for the protection of the 
life, liberty, and property of every citizen, 
the dearest constitutional rights of the 
people of Kansas have been fraudulently 
and violently taken from them ; their terri- 
tory has been invaded by an armed force ; 
spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, 
and executive otiicers have been set over 
them, by whose usurped authority, sus- 
tained by the military^ power of the govern- 
ment, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws 
have been enacted and enforced ; the rights 
of the people to keep and bear arms have 
been infringed; test oaths of an extraordi- 
nary and entangling nature have been im- 
posed, as a condition of exercising the 
right of suffrage and holding office ; the 
right of an accused person to a speedy and 
public trial by an impartial jury has been 
denied ; the right of the people to be se- 
cure in their persons, houses, papers, and 
effects against unreasonable searches and 
seizures, has been violated ; they have been 
deprived of life, liberty, and property with- 
out due process of law ; that the freedom 
of speech and of the press has been abridg- 
ed ; the right to choose their representa- 
tives has been made of no effect ; murders, 
robberies, and arsons have been instigated 
or encouraged, and the offenders have been 
allowed to go unpunished ; that all these 
things have been done with the knowledge, 
sanction, and procurement of the present 
national administration ; and that for this 
high crime against the constitution, the 
Union, and humanity', we arraign the ad- 
ministration, the President, his advisers, 
agents, supporters, apologists, and acces- 
sories, either before or after the facts, be- 
frrre the country and before the world ; 
and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the 
actual perpetrators of these atrocious out- 
rages, and their accomplices, to a sure and 
condign punishment hereafter. 

Resolved, That Kansas should be im- 
mediately admitted as a state of the Union 
with her present free constitution, as at 
once the most effectual way of securing to 
her citizens the enjoyment of the rights 
and privileges to which they are eniitled, 
and of ending the civil strife now ragiiig 
in her territory. 

Eesolved, That the highwayman's plea 
that "might makes right," embodied in 
the Ostend circular, was in every respect 
unworthy of American diplomacy, and 
would bring shame and dishonor upon any 
government or people that gave it their 
Banction. 

Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific 



ocean, by the most central and practicable 
route, is imperatively demanded by the in- 
terests of the whole country, and that the 
F'ederal government ought to render im- 
mediate and efficient aid in its construc- 
tion, and, as an auxiliary thereto, the im- 
mediate construction of an emigrant routt> 
on the line of the railroad. 

Resolved, That appropriations of Con- 
gress for the improvement of rivers anc' 
harbors of a national character, requiret 
for the accommodation and security of oui 
existing commerce, are authorized by the 
constitution, and justified by the obligation 
of government to protect the lives and 
property of its citizens. 

Resolved, That we invite the affiliation 
and co-operation of the men of all parties, 
however differing from us in other respects, 
in support of the principles herein de- 
clared ; and believing that the spirit of 
our institutions, as well as the constitution 
of our country, guarantees liberty of con- 
science and equality of rights among citi- 
zens, we oppose all proscriptive legislation 
affecting their security. 



1856 AVUlg Platrorm. 

Baltimore, September 13. 

Resolved, That the Whigs of the United 
States, now here assembled, hereby de- 
clare their reverence for the constitution 
of the United States, their unalterable at- 
tachment to the National Union, and a 
fixed determination to do all in their 
power to preserve them for themselves and 
their posterity. They have no new princi- 
ples to announce ; no new platform to es- 
tablish ; but are content to broadly rest — 
where their fathers rested — upon the con- 
stitution of the United States, wishing no 
safer guide, no higher law. 

Resolved, That we regard with the 
deepest interest and anxiety the present 
disordered condition of our national af- 
fairs — a portion of the country ravaged by 
civil war, large sections of our population 
embittered by mutual recriminations; and 
we distinctly trace these calamities to the 
cul]iable neglect of duty by the present 
national administration. 

Resolved, That the government of the 
United States was formed by the conjunc- 
tion in political unity of wide-sj)read geo- 
graiihical sections, materially differing, not 
only in climate and products, but in social 
and domestic institutions ; and that any 
cause that shall permanently array the 
different sections of the Union in political 
hostility and organize parties founded only 
on geographical distinctions, must inevit- 
ably prove fatal to a continuance of the 
National Union. 

Resolved, That the Whigs of the United 
States declare, as a fundamental article of 



POLITICAL PLATFOliMS. 



4i 



political faith, an absolute necessity for 
avoiding geographical parties. The dan- 
ger, so clearly discerned by the Father of 
his Country, has now become fearfully 
apparent in the agitation now convulsing 
the nation, and must be arrested at once 
if we would preserve our constitution and 
our Union from dismemberment, and the 
name of America from being blotted out 
from the family of civilized nations. 

Resolved, That all who revere the con- 
stitution and the Union, must look with 
•alarm at the parties in the field in the 
present presidential campaign — one claim- 
ing only to represent sixteen northern 
states, and the other appealing mainly to 
the passions and prejudices of the southern 
states ; that the success of either faction 
must add fuel to the flame which now 
threatens to wrap our dearest interests in 
a common ruin. 

Hesolved, That the only remedy for an 
evil so appalling is to support a candidate 
pledged to neither of the geographical sec- 
tions nor arrayed in political antagonism, 
but holding both in a just and equal regard. 
We congratulate the friends of the Union 
that such a candidate exists in Millard 
Fillmore. 

Hesolved, That, without adopting or re- 
ferring to the peculiar doctrines of the 
party which has already selected Mr. Fill- 
more as a candidate, we look t/^ him as a 
well tried and faithful friend of the consti- 
tution and the Union, eminent alike for 
his wisdom and firmness — for his justice 
and moderation in our foreign relations — 
calm and pacific temperament, so well be- 
coming the head of a great nation — for his 
devotion to the constitution in its true 
spirit — his inflexibility in executing the 
laws but, beyond all these attributes, in 
possessing the one transcendent merit of 
being a representative of neither of the 
two sectional parties now struggling for 
political supremacy. 

Resolred, That, in the present exigency 
of political aflairs, we are not called upon 
to discuss the subordinate questions of ad- 
ministration in the exercising of the con- 
stitutional powers of the government. It 
is enough to know that civil war is raging, 
and tliat the Union is in peril ; and we 
proclaim the conviction that the restora- 
tion of Mr. Fillmore to the presidency will 
furnish the best if not the only means of 
restoring peace. 



and at the same time to widen the political 
divisions of the countryj by the creation 
and encouragement of geographical and 
sectional parties ; therefore, 

Resolved, That it is both the part of 
patriotism and of duty to recognize no po- 
litical principles other than The Consti- 
tution OF THE Country, the Union of 
THE States, and the Enforcement of 
THE Laws ; and that as representjjtives of 
the Constitutional Union men of the coun- 
try, in national convention assembled, w« 
hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, pro- 
tect, and defend, separately and unitedly, 
these great principles of public liberty and 
national safety against all enemies at home 
and abroad, believing that thereby peace 
may once more be restored to the country, 
the rights of the people and of the states 
re-estiiblished, and the government again 
placed in that condition of justice, frater- 
nity, and equality, which, under the exam- 
ple and constitution of our fathers, has 
solemnly bound every citizen of the United 
States to maintain a more perfect union, 
establish justice, insure domestic tranquil- 
lity, provide for the common defense, pro- 
mote the general welfare, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to oun^elves and our 
posterity. 



I860.— Constitutional Union Platform. 

BaUimore, May 9. 

Whereas, Experience has demonstrated 
that platforms adopted by the partisan 
conventions of the country have had the 
effect to mislead and deceive the people. 



1860.-Repnbllcan Platform, 

Chicago, May 17. 

Resolved, That we, the delegated repre- 
sentatives of the Republican electors of 
the United States, in convention assembled, 
in discharge of the duty we owe to our 
constituents and our country, unite in the 
following declarations; 

1. That the history of the nation, dur- 
ing the last four years, has fully establish- 
ed the propriety and necessity of the or- 
ganization and perpetuation of the Re- 
publican party, and that the causes which 
called it into existence are permanent in 
their nature, and now, utoie than ever be- 
fore, demand its peaceful and constitutional 
triumph. 

2. That the maintenance of the principles 
promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and embodied in the federal 
constitution, " That all men are created 
equal ; that they are endowed by their 
Creat<jr with certain inalienable rights; 
that among these are life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these 
rights, governments are instituted among 
men, deriving their just powers from the 
consent of the governed," is esaential to 
the preservation of our republican institu- 
tions; and that the federal constitution, 
the rights of the states, and the union of 
the states, must and shiili be preserved. 

3. That to the union of the states this 
nation owes its unprecedinited increase in 
population, its surprising development nf 



42 



AMEitiOAN POLITICS. 



material resources, its rapid augineutation 
of wealth, its ha|)pines.s at liome and itw 
honor abroad ; and we hold in abhorrence 
all schemes for disunion, come from what- 
ever source they may ; and we congratulate 
the country that no Republican member of 
Congress has uttered or countenanced the 
threats of disunion so often made by De- 
mocratic members, without rebuke and 
*with applause from their political associ- 
fttes ; and we denounce those threats of dis- 
, union, in case of a popular overthrow of 
their ascendency, as denying the vital 
principles of a free government, and as an 
avowal of contem])lated treason, which it 
is the imperative duty of an indignant 
people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 
4. That the maintenance inviolate of the 
rights of the states, and especially the right 
of each state to order and control its own 
domestic institutions according to its own 
judgment exclusively, is essential to that 
balance of powcre on which the perfection 
and endurance of our political fabric de- 
pends; and we denounce the lawless in- 
vasion, by armed force, of the soil of any 
state or territory, no matter under what 
pretext, as among the gravest of cfimes. 

6. That the present Democratic admini- 
stration has far exceeded our worst ap- 
prehensions, in its measureless subserviency 
to the exactions of a sectional interest, as 
especially evinced in its desperate exertions 
to force the infamous Lecomptou constitu- 
tion upon the protesting people of Kansas ; 
in construing the personal relations be- 
tween master and servant to involve an 
unqualified property in persons ; in its at- 
tempted enforcement, everywhere, on land 
and sea, through the intervention of Con- 
gress and of the federal courts, of the ex- 
treme pretensions of a purely local interest ; 
and in its general and unvarying abuse of 
the power entrusted to it by a confiding 
I»eople. 

. 6. That the people justly view with alarm 
the reckless extravagance which pervades 
every department of the Federal govern- 
ment; that a return to rigid economy and 
accountability is indispensable to arrest the 
systeinatic plunder of the public treasury 
by favored partisans; while the recent 
startling developments of frauds and cor- 
mjitiona at the federal metropolis, show 
that an entire change of administration is 
imperatively demanded. 

7. That the new dogma, that the consti- 
tution, of its own force, carries slavery into 
any or all of the territories of the United 
States, is a dangerous political heresy, at 
variance with the explicit provisions of 
fiat instrument itself, with contemporane- 
ous exposition, and with legislative and 
judicial precedent — is revolutionary in its 
tendency, and suDversive of the peace and 
harmony of the country. 

8. That the normal condition of all the 



territory of the United States is that of 
freedom ; that as our republican fathers, 
when they had abolished slavery in all our 
national territory, ordained that " no per- 
son shall be deprived of life, liberty, or 
property, without due process of law," it 
becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever 
such legislation is necessary, to maintain 
this provision of the constitution against 
all atteniijts to violate it ; and we deny the 
authority of Congress, of a territorial legis- 
lature, or of any individuals, to give legal 
existence to slavery in any territory of the 
United States. 

9. That we brand the recent reopening 
of the African slave trade, under the cover 
of our national flag, aided by perversions 
of judicial power, as a crime against human- 
ity and a burning shame to our country 
and age ; and we call upon Congress to 
take promi)t and efficient measures for the 
total and final suppression of that execrable 
traffic. 

10. That in the recent vetoes, by their 
federal governors, of the acts of the legiii- 
latures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibit- 
ing slavery in those territories, we find a 
practical illustration of the boasted De- 
mocratic principle of non-intervention and 
popular sovereignty, embodied in the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration 
of the deception and fraud involved 
therein. 

11. That Kansas should, of right, be 
immediately admitted as a state under the 
constitution recently formed and adopted 
by her people, and accepted by the House 
of Representatives. 

12. That, while providing revenue for 
the support of the general government by 
duties upon imports, sound policy requires 
such an adjustment of these imports as to 
encourage the development of the indus- 
trial interest of the whole country ; and 
we commend that policy of national ex- 
changes which secures to the working men 
liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative 
I)rices, to mechanics and manufacturers an 
adequate reward for their skill, labor, and 
enterprise, and to the nation commercial 
prosperity and independence. 

18. That we protest against any sale or 
alienation to others of the public lands 
held by actual settlers, and against any 
view of the homestead policy which re- 
gards the settlers as paupers or suppliants 
for public bounty; and we demand the 
passage by Congress of the complete and 
satisfactory homestead measure which has 
already passed the House. 

14. That the republican party is opposed 
to any change in our naturalization laws, 
or any state legislation by which the rights 
of citizenship hitherto accorded to immi- 
grants from foreign lands shall be abridged 
or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full 
and efficient protection to the rights of all 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



43 



cliivsaes of citizens, whether native or na- 
turalized, both at home and abroad. 

15. That appropriations by Congress for 
river and harbor improvements of a na- 
tional character, required for the accommo- 
dation and security of an existing com- 
merce, are authorized by the constitution 
and justified by the obligations of govern- 
ment to protect the lives and property of 
its citizens. 

16. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean 
is imperatively demanded by the interest 
of the whole country ; that the Federal 
government ought to render immediate and 
efficient aid in its construction ; and that 
as preliminary thereto, a daily overland 
mail should be promptly established. 

17. Finally, having thus set forth our 
distinctive principles and views, we invite 
the co-operation of all citizens, however 
differing on other questions, who substan- 
tially agree with us in their affirmance and 
support. 



I860. — Democratic (Doiij^las) Platform, 

Charleston, April 23, and Baltimore, June 18. 

1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of 
the Union, in convention assembled, here- 
by declare our affirmance of the resolutions 
unanimously adopted and declared as a 
Platform of principles by the Democratic 
convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, 
believing that democratic principles are 
unchangeable in their nature when applied 
to the same subject-matters ; and we recom- 
mend, as the only further resolutions, the 
following : 

Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist 
in the Democratic party as to the nature 
and extent of the powers of a territorial 
legislature, and as to the powers and duties 
of Congress, under the constitution of the 
United States, over the institution of sla- 
very within the territories : 

2. Resolved, That the Democratic party 
will abide by the decisions of the Supreme 
Court of the United States on the questions 
of constitutional law. 

3. Resoli-ed, That it is the duty of the 
United States to afford ample and complete 

Protection to all its citizens, whether at 
ome or abroad, and whethrr native or 
foreign. 

4. Resolved, That one of the necessities 
of the age, in a military, commercial, and 
postal point of view, is speedy communi- 
cation- between the Atlantic and Pacific 
states; and the Democratic party pledge 
such constitutional government aid as will 
insure the construction of a railroad to the 
Pacific coast at the earliest practicable 
period. 

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party 
are in favor of the acquisition of the island 
of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honor- 
able to ourselves and just to Spain. 



6. Resolved, That the enactuients of state 
legislatures to defeat the faithful execution 
of the F'ugitive Slave Law are hostile in 
character, subversive of the constitution, 
and revolutionary in their effect. 

7. Resolved, That it is in accordance 
with the true interpretation of the Cincin- 
nati platform, that, during the existence of 
the territorial governments, the measure 
of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed 
by the federal constitution on the power of 
the territorial legislature over the subject 
of domestic relations, as the same has been, 
or shall hereafter be, finally determined by 
the Supreme Court of the United States, 
shall be respected by all good citizens, and 
enforced with promptness and fidelity by 
every branch of the general government. 



I860. — Democratic ( BrecklmrMLge) Platform. 

Charleston and Baltimore. 

Resolved, That the platform adopted by 
the Democratic party at Cincinnati be af- 
firmed, with following explanatory resolu- 
tions : 

1. That the government ol' a territory, 
organized by an act of Congress, is pro- 
visional and temporary-; and, during its 
existence, all citizens of the United States 
have an equal right to settle, with their 
property, in the territory, without their 
rights, either of person or property, being 
destroyed or impaired by congressional or 
territorial legislation. 

2. That it is the duty of the Federal 
government, in all its departments, to pro- 
tect, when necessary, the rights of per- 
sons and property in the teiritories, and 
wherever else its wnstitutional authority 
extends. 

3. That when the settlers in a territory 
having an adequate ])opulati<)n form a 
state constitution in pursuance of law, the 
right of sovereignty commences, and, be- 
ing consummated by julmission into the 
Union, they stand on an equal footing 
with the people of other stjites, and th« 
state thus organized ought to be admit- 
ted into the Federal Union, whether it« 
constitution j)rohibits or recognizes the in- 
stitution of slavery. 

4. That the Democratic party are in 
favor of the acquisition of the island of 
Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable 
to ourselves and just t<) S|)ain, at the earli- 
est practicable moment. 

5. That the enactments of state legisla- 
tures to defeat the faithful execution of 
the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in 
character, subversive of tlie constitution 
luid revolutionary in their effect. 

6. That the Democracy of the United 
States recognize it as the imperative duty 
of this government to [>rotert the natural 



44 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



ized citizeu iu all his rights, whether at 
home or in foreign lands, to the same ex- 
tent as its native-horn citizens. 

Whereas, One of the greatest necessi- 
ties of the age, in a political, commercial, 
postal, and military point of view, is a 
speedy communication between the Pa- 
cific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the Democratic ])arty do 
hereby j^ledge themselves to use every 
laeajis in their power to secure the passage 
of some bill, to the extent of the constitu- 
tional authority of Congress, for the con- 
struction of a Pacific railroad from the 
iVi ississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at 
lh(- earliest practicable moment. 



President shall be elected by a direct vote 
of the people. 

12. That the question of the reconstruc- 
tion of the rebellious states belongs to the 
people, through their representatives in 
Congress, and not to the Executive. 

13. That the confiscation of the lands of 
the rebels, and their distribution among 
the soldiers and actual settlers, is a mea- 
sure of justice. 



1864 Radical Platforiu. 

GleneJ^und, May 'M. 

1 . That the Federal Union shall be pre- 
served. 

2. That the constitution and laws of 
the United Htatas must be observed and 
obeyed. 

3. That the Rebellion must be sup- 
pressed by force of arms, and without com- 
promise. 

4. That the rights of free speech, free 
[•ress and the habeas corpus be held invio- 
late, save in districts where martial law 
has been i)roclaimed. 

5. That the Rebellion has destroyed 
aiavery ; and the federal constitution 
should be so amended as to prohibit its 
re-establinhmeut, and to secure to all men 
absolute equality before the law. 

6. That integrity and economy are de- 
manded, at all times in the administration 
of the government, and that in time of 
war the want of them is criminal. 

7. That the right of asylum, except for 
crime and subject to law, is a recognized 
principle of American liberty ; and that 
any violation of it can not be overlooked, 
and must not go unrcbuked. 

8. That the national policy known as 
the " Monroe Doctrine " has become a re- 
cognized principle ; and that the estab- 
lishment of an anti-republican govern- 
ment on this continent by any foreign 
power can not be tolerated. 

9. That the gratitude and support of 
ijie nation are <.lue to the faithful soldiers 
and the earnest leaders of the Union army 
and navy, for their heroic achievement 
tmd deathless valor in defense of our ira- 
f>eriled country and of civil liberty. 

10. That the one-term i)olicy for the 
pre.sidency, adopted by the people, is 
Btrengthene-d by the force of the existing 
crisis, and should be maintained by con- 
stitutional amendment. 

11. That the constitution should be so 
am ended that the President and Vice- 



1864. 



-Republican. Platform. 

Baltimore, June 7. 



Resolved, That it is the highest duty 
of every American citizen to maintain, 
against all their enemies, the integrity of 
the union and the paramount authority of 
the constitution and laws of the United 
States ; and that, laying aside all differ- 
ences of political opinions, we pledge our- 
selves, as Union men, animated by a com- 
mon sentiment and aiming at a common 
object, to do everything in our power to 
aid the government in quelling, by force 
of arms, the Rebellion now raging against 
its authority, and in bringing to the pun- 
ishment due to their crimes the rebels and 
traitors arrayed against it. 

Resolved, That we approve the determi- 
nation of the government of the United 
States not to compromise with rebels, nor 
to offer them any terms of peace, except 
such as may be based upon an " uncondi- 
tional surrender " of their hostility and a 
return to their allegiance to the constitu- 
tion and laws of the United States ; and 
that we call upon the government to main- 
tain this position, and to prosecute the 
war with the utmost possible vigor to the 
complete suppression of the Rebellion, in 
full reliance upon the self-sacrificing pa- 
triotism, the heroic valor, and the undying 
devotion of the American people to the 
country and its free institutions. 

Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, 
and now constitutes the strength, of this 
Rebellion, and as it must be always and 
everywhere hostile to the principles of re- 
j)ublican government, justice and the na- 
tional safety demand its utter and com- 
plete extirpation from the soil of the Re- 
public ; and that we uj>hold and maintain 
the acts and proclamations by which the 
government, in its own defense, has aimed 
a death-blow at the gigantic evil. We are 
in favor, furthermore, of such an amend- 
ment to the constitution, to be made by 
the people in conformity with its provis- 
ions, as shall terminate and forever pro- 
hibit the existence of slavery within the 
limits or the jurisdiction of the United 
States. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Amer- 
ican people are due to the soldiers and 
sailors of the army and navy, who have 
periled their lives in defense of their 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



45 



country and in vindication of the honor of 
its flag ; that the nation owes to them 
some permanent recognition of their pa- 
triotism and their valor, and ample and 
permanent provision for those of their 
survivors who have received disabling and 
liDuorable wounds in the service of the 
("luatry; and that the memories of those 
\vho have fallen in its defense shall be 
K'ld iu grateful and everlasting remem- 
brance. 

Resolved, That we approve and applaud 
the practical wisdom, the unselfish patri- 
otism, and the unswerving fidelity to the 
constitution and the principles of Ameri- 
can liberty with which Abraham Lincoln 
has discharged, under circumstances of 
unparalleled difficulty, the great duties 
and responsibilities of the presidential 
office ; that we approve and indorse, as 
demanded by the emergency and essential 
to the preservation of the nation, and as 
within the provisions of the constitution, 
the measures and acts which he has adopt- 
ed to defend the nation against its open 
^md secret foes ; that we approve, especial- 
ly, the Proclamation of Emancipation, 
and the employment, as Union soldiers, 
of men heretofore held in slavery ; and 
that we have full confidence in his deter- 
mination to carry these, and all other con- 
stitutional measures essential to the salva- 
tion of the country, into full and complete 
effect. 

Resolved, That we deem it essential to 
the general welfare that harm )ny should 
prevail in the national councils, and we 
regard as worthy of public confidence and 
official trust those only who cordially in- 
dorse the principles proclaimed in these 
resolutions, and which should characterize 
the administration of the government. 

Resolved, That the government owes to 
all men employed in its armies, without 
regard to distinction of color, the fiill pro- 
tection of the laws of war ; and that any 
violation of these law-', or of the usages of 
civilized nations in the time of war, by 
the rebels now in arms, should be made 
the subject of prompt and lull redress. 

Resolved, That foreign immigration, 
which in the past has added so much to 
the wealth, development of resources, and 
increase of power to this nation — the asy- 
lum of the oppressed of all nations — should 
be fostered and encouraged by a liberal 
and just policy. 

Resolved, That we are in favor of the 
speedy construction of the railroad to the 
Pacific coast. 

Resolved, That the national faith, pledged 
for the redemption of the public debt, must 
be kept inviolate ; and that, for this pur- 
pose, we recommend economy and rigid 
responsibility in the public expenditures 
and a vigorous and just system of taxa- 
ti-);i ; ami that it i-; the dutv of cverv loyal 



state to sustain the credit and promote the 
use of the national currency. 

Resolved, That we approve the position 
taken by the government, that the people 
of the United States can never regard with 
indifference the attempt of any European 
power to overthrow by force, or to sup- 
plant by fraud, the institutions of any re- 
publican government on the western con- 
tinent, and that they will view with ex- 
treme jealousy, as menacing to the peace 
and independence of this, our country, the 
efforts of any such power to obtain new 
footholds for monarchical governments, 
sustained by a foreign military force, in 
near proximity to the United States. 



1864r.— Democratic Platform. 

Chicago, Augutt 29. 

Resolved, That in the future, as in the 
past, we will adhere with unswerving fidel- 
ity to the Union under the constitution, 
as the only solid foundation of our 
strength, security, and happiness as a peo- 
ple, and as a frame-work of government 
equally conducive to the welfare and pros- 
perity of all the states, both northern and 
southern. 

Resolved, That this convention does ex- 
plicitly declare, as the sense of the Ameri- 
can people, that after four years of failure 
to restore the Union by the experiment of 
war, during which, under the pretense of 
a military necessity of a war power higher 
than the constitution, the constitution it- 
self has been disregarded in every part, 
and public liberty and private right alike 
trodden down, and the material prosperity 
of the country essentially impaired, justice, 
humanity, liberty, and the public welfare 
demand that immediate eftbrts be made 
for a cessation of hostilities, with a view 
to an ultimate convention of all the states, 
or other peaceable means, to the end that, 
at the earliest practicable mon^ent, peace 
may be restored on the basis of the federal 
union of all the states. 

Resolved, That the direct interference of 
the military authority of the United States 
in the recent elections held in Kentucky, 
Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware, was a 
shameful violation of the constitution ; 
and the repetition of such acts in the ap- 
proaching election will be held as revolu- 
tionary, and resisted with all the means 
and power under our contrel. 

Resolved, That the aim and object of the 
Democratic party is to preserve the Fede- 
ral Union and the riglits of the states un- 
impaired ; and they hereby declare that 
they consider the administrative usurpa- 
tion of extraordinary and dangerous pow- 
ers not granted by the constitution, the 
subversion of the civil by the military law 
in states not in insurrection, the arbitrary 



46 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



military arrest, imprisonment, trial, and 
sentence of American citizens in states 
where civil law exists in full force, the 
suppression of freedom of speech and of 
the jiress, the denial of the right of asy- 
lum, the open and avowed disregard of 
state rights, the employment of unusual 
test-oaths, and the interference with and 
denial of the right of the people to 
bear arms in their defense, as calculated 
to prevent a restoration of the Union and 
the perpetuation of a government deriving 
its just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned. 

Resolved, That the shameful disregard of 
the administration to its duty in respect to 
our fellow-citizens who now are, and long 
have been, prisoners of war, in a suffering 
condition, deserves the severest reproba- 
tion, on the score alike of public policy 
and common humanity. 

Resolved, That the sympathy of the De- 
mocratic party is heartily and earnestly 
extended to the soldiery of our army and 
the sailors of our navy, who are and have 
been in the field and on the sea under the 
flag of their country ; and, in the event of 
our attaining power, they will receive all 
the care and protection, regard and kind- 
ness, that the brave soldiers of the Repub- 
lic have so nobly earned. 



1868. Republican Platform. 

Chicago, May 20. 

1. We congratulate the country on the 
assured success of the reconstruction poli- 
cy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, 
in the majority of the states lately in rebel- 
lion, of constitutions securing equal civil 
and political rights to all ; and it is the 
duty of the government to sustain those 
institutions and to prevent the people of 
such states from being remitted to a state 
of anarchy. 

2. The guarantee by Congress of equal 
suffrage to all loyal men at the south was 
demanded by every consideration of pub- 
lic safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and 
must be maintained ; while the question of 
suffrage in all the loyal states properly be- 
longs to the people of those states. 

3. We denounce all forms of repudiation 
as a national crime ; and the national 
honor requires the payment of the public 
indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to 
all creditors at home and abroad, not only 
according to the letter but the spirit 
of the laws under which it was con- 
tracted. 

4. It is due to the labor of the nation 
that taxation should be equalized and re- 
duced as rapidly as the national faith will 
permit. 

5. The national debt, contracted as it 



has been for the preservation of the Union 
for all time to ^come, should be extended 
over a fair period for redemption ; and it is 
the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of 
interest thereon whenever it can be honest- 
ly done. 

6. That the best policy to diminish our 
burden of debts is to so improve our credit 
that capitalists will seek to loan us money 
at lower rates of interest than we now pay 
and must continue to pay, so long as re 
pudiation, partial or total, open or covert 
is threatened or suspected. 

7. The government of the United States 
should be administered with the strictest 
economy ; and the corruptions which have 
been so shamefully nursed and fostered by 
Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical re- 
form. 

8. We profoundly deplore the tragic 
death of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the 
accession to the presidency of Andrew 
Johnson, who has acted treacherously to 
the people who elected him and the cause 
he was pledged to support ; who has usurped 
high legislative and judicial functions ; 
who has refused to execute the laws ; who 
has used his high office to induce other 
officers to ignore and violate the laws ; 
who has employed his executive powers to 
render insecure the property, the peace, 
liberty, and life of the citizen ; who has 
abused the pardoning power ; who has 
denounced the national legislature as un- 
constitutional ; who has persistently and 
corruptly resisted, by every means in his 
power, every proper attempt at the recon- 
struction of the states lately in rebellion ; 
who has perverted the public patronage 
into an engine of wholesale corruption ; 
and who has been jtistly imj)eached for 
high crimes and misdemeanors, and pro- 
perly pronounced guilty thereof by the 
vote of thirty -five Senators. 

9. The doctrine of Great Britain and 
other European powers, that because a 
man is once a subject he is always so, must 
be resisted at every hazard by the United 
States, as a relic of feudal times, not au- 
thorized by the laws of nations, and at war 
with our national honor and independence. 
Naturalized citizens are entitled to pro- 
tection in all their rights of citizenship as 
though they were native-born ; and no 
citizen of the United States, native or na- 
turalized, must be liable to arrest and im- 
prisonment by any foreign power for acte 
done or words spoken in this country ; 
and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is 
the duty of the government to interfere in 
his behalf. 

10. Of all who were faithful in the trials 
of the late war, there were none entitled to 
more special honor than the brave soldiers 
and seamen who endured the hardships of 
campaign and cruise, and imperiled their 
lives in the service of the country. The 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



47 



bounties and pensions provided by the 
laws for these brave defenders of the na- 
tion are obligations never to be forgotten ; 
the widows and orphans of the gallant 
dead are the wards of the people — a sacred 
legacy bequeathed to the nation's protect- 
ing care. 

11. Foreign immigration, which in the 
past has added so much to the wealth, de- 
velopment, and resources, and increase of 
power to this Republic, the asylum of the 
oppressed of all nations, should be fostered 
and encouraged by a liberal and just 
policy. 

12. This convention declares itself in 
sympathy with all oppressed people who 
are struggling for their rights. 

13. That we highly commend the spirit 
of magnanimity and forbearance with 
which men who have served in the Rebel- 
lion, but who now frankly and honestly 
co-operate with us in restoring the peace 
of the country and reconstructing the 
southern state governments upon the basis 
of impartial justice and equal rights, are re- 
ceived back into the communion of the 
loyal people ; and we favor the removal of 
the disqualifications and restrictions im- 
posed upon the late I'ebels, in the same 
measure as the spirit of disloyalty shall die 
out, and as may be consistent with the 
safety of the loyal people. 

14. That we recognize the great princi- 
ples laid down in the immortal Declara- 
tion of Independence, as the true founda- 
tion of democratic government; and we 
hail with gladness every effort toward 
making these principles a living reality on 
every inch of American soil. 



1868. — Democratic Platform. 

New York, July 4. 

The Democratic party, in national con- 
vention assembled, reposing its trust in 
the intelligence, patriotism, and "discrimi- 
nating justice of the people, standing upon 
the constitution as the foundation and 
limitation of the powers of the government 
and the guarantee of the liberties of the 
citizen, and recognizing the questions of 
slavery and secession as having been set- 
tled, for all time to come, by the war or 
voluntary action of the southern states in 
constitutional conventions assembled, and 
never to be revived or reagitated, do, with 
the return of peace, demand — 

1. Immediate restoration of all the states 
to their rights in the Union under the con- 
stitution, and of civil government to the 
American people. 

2. Amnesty for all past political offenses, 
and the regulation of the elective franchise 
in the states by their citizens. 

3. Payment of all the public debt of the 
United States as rapidly as practicable — 



all money drawn from the people by taxa: 
tion, except so much as is requisite for the 
necessities of the government, economically 
administered, being honestly applied to 
such payment ; and where the obligations 
of the government do not expressly state 
upon their face, or the law under Vhich 
they were issued does not provide that 
they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in 
right and injustice, to be paid in the law- 
ful money of the United States. 

4. Equal taxation of every species of 
property according to its real value, in- 
cluding government bonds and other pub- 
lic securities. 

5. One currency for the government and 
the people, the laliorer and the office- 
holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the 
producer and the bondholder. 

6. Economy in the administration of the 
government ; the reduction of the standing 
army and navy; the abolition of the Freed- 
men's Bureau and all political instrumen- 
talities designed to secure negro suprema- 
cy ; simplification of the system and dis- 
continuance of inquisitorial modes of as- 
sessing and collecting internal revenue; 
that the burden of taxation may be equal- 
ized and lessened, and the credit of the 
government and the currency made good ; 
the repeal of all enactments for enrolling 
the state militia into national forces in 
time of peace ; and a tariff' for revenue 
upon foreign imports, and such equal taxa- 
tion under the internal revenue laws ^as 
will afford incidental protection to domes- 
tic manufactures, and as will, without im- 
pairing the revenue, impose the least bur- 
den upon, and best promote and encourage, 
the great industrial interests of the coun- 
try. 

7. Reform of abuses in the administra- 
tion ; the expulsion of corrupt men from 
office ; the abrogation of useless officers ; 
the restoration of rightful authority to, 
and the independence of, the executive and 
judicial departments of the government; 
the subordination of the military to the 
civil poAver, to the end that the usurpa- 
tions of Congress and the despotism of the 
sword may cease. 

8. Equal rights and protection for na- 
turalized and native-born citizens, at home 
and abroad ; the assertion of American na- 
tionality which shall command the re- 
spect of foreign powers, and furnish an 
example and encouragement to people 
struggling for national integrity, 'constitu- 
tional liberty and individual rights ; and 
the maintenance of the rights of natural- 
ized citizens against the absolute doctrine 
of immutable allegiance and the claims of 
foreign powers to punish them for alleged 
crimes committed beyond their jurisdic- 
tion. 

In demanding these measures and re- 
forms, we arraign the Radi';al party for its 



48 



AMEKICAN POLITICS. 



disregard of right and the unparalleled 
oppression and tyranny which have 
marked its career. After the most solemn 
and unanimous pledge of both Houses of 
Congress to prosecute the war exclusively 
for the maintenance of the government 
and the preservation of the Union under 
the constitution, it has repeatedly violated 
the most sacred pledge under which alone 
was rallied that noble volunteer army 
which carried our flag to victory. Instead 
of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in 
its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten 
states, in time of profound peace, to mili- 
tary despotism and negro supremacy. It 
has nullified there the right of trial by 
jury; it has abolished the habeas corpus, 
that most sacred writ of liberty ; it has 
overthrown the freedom of speech and 
press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures 
and arrests, and military trials and secret 
star-chamber inquisitions, for the consti- 
tutional tribunals ; it has disregarded, in 
time of peace, the right of the people to be 
free from searches and seizures ; it has 
entered the post and telegraph offices, and 
even the private rooms of individuals, and 
seized their private papers and letters, 
without any specific charge or notice of 
affidavit, as required by the organic law. 
It has converted the American capitol 
into a bastile ; it has established a system 
of spies and official espionage to which no 
constitutional monarchy of Europe would 
now dare to resort. It has abolished the 
right of appeal, on important constitutional 
questions, to the supreme judicial tribu- 
nals, and threatens to curtail or destroy 
its original jurisdiction, which is irrevoca- 
bly vested by the constitution ; while the 
learned Chief Justice has been subjected 
to the most atrocious calumnies, merely 
because he would not prostitute his high 
office to the support of the false and parti- 
san charges preferred against the Presi- 
dent. Its corruption and extravagance 
have exceeded anything known in history; 
and, by its frauds and monopolies, it has 
nearly doubled the burden of the debt 
created by the war. It has stripped the 
President' of his constitutional power of 
ippointment, even of his own cabinet, 
tinder its repeated assaults, the pillars 
of the government are rocking on their 
base ; and should it succeed in November 
next, and inaugurate its President, we will 
meet, as a subjected and conquered people, 
amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered 
fragments of the constitution. 

And we do declare and resolve that 
ever since the people of the United States 
threw off all subjection to the British 
crown, the privilege and trust of suffrage 
have belonged to the several states, and 
have been granted, regulated, and con- 
trolled exclusively by the political power 
of each state respectively ; and that any 



attempt by Congress, on any pretext what- 
ever, to deprive any state of this right, or 
interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant 
usurpation of power which can find no 
Avarrant in the constitution, and, if sanc- 
tioned by the people, will subvert our 
form of government, and can only end in a 
single, centralized, and consolidated, gov- 
ernment, in which the separate existence 
of the states will be entirely absorbed, and 
an unqualified despotism be established in 
place of a federal union of co-equal states. 
And that we regard the construction acts 
(so called) of Congress as usurpations, and 
unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void. 

That our soldiers and sailors, who car- 
ried the flag of our country to victory 
against the most gallant and determined 
foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, 
and all the guarantees given in their favor 
must be faithfully carried into execution. 

That the public lands should be dis- 
tributed as widely as possible among the 
people, and should be disposed of either 
under the pre-emption of homestead lands 
or sold in reasonable quantities, and to 
none but actual occupants, at the minimum 
price established by the government. 
When grants of public lands may be al- 
lowed, necessary for the encouragement of 
important public improvements, the pro- 
ceeds of the sale of such lands, and not 
the lands themselves, should be so applied. 

That the President of the United States, 
Andrew Johnson, in exercising the power 
of his high office in resisting the aggres- 
sions of Congress upon the constitutional 
rights of the states and the people, is en- 
titled to the gratitude of the Avhole Ameri- 
can people ; and, on behalf of the Demo- 
cratic party, we tender him our thanks for 
his patriotic efforts in that regard. 

Upon this platform, the Democratic 
party appeal to ever>' patriot, including all 
the conservative element and all who de- 
sire to support the constitution and restore 
the Union, forgetting all past differences 
of opinion, to unite with us in the present 
great struggle for the liberties of the peo- 
ple; and that to all such, to whatever 
party they may have heretofore belonged, 
we extend the right hand of fellowship, 
and hail all such, co-operating with us, as 
friends and brethren. 

Resolved, That this convention sympa- 
thizes cordially with the workingmen of 
the United States in their efforts to protect 
the rights and interests of the laboring 
classes of the country. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the con- 
vention are tendered to Chief Justice 
Salmon P. Chase, for the justice, dignit>', 
and impartiality with which he presided 
over the court of impeachment ou th» 
trial of President Andrew Johnson. 



POLITICAL PLATFOiLMS. 



49 



1S7!J.— Labor Reform Platform. 

Columbus, February 21. 

We hold that all political power is in- 
herent in the people, and free government 
founded on their authority and established 
for their benefit ; that all citizens are equal 
in political rights, entitled to the largest 
religious and poliiical liberty compatible 
with the good order of society, as also the 
use and enjoyment of the fruits of their 
labor and talents ; and no man or set of 
men is entitled to exclusive separable en- 
dowments and privileges or immunities 
from the government, but in consideration 
of public services ; and any laws destruc- 
tive of these fundamental principles are 
without moral binding force, and should 
be repealed. And believing that all the 
evils resulting from unjust legislation now 
affecting the industrial classes can be re- 
moved by the adoption of the principles 
contained in the following declaration : 
therefore. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of the gov- 
ernment to establish a just standard of 
distrilnition of capital and labor, by provid- 
ing a purely national circulating medium, 
based on the faith and resources of the na- 
tion, issued directly to the people without 
the intervention of any system of banking 
corporations, which money shall be legal 
tender in the payment of all debts, public 
and private, and interchangeable, at the 
option of the holder, for government 
bonds bearing a rate of interest not to ex- 
ceed 3.65 per cent., subject to future legis- 
lation by Congress. 

2. That the national debt should be paid 
in good faith, according to the original 
contract, at the earliest option of the gov- 
ernment, without mortgaging the property 
of the people or the future exigencies of 
Jabor to enrich a few capitalists at home 
>and abroad. 

3. That justice demands that the burdens 
of government should be so adjusted as to 
bear equally on all classes, and that the 
exemption from taxation of government 
bonds bearing extravagant rates of inter- 
est, is a violation of all just principles of 
revenue laws. 

4. That the public lands of the United 
States belong to the people, and should 
not be sold to individuals nor granted to 
corporations, but should be held as a sa- 
cred trust for the benefit of the people, and 
.should be granted to landless settlers only, 
in amounts not exceeding one hundred and 
sixty acres of land. 

5. That Congress should modify the 
tariff 9o as to admit free such articles of 
common use as we can neither produce nor 
grow, and lay duties for revenue mainly 
upon articles of luxury and upon such ar- 
ticles of manufacture as will, we having 
the raw materials, assist in further develop- 
ing the resources of the country-. 



6. That the presence in our country of 
Chinese laborers, imported by capitalists 
in large numbers for servile use is an evil 
entailing want and its attendant train of 
misery and crime on all classes of the 
American people, and should be prohib- 
ited by legislation. 

7. That we ask for the enactment of a 
law by which all mechanics and day-la- 
borers employed by or on behalf of the 
government, whether directly or indirectly, 
through persons, firms, or corporations, 
contracting with the state, shall conform 
to the reduced standard of eight hours a 
day, recently adopted by Congress for na- 
tional employes ; and also for an amend- 
ment to the acts of incorporation for cities 
and towns, by which all laborers and me- 
chanics employed at their expense shall 
conform to the same number of hours. 

8. That the enlightened spirit of the age 
demands the abolition of the system of 
contract labor in our prisons and other re- 
formatory institutions. 

9. That the protection of life, liberty, 
and property are the three cardinal prin- 
ciples of government, and the first two 
are more sacred than the latter ; therefore, 
money needed for prosecuting wars should, 
a« it is required, be assessed and collected 
from the wealthy of the country, and not 
entailed as a burden on posterity. 

10. That it is the duty of the govern- 
ment to exercise its power over railroads 
and telegraph corporations, that th<^y shall 
not in any case be privileged to exact such 
rates of freight, transportation, or charges, 
by whatever name, as may bear unduly or 
unequally upon the producer or consumer. 

11. That there should be such a reform 
in the civil service of the national govern- 
ment as will remove it beyond all partisan 
influence, and place it in the charge and 
under the direction of intelligent and com- 
petent business men. 

12. That as both history and experience 
teach us that power ever seeks to perpetu- 
ate itself by every and all means, and that 
its prolonged possession in the hands of 
one person is always dangerous to the in- 
terests of a free people, and believing that 
the spirit of our organic laws and the sta- 
bility and safety of our free institutions are 
best obeyed on the one hand, and secured 
on the other, by a regular constitutional 
change in the chief of the country at each 
election ; therefore, we are in favor of 
limiting the occupancy of the presidential 
chair to one term. 

13. That we are in favor of granting 
general amnesty and restoring the Union 
at once on the basis of equality of rights 
and privileges to all, the impartial adminis- 
tration of justice being tlie only true bond 
of union to bind the states together and re- 
store the government of the people. 

14. That we demand the subjection of 



50 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



the military to the civil authorities, and 
the confinement of its operations to nation- 
al purposes alone. 

15. That we deem it expedient for Con- 
gress to supervise the patent laws so as to 
give labor more fully the benefit of its own 
ideas and inventions. 

16. That fitness, and not political or per- 
sonal considerations, should be the only 
recommendation to public office, either ap- 
pointive or elective ; and any and all laws 
looking to the establishment of this prin- 
ciple are heartily approved. 



1872.— ProKlljition Platform. 

Columbus, Ohio, February 22. 

The preamble recites that protection and 
allegiance are reciprocal duties ; and every 
citizen who yields obediently to the full 
commands of government should be pro- 
tected in all enjoyment of personal security, 
personal liberty, and private property. 
That the traffic in intoxicating drinks 
greatly impairs the personal security and 
personal liberty of a great mass of citizens, 
and renders private property insecure. 
That all political parties are hopelessly un- 
willing to adopt an adequate policy on this 
question : Therefore, as a national conven- 
tion, we adopt the following declaration of 
principles : 

That while we acknowledge the pure 
patriotism and profound statesmanship of 
those patriots who laid the foundation of 
this government, securing at once the 
rights of the states severally and their in- 
separable union by the federal constitution, 
we would not merely garnish the sepulchres 
of our republican fathers, but we do hereby 
renew our pledges of solemn fealty to the 
imperishable principles of civil and reli- 
gious liberty embodied in the Declaration 
of Independence and our federal constitu- 
tion. 

That the traffic in intoxicating beverages 
is a dishonor to Christian civilization, a 
political wrong of unequalled enormity, 
subversive of ordinary objects of govern- 
ment, not capable of being regulated or re- 
strained by any system of license whatever, 
and imperatively demands, for its suppres- 
sion, effective legal prohibition, both by 
state and national leg^'^lation. 

That there can be no greater peril to a 
nation than existing party competition for 
the liquor vote. That any party not op- 
posed to the traffic, experience shows will 
engage in this competition — will court the 
favor of criminal classes— will barter away 
the public morals, the purity of the ballot, 
and every object of good government, for 
party success. 

That, as prohibitionists, we will individ- 
ually use all eiforts to persuade men from 



the use of intoxicating liquors ; and we in- 
vite all persons to assist in this movement. 

That competence, honesty, and sobriety 
are indispensable qualifications for holding 
office. 

That removals from public office for 
mere political differences of opinion are 
wrong. 

That fixed and moderate salaries of pub- 
lic officers should take the places of fees and 
perquisites ; and that all means should be 
taken to prevent corruption and encourage 
economy. 

That the President and Vice-President 
should be elected directly by the people. 

That we sre in favor of a sound national 
currency, adequate to the demands of bus- 
iness, and convertible into gold and silver 
at the will of the holder, and the adoption 
of every measure compatible with justice 
and public safety to appreciate our present 
currency to the gold standard. 

That the rates of ocean and inland post^ 
age, and railroad telegraph lines and 
water transportation, should be made as 
low as possible by law. 

That we are opposed to all discrimination 
in favor of ca})ital against labor, as well as 
all monopoly and class legislation. 

That the removal of the burdens imposed 
in the traffic in intoxicating drinks will 
emancipate labor, and will practically pro- 
mote labor reform. 

That suffrage should be granted to all 
persons, without regard to sex. 

That the fostering and extension of com- 
mon schools is a primary duty of the gov- 
ernment. 

That a liberal policy should be pursued 
to promote foreign immigration. 



18T3.— Iill>eral RepuWican Platform. 

Cincintiali, May 1. 

We, the Liberal Republicans of the 
United States, in national convention as- 
sembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the follow- 
ing principles as essential to just govern- 
ment. 

1. We recognize the equality of all men 
before the law, and hold that it is the duty 
of government, in its dealings with the 
people, to mete out equal and exact justice 
to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or 
persuasion, religious or political. 

2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the 
union of these states, emancipation, and 
enfranchisement, and to oppose any re- 
opening of the questions settled by the 
thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth aniend- 
ments of the constitution. 

3. We demand the immediate and abso- 
lute removal of all disabilities imposed on 
account of the Rebellion, which wa- fi'a'.ly 
subdued seven vears ago, bclieviiiii that 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



51 



universal amnesty will result in complete 
pacification in all sections of the country. 

4. Local self-government, with impartial 
sufirage, will guard the rights of all citi- 
gens more securely than any centralized 
power. The public welfare requires the 
supremacy of the civil over the military 
authority^ and the freedom of person under 
the protection of the habeas corpus. We 
demand for the individual the largest lib- 
erty consistent with public order, for the 
state self-government, and for the nation a 
return to the methods of peace and the 
constitutional limitations of power. 

5. The civil service of the government 
has become a mere instrument of partisan 
tyranny and personal ambition, and an ob- 
ject of selfish greed. It is a scandal and 
reproach upon free institutions, and breeds 
a demoralization dangerous to the per- 
petuity of republican government. We, 
therefore, regard a thorough reform of the 
civil service as one of the most pressing 
necessities of the hour ; that honesty, ca- 
pacity, and fidelity constitute the only valid 
claims to public employment ; that the of- 
fices of the government cease to be a mat- 
ter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, 
and that public station shall become again 
a post of honor. To this end, it is impera- 
tively required that no President shall be 
a candidate for re-election. 

6. We demand a system of federal taxa- 
tion which shall not unnecessarily interfere 
with the industry of the people, and which 
shall provide the means necessary to pay 
the expenses of the government, economi- 
cally administered, the pensions, the inter- 
est on the public debt, and a moderate re- 
duction annually of the principal thereof; 
and recognizing that there are in our midst 
honest but irreconcilable differences of 
opinion with regard to the respective sys- 
tems of protection and free trade, we remit 
the discussion of the subject to the jieople 
in their congressional districts and the de- 
cision of Congress thereon, wholly free 
from Executive interference or dictation. 

7. The public credit must be sacredly 
maintained, and we denounce repudiation 
in every form and guise. 

8. A speedy return to specie payment is 
demanded alike by the highest considera- 
tions of commercial morality and honest 
government. 

9. We remember with gratitude the hero- 
ism and sacrifices of the soldiers and sailors 
of the Republic ; and no act of ours shall 
ever detract from their justly earned fame 
or the full rewards of their patriotism. 

10.. We are opposed to all further grants 
of lands to railroads or other cor])orations. 
The public domain should be held sacred 
fo actual settlers. 

11. We hoia that it is the duty of the 
government, in its intercourse with foreign 
natidM-. 'o cultivate the fricndshii)s of 



peace, by treating with all on fair and equal 
terms, regarding it alike dishonorable 
either to demand what is not right or sub- 
mit to what is wrong. 

12. For the promotion and success of 
these vital principles and the support of 
the candidates nominated by this conven- 
tion, we invite and cordially welcome the 
co-operation of all patriotic citizens, with- 
out regard to previous political afiiliatioua. 



1S7S.— Democratic Platform, 

BaUimore, July 9 

We, the Democratic electors of the 
United States, in convention assembled, 
do present the following principles, already 
adopted at Cincinnati, as essential to just 
government : 

[Here followed the " Liberal Republican 
Platform ;" which see above.] 



187ii.— Republican Platform, 

Philadelphia, June 5. 

^ The Republican party of the United 
States, assembled in national convention 
in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th and 
6th days of June, 1872, again declares its 
faith, appeals to its history, and announces 
its position upon the questions before the 
country ; 

1. During eleven years of supremacy it 
has accepted, with grand courage, the sol- 
emn duties of the time. It suppressed a 
gigantic rebellion, emancipated four mil- 
lions of slaves, decreed the equal citizenship 
of all, and established universal suffrage. 
Exhibiting unparalleled magnanimity, it 
criminally punished no man for political 
offenses, and warmly welcomed all who 
proved their loyalty by obeying the laws 
and dealing justly with their neighbors. 
It has steadily decreased, with firm hand, 
the resultant disorders of a great war, and 
initiated a wise and humane policy toward 
the Indians. The Pacific railroad and 
similar vast enterprises have been gener- 
ously aided and successfully conducted, the 
public lands freely given to actual settlers, 
immigration protected and encouraged, 
and a full acknowledgment of the natural- 
ized citizen's rights secured from European 
powers. A uniform national currency has 
been provided, repudiation frowned down, 
the national credit sustained under the 
most extraordinary burdens, and new 
bonds negotiated at lower rates. The rev- 
enues have been carefully collected and 
honestly applied. Despite annual large 
reductions of the rates of taxation, the 
public debt has been reduced during Gen- 
eral Grant's presidency at the rate of a 
hundred millions a year, great financial 



52 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



crises have been avoided, and peace and 
plenty prevail throughout the land. Me- 
nacing foreign difficulties have been peace- 
fully and honorably compromised, and the 
honor and power of the nation kept in 
high respect throughout the world. This 
glorious record of the past is the party's 
best pledge for the future. We believe the 
people will not intrust the government to 
any party or combination of men composed 
chiefly of those who have resisted every 
step of this beneficent progress. 

2. The recent amendments to the national 
constitution should be cordially sustained 
because they are right, not merely tolerated 
because they are law, and should be carried 
out according to their spirit by appropriate 
legislation, the enforcement of which can 
safely be intrusted only to the party that 
secured those amendments. 

3. Complete liberty and exact equality 
in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and 
public rights should be established and 
effectually maintained throughout the 
Union by efficient and appropriate state 
and federal legislation. Neither the law 
nor its administration should admit any 
discrimination in respect to citizens by 
reason of race, creed, color, or previous 
condition of servitude. 

4. The national government should seek 
to maintain honorable peace with all na- 
tions, protecting its citizens everywhere, 
and sympathizing with all peoples who 
strive for greater liberty. 

6. Any system of civil service under 
which the subordinate positions of the 
government are considered rewards for 
mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing ; 
and we, therefore, favor a reform of the 
system, by laws which shall abolish the 
evils of patronage, and make honesty, 
efficiency, and fidelity the essential quali- 
fications for public positions, without prac- 
tically creating a life tenure of office. 

6. We are opposed to further grants of 
the public lands to corporations and mo- 
nopolies, and demand that the national 
domain be set apart for free homes for the 
people. 

7. The annual revenue, after paying cur- 
rent expenditures, pensions, and the inter- 
est on the public debt, should furnish a 
moderate balance for the reduction of the 
principal ; and that revenue, except so 
much as may be derived from a tax upon 
tobacco and liquors, should be raised by 
duties upon importations, the details of 
whicli should be so adjusted as to aid in 
securing remunerative wages to labor, and 
promote the industries, prosperity, and 
growth of the whole country. 

8. We hold in undying honor the sol- 
diers and sailors whose valor saved the 
Union. Their jiensions are a sacred debt 
of the nation, and the widows and orjihans 
of those who died for their country are en- 



titled to the care of a generous and grate- 
ful people. We favor such additional legis- 
lation as will extend the bounty of the 
government to all our soldiers and sailor* 
who were honorably discharged, and who 

j in the line of duty became disabled, with- 
out regard to the length of service or the 

! cause of such discharge. 

I 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and 
other European powers concerning alle- 
giance — "once a subject always a subject" — • 
having at last, through the efforts of the 
Republican party, been abandoned, and 
the American idea of the individual's right 
to transfer allegiance having been accepted 
by European nations, it is the duty of our 
government to guard with jealous care the 
rights of adopted citizens against the as- 
sumption of unauthorized claims by their 
former governments, and we urge contin- 
ued careful encouragement and protection 
of voluntary immigration. 

10. The franking privilege ought to be 
abolished, and a way prepared for a speedy 
reduction in the rates of jjostage. 

11. Among the questions which press for 
attention is that which concerns the rela- 
tions of capital and labor ; and the Re- 
publican party recognizes the duty of so 
shaping legislation as to secure full pro- 
tection and the amplest field for capital, 
and for labor, the creator of capital, the 
largest opportunities and a just share of 
the mutual profits of these two great ser- 
vants of civilization. 

12. We hold that Congress and the 
President have only fulfilled an imperative 
duty in their measures for the suppression 
of violence and treasonable organizations 
in certain lately rebellious regions, and for 
the protection of the ballot-box ; and, 
therefore, they are entitled to the thanks 
of the nation. 

13. We denounce repudiation of the 
public debt, in any form or disguise, as a 
national crime. We witness Avith pride 
the reduction of the principal of the debt, 
and of the rates of interest upon the bal- 
ance, and confidently expect that our ex- 
cellent national currency will be perfected 
by a speedy resumption of specie payment. 

14. The Republican party is mindful of 
its obligations to the loyal women of 
America for their noble devotion to the 
cause of freedom. Their admission to 
wider fields of usefulness is viewed with 
satisfaction ; and the honest demand of 
any class of citizens for additional rights 
should be treated Avith respectful considera- 
tion. 

15. We heartily approve the action of 
Congress in extending amnesty to those 
lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth j 
of peace and fraternal feeling throughout 
the land. ' 

16. The Republican party proposes to 
respect the rights reserved by the people to 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



53 



themselves as carefully as the powers dele- 
gated by them to the states and to the 
federal government. It disapproves of the 
resort to unconstitutional laws for the pur- 
pose of removing evils, by interference 
with rights not surrendered by the people 
to either the state or national government. 

17. It is the duty of the general govern- 
ment to adopt such measures as may tend 
to encourage and restore American com- 
merce and ship-building. 

18. We believe that the modest patriot- 
ism, the earnest purpose, the sound judg- 
ment, the practical wisdom, the incorrupti- 
ble integrity, and the illustrious services 
of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him 
to the heart of the Am,erican people ; and 
with him at our head, we start to-day upon 
a new march to victory. 

19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the 
Vice- Presidency, known to the whole land 
from the early days of the great struggle 
for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in 
all campaigns, an incorruptible legislator 
and representative man of American insti- 
tutions, is worthy to associate with our 
great leader and share the honors which 
we pledge our best efforts to bestow upon 
them 



187i3. — Democratic (Straight-out) Platform, 

LouiaviUe, Ky., September 3. 

Whereas, A frequent recurrence to first 
principles and eternal vigilance against 
abuses are the wisest provisions for liberty, 
which is the source of progress, and fidelity 
to our constitutional system is the only 
protection for either : therefore, 

Resolved, That the original basis of our 
whole political structure is consent in every 
part thereof. The people of each state 
voluntarily created their state, and the 
states voluntarily formed the Union ; and 
each state provided by its written constitu- 
tion for everything a state could do for the 
protection of life, liberty, and property 
within it; and each state, jointly with the 
others, provided a federal union for foreign 
and inter-state relations. 

Resolved, That all governmental powers, 
whether state or federal, are trust powers 
coming from the people of each state, and 
that they are limited to the written letter 
of the constitution and the laws passed in 
pursuance of it; which powers must be 
exercised in the utmost good faith, the 
constitution itself stating in what manner 
they may be altered and amended. 

Resolved, That the interests of labor and 
capital should not be permitted to conflict, 
but should be harmonized by judicious 
legislation. While such a conflict con- 
tinues, labor, which is the parent of wealth, 
is entitled to paramount consideration. 



Resolved, That we proclaim to the world 
that princijile is to be preferred to power ; 
that the Democratic party is held together 
by the cohesion of time-honored princi- 
ples, which they will never surrender in 
exchange for all the ofiices which Presi- 
dents can confer. The pangs of the mi- 
norities are doubtless excruciating; but 
we welcome an eternal minority, under ihe 
banner inscribed with our principles 
rather than an almighty and everlasting 
majority, jiurchased by their abandonment. 

Resolved, That, having been betrayed at 
Baltimore into a false creed and a false 
leadership by the convention, we repudiate 
both, and appeal to the people to approve 
our platform, and to rally to the polls and 
support the true platform and the candi- 
dates who embody it. 



1875. — The American National Platform, 

Adopted in Mass Meeting, Pitlslnirg, June 'J. 

We hold : 

1. That ours is a Christian and not a 
heathen nation, and that the God of the 
Christian Scriptures is the author of civil 
government. 

2. That God requires and man needs a 
Sabbath. 

3. That the prohibition of the importa- 
tion, manufacture, and sale of intoxicating 
drinks as a beverage, is the true policy on 
the temperance question. 

4. The charters of all secret lodges 
granted by our federal and state legisla- 
tures should be withdrawn, and their 
oaths prohibited by law. 

5. That the civil equality secured to all 
American citizens by articles 13th, 14th, 
and 15th of our amended constitution 
should be preserved inviolate. 

6. That arbitration of differences with 
nations is the most direct and sure method 
of securing and perpetuating a permanent 
peace. 

7. That to cultivate the intellect without 
improving the morals of men is to make 
mere adepts and experts: therefore, the 
Bible should be associated with books of 
science and literature in all our educa- 
tional institutions. 

8. That land and other monopoliea 
should be discountenanced. 

9. That the government should furnish 
the people witli an ample and sound cur- 
rency and a return to specie payment, as 
soon as practicable. 

10. That maintenance of the public 
credit, protection to all loyal citizens, and 
justice to Indians are essential to the honor 
and safety of our nation. 

11. And, finally, we demand for the 
American people the abolition of electoral 
colleges, and a direct vote for President 
and Vice-President of the United States. 



54 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



[Their candidates were James B. Walker, 
Wheaton, Illinois, for President; and Don- 
ald Kirkpatrick, Syracuse, New York, for 
Vice-President.J 



1876.— Proliibltloii Reform Platform, 

Cleoelaud, Uhto, May 17. 

The Prohibition Reform party of the 
United States, organized in the name of 
the people, to revive, enforce, and perpet- 
uate in the government the doctrines of 
the Dechiration of Independence, submit, in 
this centennial year of the republic, for the 
Buffrages of all good citizens, the following 
platform of national reforms and measures: 
First. The legal prohibition in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, the territories, and in 
every other place subject to the laws of 
Congress, of the importation, exportation, 
manufacture, and traffic of all alcoholic 
beverages, as high crimes against society ; 
an amendment of the national constitu- 
tion, to render these prohibitory measures 
universal and permanent ; and the adop- 
tion of treaty stipulations with foreign 
powers, to prevent the importation and 
ex])()rtation of all alcoholic beverages. 

Second. The alxjlition of class legisla- 
tion, and of special privileges in the gov- 
ernment, and the adoption of equal sufiViige 
and eligibility to office, without distinction 
(ft' race, religious creed, property, or sex. 

Third. The appropriation of the public 
lands, in limited quantities, to actual set- 
tlers only ; the reduction of the rates of 
inland and ocean postage ; of telegraphic 
communication ; of railroad and water 
transportation and travel, to the lowest 
practical point, by force of laws, wisely 
and ju-^tly framed, with reference, not only 
*to the interest of capital employed, but to 
the higher claims of the general good. 

Fourth. The suppression, by laws, of 
lotteries and gambling in gold, stocks, pro- 
duce, and every form of money and pro- 
perty, and the penal inhibition of the use 
of the public mails for advertising schemes 
of gambling and lotteries. 

Fifth. The abolition of those foul enor- 
mities, polvgamy and the social evil ; and 
the protection of purity, peace, and hap- 
pine-ss of homes, by ample and efficient 
legislation. 

Sixth. The national observance of the 
Christian Sabbath, established by laws 
prohibiting ordinary labor and business 
in all dejmrtments of public service and 
private employment (works of necessity, 
charity, and religion excepted) on that day. 
Seventh. The estal^lishraent, by mvnda- 
tory provisions in imtional and state con- 
stitutions, and by all necessary legislation, 
of a system of free public schools for the 
universal and forced education of all the 
youth of the land. 



Eighth. The free use of the Bible, not 
as a ground ' of religious creeds, but as a 
text-book of the purest morality, the best 
liberty, and the noblest literature in our 
public schools, that our children may grow 
up in its light, and that its spirit and prin- 
ciples may pervade our nation. 

Ninth. The separation of the govern- 
ment in all its departments and institu- 
tions, including the public schools and all 
funds for their maintenance, from the con- 
trol of every religious sect or other asso- 
ciation, and the protection alike of all 
sects by equal laws, with entire freedom of 
religious faith and worship. 

Tenth. The introduction into all treaties 
hereafter negotiated with foreign govern- 
ments of a provision for the amicable set- 
tlement of international difficulties by 
arbitration. 

Eleventh. The abolition of all barbar- 
ous modes and instruments of punishment; 
the recognition of the laws of God and 
the claims of humanity in the discipline 
of jails and prisons, and of that higher 
and wiser civilization worthy of our age 
and nation, which regards the reform of 
criminals as a means for the prevention of 
crime. 

Twelfth. The abolition of executive and 
legislative patronage, and the election of 
President, Vice-President, United States 
Senators, and of all civil officers, so far as 
practicable, by the direct vote of the peo- 
ple. 

Thirteenth. The practice of a friendly 
and liberal policy to immigrants from all 
nations, the guaranty to them of ample 
protection, and of equal rights and privi- 
leges. 

Fourteenth. The separation of the money 
of government from all banking institu- 
tions. The national government, only, 
should exercise the high prerogative of 
issuing paper money, and that should be 
subject to prompt redemption on demand, 
in gold and silver, the only equal stand- 
ards of value recognized by the civilized 
world. 

Fifteenth. The reduction of the salaries 
of public officers in a just ratio with the 
decline of wages and market prices ; the 
abolition of sinecures, unnecessarj' offices, 
and official fees and perquisites ; the prac- 
tice of strict economy in government ex- 
penses ; and a free and thorough investi- 
gation into any and all alleged abuses of 
public trusts. 



1876.— Independent (GreenbacU) Platform, 

Inriianapoliit, hid., Mny 17. 

The Independent party is called into 
existence by the necessities of the people, 
whose industries are prostrated, whose 
labor is deprived of its just reward by a 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



55 



ruinous policy which the Republican and 
Democratic parties refuse to change ; and, 
in view of the failure of these parties to 
furnish relief to the depressed industries 
of the country, thereby disa])pointing the 
just hopes and expectations of the suffer- 
ing people, Ave delare our principles, and 
invite all independent and patriotic men 
to join our ranks in this movement for fi- 
nancial reform and industrial emancipation. 

First. We demand the immediate and 
unconditional repeal of the specie resump- 
tion act of January 14, 1875, and the res- 
cue of our industries from ruin and disas- 
ter resulting from its enforcement ; and we 
call upon all patriotic men to organize in 
every congressional district of the country, 
with a view of electing representatives to 
Congress who will carry out the wishes of 
the people in this regard and stop the 
present suicidal and destructive policy of 
contraction. 

Second. We believe that a LTnited States 
note, issued directly by the government, 
and convertible, on demand, into United 
States obligations, bearing a rate of inter- 
est not exceeding one cent a day on each 
one hundred dollars, and exchangeable for 
United States notes at par, will afford the 
best circulating medium ever devised. 
Such United States notes should be full 
legal tenders for all purposes, except for 
the payment of such obligations as are, by 
existing contracts, especially made paya- 
ble in coin ; and we hold that it is the 
duty of the government to provide such a 
circulating medium, and insist, in the 
language of Thomas Jefferson, that " bank 
paper must be suppressed, and the circu- 
lation restored to the nation, to whom it 
belongs." 

Third. It is the paramount duty of the 
government, in all its legislation, to keep 
in view the full development of all legiti- 
mate business, agricultural, mining, manu- 
facturing, and commercial. 

Fourth. We most earnestly protest 
against any further issue of gold bonds for 
sale in foreign markets, by which we 
would be made, for a long period, " hewers 
of wood and drawers of water " to for- 
eigners, especially as the American people 
would gladly and promptly take at par all 
bonds the government may need to sell, 
provided they are made payable at the op- 
tion of the holder, and bearing interest at 
3.65 per cent, per annum or even a lower 
rate. 

Fifth. We further protest against the 
Bale of government bonds for the purpose 
of purchasing silver to be used as a sub- 
stitute for our more convenient and less 
fluctuating fractional currency, which, al- 
though well calculated to enrich owners of 
silver mines, yet in operation it will still 
ftirther oppress, in taxation, an already 
overburdened people. 

24 



1876.— Republican Platform, 

Cincinnati, Ohio, June 14. 

When, in the economy of Providence, 
this land was to be purged of human 
slavery, and when the strength of the gov- 
ernment of the people, by the people, and 
for the people, was to be demonstrated, the 
Republican party came into power. Its 
deeds have passed into history, and we 
look back to them with pride. Incited by 
their memories to high aims for the good 
of our country and mankind, and looking 
to the future with unfaltering courage, 
hope, and purpose, we, the representatives 
of the party, in national convention as- 
sembled, make the following declaration4 
of principles: 

1. The United States of America is ai 
nation, not a league. By the combined; 
workings of the national and state govern-- 
ments, under their respective constitu- 
tions, the rights of every citizen are se-- 
cured, at home and abroad, and the com?- 
mon welfare promoted. 

2. The Republican party has preserved! 
these governments to the hundredth anni- 
versary of the nation's birth, and they are 
now embodiments of the great truths spo- 
ken at its cradle — "That all men are crer 
ated equal ; that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain inalienable 
rights, among which are life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness ; that for the atr 
tainment of these ends governments have 
been instituted among men, deriving their 
just powers from the consent of the govr 
erned." Until these truths are cheerfully 
obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforcedy 
the work of the Republican party • is un- 
finished. 

3. The permanent pacification' of the 
southern section of the Union; and the 
complete protection of all its citizens in the 
free enjoyment of all their rights, is a duty 
to which the Republican party stands sa- 
credly pledged. The power to provide for 
the enforcement of the principles embodied 
in the recent constitutional amendments is 
vested, by those amendments, in the Con- 
gress of the United States ; and we declare 
it to be the solemn obligation of the legis- 
lative and executive departments of the 
government to put into immediate and 
vigorous exercise all their constitutional 
powers for removing any just causes of 
discontent on the part of any class, and 
for securing to everv' American citizen 
complete liberty and exact equality in the 
exercise of all civil, political, and public 
rights. To this end we imperatively de- 
mand a Congress and a Chief Executive 
whose courage and fidelity to these duties 
shall not falter until these results are 
placed beyond dispute or recall. 

4. In the first act of Congress signed by 
President Grant, the national government 
assumed to remove any doubt of its pux- 



56 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



pose to discharge all just obligations to 
the public creditors, and "solemnly pledged 
ks faith to make provision at the earliest 
practicable period I'or the redemption of 
the United States notes in coin." Com- 
mercial prosi)erity, jmlilic morals, and na- 
tional credit demand that this promise be 
fulfilled by a continuous and steady pro- 
gress to specie i)ayment. 

6. Under the constitution, the President 
and heads of departments are to make 
nopiinations for office, the Senate is to ad- 
vise and consent to appointments, and the 
House of Representatives is to accuse and 
prosecute faithless officers. The best in- 
terest of the public service demand that 
these distinctions be respected ; that Sena- 
tors and Representatives who may be 
judges and accusers should not dictate ap- 
pointments to office. The invariable rule 
in appointments should have reference to 
the honesty, fidelity, and capacity of the 
appointees, giving to the party in power 
those places where harmony and vigor of 
administration require its policy to be rep- 
resented, but permitting all others to be 
filled by persons selected with sole refer- 
ence to the efficiency of the public service, 
and the right of all citizens to share in the 
honor of rendering faithful service to the 
country. 

6. We rejoice in the quickened con- 
science of the ]ieople concerning political 
affairs, and will hold all public officers to 
a rigid responsibility, and engage that the 
prosecution and punishment of all who be- 
tray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, 
and unsparing. 

7. The public school system of the several 
states is the bulwark of the American Re- 
public ; and, with a view to its security 
and permanence, we recommend an amend- 
ment to the constitution of the United 
States, forbidding the application of any 
l)ublic funds or property for the benefit of 
any schools or institutions under sectarian 
control. 

8. The revenue necessary for current 
exj)enditures, and the obligations of the 
j)ublic debt, must be largely derived from 
duties uj)on importations, which, so far as 
possible, should be adjusted to promote 
the interests of American labor and ad- 
vance the prosperity of the whole country. 

9. We reaffirm our opposition to further 
grants of the public lands to corporations 
and monopolies, and demand that the na- 
tional domain be devoted to free homes 
for the people. 

10. It is the imperative duty of the gov- 
ernment so to modify existing treaties with 
European governments, that the same pro- 
tection shall be afforded to the adopted 
American citizen that is given to the na- 
tive-born ; and that all necessary laws 
should be passed to protect emigrants in 



the absence of power in the states for that 
purj)ose. 

11. It is the immediate duty of Con- 
gress to fully investigate the efl'ect of the 
immigration and importation of Mongo- 
lians upon the moral and material in- 
terests of the country. 

12. The Republican party recognizes, 
with approval, the substantial advances 
recently made towards the establishment 
of equal rights for women by the many 
important amendments effected by Repub- 
lican legislatures in the laws which con- 
cern the personal and property relations 
of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the 
appointment and election of women to the 
superintendence of education, charities, 
and other public trusts. The honest de- 
mands of this class of citizens for addi- 
tional rights, privileges, and immunities, 
should be treated with respectful consider- 
ation. 

13. The constitution confers upon Con- 
gress sovereign power over the territories 
of the United States for their government; 
and in the exercise of this power it is the 
right and duty of Congress to prohibit and 
extirpate, in the territories, that relic of 
barbarism — polygamy ; and we demand 
such legislation as shall secure this end 
and the supremacy of American institu- 
tions in all the territories. 

14. The pledges which the nation has 
given to her soldiers and sailors must be 
fulfilled, and a grateful people will always 
hold those who imperiled their lives for 
the country's preservation in the kindest 
remembrance. 

15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional 
feeling and tendencies. We, therefore, 
note with deep solicitude that the Demo- 
cratic party counts, as its chief hope of 
success, upon the electoral vote of a united 
south, secured through the efforts of those 
who were recently arrayed against the na- 
tion ; and we invoke the earnest attention 
of the country to the grave truth that a 
success thus achieved would reopen sec- 
tional strife, and imperil national honor 
and human rights. 

16. We charge the Democratic party 
with being the same in character and spirit 
as when it sympathized with treason ; with 
making its control of the House of Repre- 
sentatives the triumph and opportunity of 
the nation's recent foes; with reasserting 
and applar.ding, in the national capital, 
the sentiments of unrepentant rebellion ; 
with sending Union soldiers to the rear, 
and promoting Confederate soldiers to the 
front ; with deliberately proposing to repu- 
diate the plighted faith of the government; 
with being equally false and imbecile upon 
the overshadowing financial questions; 
with thwarting the ends of justice by its 
partisan mismanagement and obstruction 



of 



investigation ; 



with 



proving 



itself 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



57 



through the period of its ascendency in 
the lower house of Congress, utterly in- 
competent to administer the government ; 
and we warn the country against trusting 
a party thus alike unworthy, recreant, and 
incapable. 

17. The national administration merits 
commendation for its honorable work in 
the management of domestic and foreign 
affairs, and President Grant deserves the 
continued hearty gratitude of the Ameri- 
can people for his patriotism and his emi- 
nent services in war and in peace. 

18. We present, as our candidates for 
President and Vice-President of the United 
States, two distinguished statesmen, oi 
eminent ability and character, and con- 
spicuously fitted for those high offices, and 
we confidently appeal to the American 
people to intrust the administration of 
their i)ub]ic affairs to Rutherford B. Hayes 
and William A. Wheeler. 



1876.— Democratic Platform. 

St. Louis, Mo., June 27. 

We, the delegates of the Democratic 
party of the United States, in national con- 
vention assembled, do hereby declare the 
administration of the Federal government 
to be in urgent need of immediate reform ; 
do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of 
this convention, and of the Democratie 
party in each state, a zealous effort and co- 
operation to this end ; and do hereby ap- 
peal to our fellow-citizens of every former 
j)olitical connection to undertake, with us, 
this first and most pressing patriotic duty. 

For the Democracy of the whole coun- 
try, we do here reaffirm our faith in the per- 
manence of the Federal Union, our devo- 
tion to the constitution of the United States, 
with its amendments universally accepted 
as a final settlement of the controversies 
that engendered civil war, and do here re- 
cord our steadfast confidence in the per- 
petuity of republican self-government. 

In absolute acquiescence in the will of 
the majority — the vital principle of repub- 
lics; in the supremacy of the civil over the 
military authority ; in the total separation 
of church and state, for the sake alike of 
civil and religious freedom ; in the equal- 
ity of all citizens before just laws of their 
own enactment; in the liberty of indi- 
vidual conduct, unvexed by sumptuary 
laws; in the faithful education of the ris- 
ing generation, that they may preserve, 
enjoy, and transmit these best conditions 
of human happiness and hope — we behold 
the noblest products of a hundred years of 
changeful history ; but while upholding 
the bond of our Union and great charter 
of these our rights, it behooves a free peo- 
ple to practice also that eternal vigilance 
which is the price of liberty. 



Reform is necessary to rebuild and es- 
tablish in the hearts of the whole people 
the Union, eleven years ago happily res- 
cued from the danger of a secession of 
states, but now to be saved from a corrupt 
centralism which, after inflicting upon ten 
states the rapacity of carpet-bag tyranny, 
has honey-combed the offices of the Federal 
government itself, with incapacity, waste, 
and fraud ; infected states and municipali- 
ties with the contagion of misrule; and 
locked fast the j^rosperity of an industrious 
people in the paralysis of " hai'd times." 

Reform is necessary to establish a sound- 
currency, restore the public credit, and 
maintain the national honor. 

We denounce the failure, for all these 
eleven years of peace, to make good the. 
promise of the legal tender notes, which 
are a changing standard of value in the 
hands of the people, and the non-jiayment 
of which is a disregard of the plighted 
faith of the nation. 

We denounce the improvidence which, 
in eleven years of peace, has taken from 
the people, in federal taxes, thirteen times 
the whole amount of the legal-tender notes, 
and squandered four times their sum in 
useless expense without accumulating any 
reserve for their redemption. 

We denounce the financial imbecility 
and immorality of that party which, dur- 
ing eleven years of peace, has made no ad- 
vance toward resumption, no preparation 
for resumption, but, instead, has obstructed 
resumption, by wasting our resources and 
exhausting all our surplus income ; and, 
while annually professing to intend a 
speedy return to specie payments, has an- 
nually enacted fresh hinderances thereto. 
As such hinderance we denounce the re- 
sumption clause of. 1875, and we here de- 
mand its repeal. 

We demand a judicious system of prepa- 
ration, by public economies, by official re- 
trenchments, ?nd by wise finance, which 
shall enable the nation soon to assure the 
whole world of its perfect ability and of its 
perfect readiness to meet any of its pro- 
mises at the call of the creditor entitled to 
payment. We believe such a system, well 
devised, and, above all, intrusted to com- 
petent hands for execution, creating, at no 
time, an artificial scarcity of currency, and 
at no time alarming the public mind into 
a withdrawal of that vaster machinery of 
credit by which ninety-five per cent, of all 
business transactions are performed. A 
system open, public, and inspiring general 
confidence, would, from the day of its 
adoption, bring healing on its wings to all 
our harassed industries — set in motion tlie 
wheels of commerce, manufactures, and the 
mechanic arts — restore employinent to la- 
bor — and, renew, in all its natural sources, 
the prosperity of the people. 

Reform is necessary in the sum and 



68 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



modes of federal taxation, to the end that 
capital may be set free from distrast and 
liil)or lightly burdened. 

We denounce the present tariff", levied 
upon nearly four thousand articles, as a 
masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and 
false pretence. It yields a dwindling, not 
a yearly rising, revenue. It has impover- 
i shed many industries to subsidize a few. 
It prohibits imports that might purchase 
fhe products of American labor. It has 
degraded American commerce from the 
first to an inferior rank on the high seas. 
Ic has cut down the sales of American 
manufactures at home and abroad, and 
depleted the returns of American agri- 
culture — an industry followed by half our 
people. It costs the people five times 
more than it produces to the treasury, ob- 
structs the processes of production, and 
Avastes the fruits of labor. It promotes 
fraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dis- 
honest officials, and bankrupts honest 
merchants. We demand that all custom- 
house taxation shall be only for revenue. 

Reform is necessary in the scale of public 
expense — federal, state, and municipal. 
Our federal taxation has swollen from sixty 
millions gold, in 1860, to four hundred and 
fifty millions currency, in 1870; our ag- 
gregate taxation from one hundred and fifty- 
four millions gold, in 1800, to seven hun- 
dred and thirty millions currency, in 1870 
--or, in one decade, from less than five 
dollars per head to more than eighteen 
dollars per head. Since the peace, the 
people have paid to their tax-gatherers 
more than thrice the sum of the national 
debt, and more than twice that sum for the 
Federal government alone. We demand 
a rigorous frugality in every department 
and from every officer of the government. 

Reform is necessary to put a stop to the 
prjfiigate waste of public lands, and their 
diversion from actual settlers, by the party 
in power, which has squandered 200,000,000 
of acres upon railroads alone, and, out of 
more than thrice that aggregate, has dis- 
posed of less than a sixth directly to tillers 
of the soil. 

Reform is necessary to correct the omis- 
sion of a Republican Congress, and the 
errors of our treaties and our diplomacy 
which have stripped our fellow-citizens of 
foreign birth and kindred race, recrossing 
the Atlantic, of the shield of American 
citizenship, and have exposed our brethren 
of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a 
race not spi-ung from the same great parent 
stock, and in fact now, by law, denied 
citizenship through naturalization, as being 
neither accustomed to the traditions of a 
]'rogressive civilization nor exercised in 
liberty under equal laws. We denounce 
the policy which thus discards the liberty- 
loving German and tolerates a revival of 
the coolie trade in Mongolian women, im- 



ported for immoral purposes, and Mongolian 
men, held to perform servile labor contracts 
and demand such modification of the treaty 
with the Chinese Empire, or such legisla- 
tion within constitutional limitations, as 
shall prevent further importation or immi- 
gration of the Mongolian race. 

Reform is necessary, and can never be 
effected but by making it the controlling 
issue of the elections, and lifting it above 
the two false issues with which the office- 
holding class and the party in power seek 
to smother it: 

1. The false issue with which they would 
enkindle sectarian strife in respect to the 
public schools, of which the establishment 
and support belongs exclusively to the 
several states, and which the Democratic 
party has cherished from their foundation, 
and is resolved to maintain, without preju- 
dice or preference for any class, sect, or 
creed, and without largesses from the trea- 
sury to any. 

2. The false issue by which they seek to 
light anew the dying embers of sectional hate 
between kindred peoples once estranged, 
but now reunited in one indivisible re- 
public and a common destiny. 

Reform is necessary in the civil service. 
Experience proves that efficient, economical 
conduct of the governmental business is 
not possible if its civil service be subject 
to change at every election, be a prize 
fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief re- 
ward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor 
assigned for proved competency, and held 
for fidelity in the public employ ; that the 
dispensing of patronage should neither be a 
tax upon the time of all our public men, 
nor the instrument of their ambition. 
Here, again, promises, falsified in the per- 
formance, attest that the party in power 
can work out no practical or salutary re- 
form. 

Reform is necessary, even more, in the 
higher grades of the public service. Presi- 
dent, Vice-President, Judges, Senators, 
Representatives, Cabinet officers — these, 
and all others in authority — are the people's 
servants. Their offices are not a private 
perquisite ; they are a public trust. When 
the annals of this Republic show the dis- 
grace and censure of a Vice-President ; a 
late Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives marketing his rulings as a presiding 
officer ; three Senators profiting secretly by 
their votes as law-makers ; five chairmen 
of the leading committees of the late House 
of Representatives exposed in jobbery ; a 
late Secretary of the Treasury forcing ba- 
lances in the public accounts ; a late At- 
torney-General misappropriating public 
funds ; a Secretary of the Navy enriched, 
or enriching friends, by percentages levied 
off the profits of contractors with his de- 
partment ; an Ambassador to England con- 
cerned in a dishonorable speculation ; the 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



59 



President's private secretarj' barely escap- 
ing conviction \i\Km trial for guilty comijli- 
city in frauds upon the revenue; a Secre- 
tary of War impeached for high crimes 
and misdemeanors — the demonstration is 
complete, that the first step in reform must 
be the [)e()ple's choice of honest men from 
another party, lest the disease of one poli- 
tical organization infect the body politic, 
and lest by making no change of men or 
parties we get no change of measures and 
no real reform. 

All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes — 
the product of sixteen years' ascendency ol 
the Republican party — create a necessity 
for reform, confessed by the Republicans 
themselves ; but their reformers are voted 
down in convention and displaced from the 
cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters 
is powerless to resist the 80,000 office-hold- 
ers, its leaders and guides. 

Reform can only be had by a peaceful 
civic revolution. We demand a change 
of system, a change of administration, a 
change of parties, that we may have a 
change of measures and of men. 

Resolved, That this convention, repre- 
senting the Democratic party of the United 
States, do cordially indorse the action of 
the present House of Representatives, in re- 
ducing and curtailing the expenses of the 
Federal government, in cutting down sa- 
laries and extravagant appropriations, and 
in abolishing useless offices and places not 
required by the public necessities ; and we 
shall trust to the firmness of the Democra- 
tic members of the House that no commit- 
tee of conference and no misinterpretation 
of the rules will be allowed to defeat these 
wholesome measures of economy demanded 
by the country. 

Resdlned, That the soldiers and sailors 
of the Republic, and the widows and or- 
phans of those who have fallen in battle, 
have a just claim upon the care, protection, 
and gratitude of their fellow-citizens. 



1878.-Xational Platform. 

Tuledo, Ohio, February 22. 

Whereas, Throughout our entire country 
the value of real estate is depreciated, in- 
dustry paralyzed, trade depressed, business 
incomes and wages reduced, unparalleled 
distress inflicted upon the poorer and mid- 
dle ranks of our people, the land filled 
with fraud, embezzlement, bankruptcy, 
crime, suffering, pauperism, and starvation ; 
and 

Whereas, This state of things has been 
brought about by legislation in the interest 
of, and dictated by, money-lenders, bankers 
and bondholders ; and 

Whereas, While we recognize the fact 
that the men in Congress connected with 



the old political parties have stood up man- 
fully for the rights of the people, and met 
the threats of the money power, and the 
ridi(ule of an ignorant and subsidized 
press, yet neither the Republican nor tlie 
Democratic parties, in their policies, pro- 
pose remedies for the existing evils ; and 

Whereas, The Independent Greenback 
party, and other associations more or less 
effective, have been unable, hitherto, to 
make a formidable opposition to old party 
organizations; and 

Whereas, The limiting of the legal-tender 
quality of the greenbacks, the changing of 
tairrency bonds into coin bonds, the d«?- 
monetization of the silver dollar, the ex- 
empting of bonds from taxation, the con- 
traction of the circulating medium, the 
proposed forced resumption of specie pay- 
ments, and the prodigal waste of the public 
lands, were crimes against the people; and, 
as far as possible, the results of these cri- 
minal acts must be counteracted by judi- 
cious legislation : 

Therefore, We assemble in national con- 
vention and make a declaration of our 
principles, and invite all patriotic citizens 
to unite in an effort to secure financial re- 
form and industrial emancipation. Tlic 
organization shall be known as the " Na- 
tional Party," and under this name we will 
perfect, without delay, national, state, and 
local associations, to secure the election to 
office of such men only as will pledge 
themselves to do all in their power to es- 
tablish these principles : 

First. It is the exclusive function of the 
general government to coin and create 
money and regulate its value. All bank 
issues designed to circulate as money should 
be suppressed. The circulating medium, 
whether of metal or paper, shall be issued 
by the government, and made a full legal- 
tender for all debts, duties, and taxes in 
the United States, at its stamped value. 

Second. There shall be no privileged 
class of creditors. Official salaries, pensions, 
bonds, and all other debts and obligation?!, 
public and private, shall be discharged in 
the legal-tender money of the United 
States strictly according to the stipulations 
of the laws under which they were con- 
tracted. 

Third. The coinage of silver shall he 
placed on the same footing as that of gold. 

Fourth. Congress shall provide said 
money adequate to the full employment of 
labor, the equitable distribution of its pro- 
ducts, and the requirement of business, 
fixing a minimum •Amount per capita of the 
population as near as may be, and other- 
wise regulating its value by wise and equi- 
table provisions of law, so that the rate of 
interest will secure to labor its just rewartl. 

Fifth. It is inconsistent with the genius 
of popular government that any species of 
private property should be exempt firoin 



60 



AMERICAN POLITICS-. 



bearing its proper share of the public 
biu'deris. Government bonds and money 
should be taxed precisely as other property, 
and a graduated income tax should be 
levied for the support of the government 
and the payment of its debts. 

. Sixth, i'ublic lands are the common 
property of the whole people, and should 
not be sold to speculators nor granted to 
railroads or other corporations, but should 
be donated to actual settlers, in limited 
quantities. 

Seventh. The government should, by gen- 
eral enactments, encourage the develop- 
ment of our agricultural, mineral, mecha- 
nical, manufacturing, and commercial re- 
sources, to the end that labor may be fully 
and profitably employed ; but no monopo- 
lies should be legalized. 

Eighth. All useless offices should be abol- 
ished, the most rigid economy favored in 
every branch of the public service, and 
severe punishment intlicted upon public 
oflSicers who betray the trusts reposed in 
them. 

Ninth. As educated labor has devised 
means for multiplying productions by in- 
ventions and discoveries, and as their use 
requires the exercise of mind as well as 
body, such legislation should be had that 
the number of hours ol' daily toil will be 
reduced, giving to the working classes more 
leisure for mental improvement and their 
several enjoyments, and saving them from 
[)remature decay and death. 

Tenth. The adoption of an American 
monetary system, as proposed herein, will 
harmonize all differences in regard totarifi' 
Hnd federal taxation, reduce and equlize 
the cost of transportation by land and 
water, distribute equitably the joint earn- 
ings of capital and labor, secure to the 
producers of wealth the results of their 
labor and skill, and muster out of service 
the vast army of idlers, who, under the 
t^.xisting system, grow rich upon the earn- 
ings of others, that every man and woman 
may, by their own efforts, secure a compe- 
tency, so that overgrown fortunes and ex- 
treme poverty will be seldom found within 
the limits of our republic. 

Eleventh. Both national and state govern- 
ments should establish bureaus of labor 
and industrial statistics, clothed with the 
power of gathering and publishing^ the 
same. 

Twelfth, That the contract system of em- 
ploying labor in our prisons and reforma- 
tory institutions works great injustice to 
our mechanics and artisans, and should be 
prohibited. 

Tuirteenth. The importation of servile 
labor into the United States from China is 
a problem of the most serious importance, 
find we recommend legislation looking to 
its suppression. 
, Fourteenth. We believe in the supremacy 



of law over and above all perishable ma- 
terial, and in the necessity of a party of 
united people that will rise above old party 
lines and prejudices. We will not affiliate 
in any degree with any of the old parties, 
but, in all cases and localities, will organize 
anew, as united National men — nominate 
for office and oflBcial positions only such 
persons as are clearly believers in and 
identified with this our sacred cause ; and, 
irrespective of creed, color, place of birth, 
or past condition of political or other serv- 
itude, vote only for m^n who entirely 
abandon old party lines and organizations. 



1879. 



-IVatioiial Liberal Platformt 

C'inviiiiuiti, Ohio, Septembtr 14. 



1. Total separation of Church and State, 
to be guaranteed by amendment of the 
United States constitution ; including the 
equitable taxation of church property, se- 
cularization of the public schools, abroga- 
tion of Sabbatarian laws, abolition of chap- 
laincies, prohibition of public appropria- 
tions for religious purposes, and all mea- 
sures necessary to the same general end. 

2. National protection for national citi- 
zens in their equal civil, political, and re- 
ligious rights, to be guaranteed by amend- 
ment of the United States constitution 
and afforded through the United States 
courts. 

8. Universal education, the basis of uni- 
versal suffrage in this secular Republic, to 
be guaranteed by amendment of the United 
States constitution, requiring every state to 
maintain a thoroughly secularized public 
school system, and to permit no child 
within its limits to grow up without a good 
elementary education. 



1880.— Independent Republican Principles. 

I. Independent Republicans adhere to 
the republican principles of national supre- 
macy, sound finances, and civil service re- 
form, expressed in the Republican plat- 
form of 1S76, in the letter of acceptance of 
President Hayes, and in his message of 
1879 ; and they seek the realization of 
those principles in practical laws and their 
efficient administration. This requires, 

1. The continuance on the statute-book 
of laws protecting the rights of voters at 
national elections. But national supre- 
macy affords no pretext for interference 
with the local rights of communities ; and 
the development of the south from its pre- 
sent defective civilization caTi be secured 
only under constitutional methods, such as 
those of President Hayes. 

2. The passage of laws which shall de- 
prive greenbacks of their legal-tender 
quality, as a first step toward their ulti- 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



61 



mate withdrawal and cancellation, and 
shall maintain all coins made legal tender 
at such weight and fineness as will enable 
them to be used without discount in the 
commercial transactions of the world. 

3. The repeal of the act^ which limit the 
terms of office of certain government offi- 
cials to four years ; the repeal of the 
tenure-of-office acts, which limit the power 
of the executive to remove lor cause ; the 
establishment of a permanent civil service 
commission, or equivalent measures to as- 
certain, by open competition, and certify 
to the President or other appointing power 
the fitness of applicants for nomination or 
appointment to all non-political offices. 

II. Independent Republicans believe 
that local issues should be independent of 
party. The words Repub'.i/an and Demo- 
crat should have no weight in determining 
whether a school or city shall be adminis- 
tered on business principles by capable 
men. With a view to this, legislation is 
asked which shall prescribe for the voting 
for local and for state officers upon sepa- 
rate ballots. 

III. Independent Republicans assert 
that a political party is a co-operation of 
voters to secure the practical enactment 
into legislation of political convictions set 
forth as its platform. Every voter accept- 
ing that platform is a member of that 
party ; any representative of that party op- 
posing the principles or evading the pro- 
mises of its platform forfeits the support 
of its voters. No voter should be held by 
the action or nomination of any caucus or 
convention of his party against his private 
judgment. It is his duty to vote against 
Dad measures and unfit men, as the only 
means of obtaining good ones ; and if his 
party no longer represents its professed 
j)rinciples in its practical workings, it is 
his duty to vote against it. 

IV. Independent Republicans seek good 
nominations through participation in the 
primaries and through the defeat of bad 
nominees ; they will labor for the defeat of 
any local Republican candidate, and, in 
co-operation with those holding like views 
elsewhere, for the defeat of any general 
Republican candidate whom they do not 
deem fit. 



1880. Republican Platform. 

Chicago, Illinois, June 2. 

The Republican party, in national con- 
Tention assembled, at the end of twenty 
years since the Federal government was 
first committed to its charge, submits to 
the people of the United States its brief 
report of its administration : 

It suppressed a rebellion which had 
armed nearly a million of men to subvert 
the national authority. It reconstructed 
the union of the states with freedom, in- 



stead of slavery, as its corner-stone. It 
transformed i'our million of human beings 
from the likeness t)f things to the rank of 
citizens. It relieved Congress from the in- 
tamous work of hu,nting fugitive slaves, 
and charged it to see that slavery does not 
exist. 

It has raised the value of our paper cur- 
rency from thirty-eight per cent, to the 
par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid 
basis, i)ayment in coin for all the national 
obligations, and has given us a currency 
absolutely good and equal in eveiy part of 
our extended country. It has lifted the 
credit of the nation from the point where 
six per cent, bonds sold at eighty-six to 
that where four per cent, bonds are eagerly 
sought at a premium. 

Under its administration railways have 
increased from 81,000 miles in 1S60, to more 
than 82,000 miles in 1879. 

Our foreign trade has increased from 
$700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000 in the same 
time ; and our exports, which were $20,- 
000,000 less than our imports in 18(30, were 
$2(34,000,000 more than our imports in 
1879. 

AVithout resorting to loans, it has, since 
the war closed, defrayed the ordinary ex- 
penses of government, besides the accruing 
interest on the public debt, and disbursed, 
annually, over $30,000,000 for soldiers' 
pensions. It has paid $888,000,000 of the 
public debt, and, by refunding the balance 
at lower rates, has reduced the annual 
interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 
to less than $89,000,000. 

All the industries of the country have 
revived, labor is in demand, wages have 
increased, and throughout the entire coun- 
try there is evidence of a coming prosperity 
greater than we have ever enjoyed. 

Upon this record, the Republican party 
asks for the continued confidence and sup- 
port of the people ; and this convention 
submits for their approval the following 
statement of the jjrinciples and purposes 
which will continue to guide and inspire 
its efforts : 

1. We affirm that the work of the last 
twenty years has been such as to com- 
mend itself to the favor of the nation, and 
that the fruits of the costly victories which 
we have achieved, through immense diffi- 
culties, should be preserved ; that the peace 
regained should be cherished ; that the 
dissevered LTnion, now happily restored, 
should be perpetuated, and that the liber- 
ties secured to this generation should be 
transmitted, undiminished, to future gene- 
rations; that the order established and the 
credit acquired should never be impaired ; 
that the pensions promised should be paid ; 
that the debt so much reduced should be 
extinguished by the full payment of every 
dollar thereof; that the reviving industries 
should be further promoted ; and that the 



62 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



commerce, already so great, should be 
steadily encouraged. 

2. The constitution of the United States 
is a supreme law, and not a mere contract ; 
out of confederate states it made a sove- 
reign nation. Some ])0wers are denied to 
the nation, while others are denied to 
states ; but the boundary between the pow- 
ers delegated and those reserved is to be 
determined by the national and not by the 
state tribunals. 

3. The work of popular education is one 
left to the care of the several states, but it 
is the duty of the national government to 
aid that work to the extent of its constitu- 
tional ability. The intelligence of the na- 
tion is but the aggregate of the intelligence 
in the several states ; and the destiny of 
the nation must be guided, not by the 
genius of any one state, but by the aver- 
age genius of all. 

4. The constitution wisely forbids Con- 
gress to make any law respecting an es- 
tablishment of religion ; but it is idle to 
hope that the nation can be protected 
against the influences of sectarianism while 
each state is exposed to its domination. VV^e, 
therefore, recommend that the constitution 
be so amended as to lay the same prohibi- 
tion upon the legislature of each state, to 
forbid the appropriation of public funds to 
the support of sectarian schoo'.s. 

6. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 
1876, that the duties levied for the pur- 
pose of revenue should so discriminate as 
to favor American labor ; that no further 
grant of the public domain should be made 
to any railway or other corporation ; that 
slavery having perished in the states, its 
twin barbarity — polygamy — must die in 
the territories ; that everywhere the pro- 
tection accorded to citizens of American 
birth must be secured to citizens by Ameri- 
can adoption. That we esteem it the duty 
of Congress to develop and improve our 
water-courses and harbors, but insist that 
further subsidies to private persons or cor- 
porations must cease. That the obliga- 
tions of the republic to the men who j^re- 
served its integrity in the diy of battle 
are undiminished by the lapse of fifteen 
years since their final victory — to do them 
perpet'ial honor is, and shall forever be, 
the grateful privilege and sacred duty of 
the American peonle. 

6. Since the authority to regulate immi- 
gration and intercourse between the United 
States and foreign nations rests with the 
Congress of the United States and its 
treaty-making powers, the Republican 
party, regarding the unrestricted immigra- 
tion" of the Chinese as an evil of great 
magnitude, invoke the exercise of that 
power to restrain and limit that immigra- 
tion by the enactment of such just, humane, 
and reasonable provisions as will produce 
that result. 



That the purity and patriotism which 
characterized the early career of Ruther- 
ford B. Hayes in j)eaceand war, and which 
guided the thoughts of our immediate pre- 
decessors to select him for a presidential 
candidate, have continued to inspire him 
in his career as chief executive, and that 
history will accord to his administration 
the honors which are due to an efficient, 
just, and courteous discharge of the public 
business, and will honor his interposition 
between the people and proposed partisan 
laws. 

8. We charge upon the Democratic party 
the habitual sacrifice of patriotism and 
justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for 
office and patronage. That to obtain pos- 
session of the national and state govern- 
ments, and the control of place and position, 
they have obstructed all eflfbrts to promote 
the purity and to conserve the freedom of 
sutl'rage ; have devised fraudulent certifi- 
cations and returns ; have labored to un- 
seat lawfully-elected members of Congress, 
to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a ma- 
jority of the states in the House of Repre- 
sentatives ; have endeavored to occupy, by 
force and fraud the places of trust given to 
others by the people of Maine, and rescued 
by the courageous action of Maine's pa- 
triotic sons ; have, by methods vicious in 
principle and tyrannical in practice, at- 
tached pj^'tisan legislation to a})])ropria- 
tion bills, upon whose passage the very 
movements of government depend ; have 
crushed the rights of the individual ; have 
advocated the principle and sought the 
lavor of rebellion against the nation, and 
have endeavored to obliterate the sacred 
memories of the war, and to overcome its 
inestimably valuable results of nationality, 
personal irecdom, and individual equality. 
Equal, steady, and complete enforcement 
of the laws, and protection of all our citizens 
in the enjoyment of all privileges and im- 
munities guaranteed by the constitution, 
are the first duties of the nation. The dan- 
ger of a solid south can only be averted by 
the faithful perlbrmance of every promise 
which the nation made to the citizen. The 
execution of the laws, and the punishment 
of all those who violate them, are the only 
safe methods by which an enduring peace 
can be secured, and genuine prosperity es- 
tablished throughout the south. What- 
ever promises tbe nation makes, the na- 
tion must perform ; and the nation can not 
with safety relegate this duty to the states. 
The solid south must be divided by the 
peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all 
opinions must there find free expression ; 
and to this end honest voters must be pro- 
tected against terrorism, violence, or fraud. 
And we affirm it to be the duty and the 
purpose of the Republican party to use all 
legitimate means to restore all the states of 
this Union to the most perfect harmony 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



63 



which may be practicable ; and we submit to 
the practical, sensible people of the United 
States to say wliether it would not be dan- 
gerous t) the dearest interests of our coun- 
try, at this time to surrender the adminis- 
tration of the national government to a 
party which seeks to overthrow the exist- 
ing policy, under which we are so prosper- 
ous, and thus bring distrust and confusion 
where there is now order, confidence, and 
hope. 

9. The Republican party, adhering to a 
principle affirmed by its last national con- 
vention, of respect for the constitutional 
rule covering appointments to office, adopts 
the declaration of President Hayes, that 
the reform of the civil service should be 
thorough, radical, and complete. To this 
end it demands the co-operation of the 
legislative with the executive department 
of the government, and that Congress shall 
so legislate that fitness, ascertained by 
proper practical tests, shall admit to the 
public service ; and that the power of re- 
moval for cause, with due responsibility 
for the good conduct of subordinates, shall 
accompany the power of appointment. 



1880.— National (Greenliack) Platform, 

Chicago, Illinois June 9. 

The civil government should guarantee 
the divine right of every laborer to the re- 
sults of his toil, thus enabling the pro- 
ducers of wealth to provide themselves 
with the means for physical comfort, and 
facilities for mental, social, and moral cul- 
ture; and we condemn, as unworthy of our 
civilization, the barbarism which im')oses 
upon wealth-producers a state of drudgery 
as the price of a bare animal existence. 
Notwith landing the enormous increase of 
productive power by the universal intro- 
duction of labor-saving machinery and the 
discovery of new agents for the in"crease of 
wealth, the task of the laborer is scarcely 
lightened, the hours of toil are but little 
shortened, and few producers are lifted 
from poverty into comfort and pecuniary 
independence. The associated monopolies, 
the international syndicates, and other in- 
come classes demand dear money, cheap 
labor, and a strong government, and, hence, 
a weak people. Corporate control of the 
volume of money has been the means 
of dividing society into hostile classes, of 
an unjust distribution of the products of 
labor, and of building up monopolies of 
associated capital, endowed with power to 
confiscate private property. It has kept 
money scarce ; and the scarcity of money 
enforces debt-trade, and public and cor- 
porate loans ; debt engenders usury, and 
usury ends in the bankruptcy of tlie bor- 
rower. Other results are — deranged mar- 
kets, uncertainty in manufacturing enter- 



prises and agriculture, precarious and 
intermittent employment for the laborer, 
industrial war, increasing pauperism and 
crime, and the consequent intimidation 
and disfranchisement of the producer, and 
a rapid declension into corporate feudalism. 
Therefore, we declare — 

First. That the right to make and issue 
money is a sovereign power, to be main- 
tained by the people for their common 
benefit. The delegation of this right to 
corporations is a surrender of the central 
attribute of sovereignty, void of constitu- 
tional sanction, and conferring upon a sub- 
ordinate and irresponsible power an abso- 
lute dominion over industry and commerce. 
All money, whether metallic or paper, 
should be issued, and its volume controlled, 
by the government, and not by or through 
banking, corporations ; and, when so issued, 
should be a full legal tender for all debts, 
public and private. 

Second. That the bonds of the United 
States should not be refunded, but paid as 
rapidly as practicable, according to con- 
tract. To enable the government to meet 
these obligations, legal-tender currency 
should be substituted for tlie notes of the 
national banks, the national banking sys- 
tem abolished, and the unlimited coinage 
of silver, as well as gold, established by 
law. 

Third. That labor should be so pro- 
tected by national and state authority as to 
equalize its burdens and insure a just dis- 
tribution of its results. The eight hour 
law of Congress should be enforced, the 
sanitary condition of industrial establish- 
ments placed under the rigid control, the 
competition of contract convict labor abol- 
ished, a bureau of labor statistics estab- 
lished, factories, mines, and workshops in- 
spected, the employment of children under 
fourteen years of age forbidden, and wages 
paid in cash. 

Fourth. Slavery being simply cheap 
labor, and cheap labor being simply sla- 
very, the importation and presence of 
Chinese serfs necessarily tends to brutalize 
and degrade American labor; therefore, 
immediate steps should be taken to ab- 
rogate the Burlingame treaty. 

Fifth. Railroad land grants forfeited by 
reason of non-fulfillment of contract should 
be immediately reclaimed by the govern- 
ment, and, henceforth, the public domain 
reserved exclusively' as homes for actual 
settlers. 

Sixth. It is the duty of Congress to reg- 
ulate inter-state commerce. All lines of 
communication and transportation should 
be brought under such legislative control 
as shall secure moderate, fair, and uniform 
rates for passenger and freight traffic. 

Seventh. We denounce as destructive to 
property and dangerous to liberty the ac- 
tion of the old parties in fostering and su£« 



64 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



taining gigantic land, railroad, and money 
corporations, and monopolies invested with 
and exercising powers belonging to the 
government, and yet not responsible to it 
for the manner of their exercise. 

Eighth. That the constitution, in giving 
Congress the power to borrow money, to 
declare war, to raise and support armies, 
to provide and maintain a navy, never in- 
tended that the men who loaned their 
money for an interest-consideration should 
be preferred to the soldiers and sailors who 
periled their lives and shed their blood on 
land and sea in defense of their country ; 
and we condemn the cruel class legislation 
of the Republican party, which, while pro- 
fessing great gratitude to the soldier, has 
most unjustly discriminated against him 
and in favor of the bondholder. 

Ninth. All property should bear its just 
proportion of taxation, and we demand a 
graduated income tax. 

Tenth. We denounce as dangerous the 
efforts everywhere manifest to restrict the 
right of suffrage. 

Eleventh. We are opposed to an increase 
of the standing army in time of peace, and 
the insidious scheme to establish an enor- 
mous military power under the guise of 
militia laws. 

Twelfth. We demand absolute democra- 
tic rules for the government of Congress, 
placing all representatives of the people 
upon an equal footing, and taking away 
from committees a veto power greater than 
that of the President. 

Thirteenth. We demand a government of 
the people, by the people, and for the peo- 
ple, instead of a government of the bond- 
holder, by the bondholder, and for the 
bondholder ; and Ave denounce every at- 
tempt to stir up sectional strife as an effort to 
conceal monstrous crimes against the people. 

Fourteenth. In the furtherance of these 
ends we ask the co-operation of all fair- 
minded people. We have no quarrel with 
individuals, wage no war on classes, but 
only against vicious institutions. We are 
not content to endure further discipline 
from our present actual rulers, who, having 
dominion over money, over transportation, 
over land and labor, over the press and the 
machinery of government, wield unwar- 
rantable power over our institutions and 
over life and property. 



1880.— Prohibition Reform Platform, 

Cleveland, Ohio, June 17. 

The prohibition Reform party of the 
United States, organized, in the name of 
the people, to revive, enforce, and perpetu- 
ate in the government the doctrines of the 
Declaration of Independence, submit, for 
tli*» suffrage of all good citizens, the follow- 



ing platform of national reforms and mea- 
sures : 

In the examination and discussion of the 
temperance question, it has been proven, 
and is an accepted truth, that alcoholic 
drinks, whether fermented, brewed, or dis- 
tilled, are poisonous to the healtliy human 
body, the drinking of which is not only 
needless but hurtful, necessarily tending to 
form intemperate habits, increasing greatly 
the number, severity, and fatal termina- 
tion of diseases, weakening and deranging 
the intellect, polluting the affections, hard- 
ening the heart and corrupting the morals, 
depriving many of reason and still more of 
its healthful exercise, and annually bring- 
ing down large numbers to untimely graves, 
producing, in the children of many who 
drink, a predisposition to intemperance, 
insanity, and various bodily and mental 
diseases, causing diminution of strength, 
feebleness of vision, fickleness of purpose, 
and premature old age, and inducing, in 
all future generations, deterioration of 
moral and physical character. Alcoholic 
drinks are thus the implacable foe of man 
as an individual. 

First. The legalized importation, manu- 
facture, and sale of intoxicating drinks 
ministers to their use, and teaches the erro- 
neous and destructive sentiment that such 
use is right, thus tending to produce and 
perpetuate the above mentioned evils. 

tiecond. To the home it is an enemy — 
proving itself to be a disturber and de- 
stroyer of its peace, prosperity, and hap])i- 
ness ; taking from it the earnings of the 
husband ; depriving the dependent wife 
and children of essential food, clothing, 
and education ; bringing into it profanity, 
abuse, and violence ; setting at naught the 
vows of the marriage altar ; breaking up 
the family and sundering the children from 
the parents, and thus destroying one of 
the most beneficent institutions of our Cre- 
ator, and removing the sure foundation of 
good government, national prosperity, and 
welfare. 

Third. To the community it is equally 
an enemj"^ — producing vice, demoralization, 
and wickedness ; its places of sale being 
resorts of gaming, lewdness, and debauch- 
ery, and the hiding-place of those who 
prey upon society ; counteracting the 
efficacy of religious effort, and of all means 
of intellectual elevation, moral purity, 
social happiness, and the eternal good of 
mankind, without rendering any counter- 
acting or compensating benefits ; being in 
its influence and effect evil and only evil, 
and that continually. 

Fourth. To the state it is equally an 
enemy— legislative inquiries, judicial inves- 
tigations, and official reports of all penal, 
reformatory, and dependent institutions 
showing that the manufacture and sale of 
.such beverages is the promoting cause of 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



65 



intemperance, crime, and pauperism, and of 
demands upon j)ulplic and private charity, 
imposing the hirger part of taxation, para- 
lyzing thrift, industry, manufactures, and 
commercial life, wliich, but for it, would 
be unnecessary ; disturbing the peace of 
streets and highways ; filling prisons and 
poor-liouses ; corrupting politics, legisla- 
tion, and the execution of the laws ; short- 
ening lives ; diminishing health, industry, 
and productive power in manufactures and 
art; and is manifestly unjust as well as 
injurious to the community upon wliich it 
is imposed, and is contrary to all just 
views of civil liberty, as well as a violation 
of the fundamental maxim of our common 
law, to use your own property or liberty 
so as not to injure others. 

Fifth. It is neither right nor politic for 
the state to afford legal protection to any 
traffic or any system which tends to waste 
the resources, to corrupt the social habits, 
and to destroy the health and lives of the 
people ; tliat the importation, manufacture, 
and sale of intoxicating beverages is 
j)roveu to be inimical to the true interests 
of the individual home, community, and 
state, and destructive to the order and wel- 
fai'e of society, and ought, therefore, to be 
classed among crimes to be prohibited. 

Sixth. In this time of profound peace at 
home and abroad, the entire separation of 
the general government from the drink- 
traffic, and its prohibition in the District 
of Columbia, territories, and in all places 
and ways over which, under the constitu- 
tion, Congress has control and power, is a 
political issue of the first importance to the 
peace and jsrosperity of the nation. There 
can be no stable peace and protection to 
personal liberty, life, or property, until 
secured by national or state constitutional 
provisions, enforced by adequate laws. 

Seventh. All legitimate industries require 
deliverance from the taxation and loss 
which the liquor traffic imposes upon tliem ; 
and financial or other legislation could not 
accomplish so much to increase production 
and cause a demand for lalior, and, as a 
result, for the comforts of living, as the 
suppression of this traffic woull bring to 
thousands of homes as one of its blessings. 

Eighth. The administration of the gov- 
ernment and the execution of the laws are 
through political parties ; and we arraign 
the Republican party, which has been ia 
continuous power in the nation for twenty 
years, as being false to duty, as falr,e to 
loudly-proclaimed principles of equal jus- 
tice to all and special favors to none, and 
of protection to the weak and dependent, 
insensible to the mischief which the trade 
in liquor has constantly inflicted upon in- 
dustry, trade, commerce, and the social 
happiness of the people ; that 5,(552 dis- 
tilleries, 3,830 breweries, and 175,2i)6 places 
for the sale of these poisonous liquors, in- 



volving an annual waste to the nation of 
one mUlion five hundred thousand dollars, 
and the sacrifice of one hundred thousand 
lives, have, under its legislation, grown up 
and been fostered as a legitinuite source of 
revenue ; that during its history, six terri- 
tories have been organized and five states 
been admitted into the Union, with consti- 
tutions provided and approved by Con- 
gress, but the prohibition of this debasin;£ 
and destructive traffic has not been pro- 
vided, nor even the people given, at the 
time of admission, power to forbid it in 
any one of them. Its history further 
shows, that not in a single instance has an 
original prohibitory law been passed by 
any state that was controlled by it, while 
in four states, so governed, the laws found 
on its advent to power liave been repealed. 
At its national convention in 1872, it de- 
clared, as part of its party faith, that " it 
disapproves of the resort to unconstitu- 
tional laws for the purpose of removing 
evils, by interference with rights not sur- 
rendered by the people to either the state 
or national government," Avhicb, the au- 
thor of this plank says, was adopted by 
the platform committee with the full and 
implicit understanding that its purpose 
was the discountenancing of all so-called 
temperance, prohibitory, and Sunday laws. 

Ninth. We arraign, also, the Democra- 
tic party as unfaithful and unworthy of 
reliance on this question ; for, although 
not clothed with power, but occupying the 
relation of an opposition party during 
twenty yeai's past, strong in numbers and 
organization, it has allied itself with 
liquor-tralfickers, and become, in all the 
states of the Union, their special political 
defenders, and in its national convention 
in 187(3, as an article of its political faith, 
declared against prohibition and just laws 
in restraint of the trade in drink, by say- 
ing it was opposed to what it was pleased 
to call "all sumptuary laws." The Na- 
tional party has been dumb on this ques- 
tion. 

Tenth. Drink-traffickers, having the his- 
tory and experience of all ages, climes, and 
conditions of men, declaring their business 
destructive of all good — finding no support 
in the Bible, morals, or reason — appeal to 
misapplied law for their justification, and 
intrench theinselves behind the evil ele- 
ments of political party for defense, party 
tactics and party inertia become battling 
forces, protecting this evil. 

Eleventh. In view of the foregoing facts 
and history, we cordially invite all voters, 
without regard to former party aftiliations, 
to unite with us in the use of the ballot for 
the abolition of the drinking system, under 
the authority of our national and state 
governments. We also demand, as a right, 
that women, having the privileges of citi- 
zens in other respects, be clothed with the 



66 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



ballot for their protection, and as a rightful 
means for the proper settlement of the 
liquor question. 

Tweljth. To remove the apprehension of 
some who allege that a loss of public rev- 
enue would Ibilow the suppression of the 
direct trade, we confidently point to the 
experience of governments abroad and at 
home, which shows that thrift and revenue 
from the consumption of legitimate manu- 
factures and commerce have so largely ibl- 
lowed the abolition of drink as to fully 
supply all loss of liquor taxes. 

Tuirtecnth. We recognize the good provi- 
dence of Almighty God, who has preserved 
and prospered us as a nation ; and, asking 
for His Spirit to guide us to ultimate suc- 
cess, we all look for it, relying upon His 
omnipotent arm. 



1880.— Demociatic Platform, 

Cincinnati, Ohio, June 22. 

The Democrats of the United States, in 
convention assembled, declare : 

First. We pledge ourselves anew to the 
constitutional doctrines and traditions of 
the Democratic party, as illustrated by the 
teachings and examples of a long line of 
Democratic statesmen and patriots, and 
embodied in the platform of the last na- 
tional convention of the party. 

Secund. Opposition to centralization, 
and to that dangerous spirit of encroach- 
ment which tends to consolidate the powers 
of all the departments in one, and thus to 
create, whatever the form of government, 
a real despotism ; no sumptuary laws ; 
separation of the chureh and state for the 
good of each ; common schools fostered 
and protected. 

Third. Home rule ; honest money, con- 
sisting of gold and silver, and paper, con- 
vertible into coin on demand ; the strict 
maintenance of the public faith, state and 
national ; and a tariff for revenue only ; 
the SLil)ordination of the military to the 
civil power ; and a general and thorough 
relbrm of the civil service. 

Fourth. The right to a free ballot is a 
right preservative of all rights ; and must 
and shall be maintained in every jjart of 
the United States. 

Fifth. The existing administration is the 
representative of conspiracy only ; and its 
claim of right to surround the ballot-boxes 
with troops and deputy marshals, to in- 
timidate and obstruct the elections, and 
the unprecedented use of the veto to main- 
tain its corrupt and despotic power, insults 
the people and imperils their institutions. 
We execrate the course of this administra- 
tion in making places in the civil service a 
reward for i)oiitical crime ; and demand a 
reform, by sUitute, which shall make it for- 



ever impossible for a defeated candidate to 
bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by 
billeting villains upon the people. 

Sixth. The great fraud of 1876-7, by 
which, upon a false count of the electoral 
votes of two states, the candidate defeated 
at the polls was declared to be President, 
and, for the first time in American history, 
the will of the people was set aside under 
a threat of military violence, struck a 
deadly blow at our system of representa- 
tive government. The Democratic party, 
to preserve the country from the horrors of 
a civil war, submitted for the time, in the 
firm and patriotic belief that the people 
would punish the crime in 1880. This is- 
sue precedes and dwarfs every other. It 
imposes a more sacred duty upon the people 
of the Union than ever addressed the con- 
sciences of a nation of I'reemen. 

Seventh. The resolution of Samuel J. 
Tilden, not again to be a candidate for the 
exalted place to which he was elected by 
a majority of his countrymen, and from 
which he was excluded by the leaders of 
the Republican party, is received by the 
Democrats of the United States with deep 
sensibility ; and they declare their confi- 
dence in his wisdom, patriotism, and in- 
tegrity unshaken by the assaults of the 
common enemy ; and they further iissure 
him that he is followed into the retirement 
he has chosen for himself by the sym[)athy 
and respect of his fellow-citizens, who re- 
gard him as one who, by elevating the 
standard of the public morality, and adorn- 
ing and iHirifying the public service, merits 
the lasting gratitude of his country and 
his ])arty. 

Eighth. Free ships, and a living chance 
for American commerce upon the seas ; 
and on the land, no discrimination in favor 
of transportation lines, corporations, or 
monopolies. 

Ninth. Amendments of the Burlingame 
treaty ; no more Chinese immigration, ex- 
cept for travel, education, and foreign com- 
merce, and, therein, carefully guarded. 

Tenth. Public money and public credit 
for public purposes solely, and public land 
for actual settlers. 

Eleventh. The Democratic party is the 
friend of labor and the laboring man, and 
pledges itself to protect him alike against 
the cormorants and the commune. 

Twelfth. We congratulate the country 
upon the honesty and thrift of a Demo- 
cratic Congi-ess, which has reduced the 
public expenditure $10,000,000 a year; 
upon the continuation of prosperity at 
home and the national honor abroad ; and, 
above all, upon the promise of such a 
change in the administration of the govern- 
ment as shall insure a genuine and lasting 
reform in every department of the public 
service. 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



67 



Vlrg^inla Ilepn'bllcan. 

[Adopted AuguM 11.] 

Whereas, It is proper that when tlie 
people assemble in convention they should 
avow distinctly the principles of govern- 
ment on which they stand ; now, therefore, 
be it, 

Resoleed, That Ave, the Republicans of 
Virginia, hereby make a declaration of our 
allegiance and adhesion to the principles 
of the Republican party of the country, 
and our determination to stand squarely by 
the organization of the Republican ])arty 
of Virginia, always defending it against 
the assaults of all persons or parties what- 
soever. 

Second. That amongst the principles of 
the Republican party none is of more vital 
imijortance to the welfare and interest of 
the country in all its parts than that which 
pertains to the sanctity of Government 
contracts. It therefore becomes the special 
duty and province of the Republican party 
of Virginia to guard and protect the credit 
of our time-honored State, which has been 
besmirched with repudiation, or received 
with distrust, by the gross mismanagement 
of various factions of the Democratic 
party, which have controlled the legisla- 
tion of the State. 

Third. That the Republican party of 
Virginia hereby pledges itself to redeem 
the State from the discredit that now hangs 
over her in regard to her just obligations 
for moneys loaned her for constructing her 
internal improvements and charitable in- 
stitutions, which, permeating every quarter 
of the State, bring benefits of far greater 
value than their cost to our whole people, 
and we in the most solemn form pledge the 
Republican party of the State to the full 
payment of the whole debt of the State, less 
the one-third set aside as justly falling on 
West Virginia ; that the industries of the 
country should be fostered through pro- 
tective laws, so as to develop our own re- 
sources, employ our own labor, create a 
home market, enhance values, and promote 
the happiness and prosperity of the people. 

Fourth. That the public school system 
of Virginia is the creature of the Repub- 
lican party, and we demand that every 
dollar the Constitution dedicates to it shall 
be sacredly applied thereto as a means of 
educating the children of the State, with- 
out regard to condition or race. 

Fifth. That the elective franchise as an 
equal right should be based on manhood 
qualification, and that we favor the, repeal 
of the requirements of the prepayment of 
the capitation tax as a prerequisite to the 
franchise as opposed to the Constitution of 
the United States, and in violation of the 
condition whereby the State was read- 
mitted as a member of our Constitutional 
Union, as well as against the spirit of the 



Constitution ; but demand the imposition 
of the capitation tax as a source t)f revenue 
for the support of the public schools with- 
out its disfranchising effects. 

Sixth. That we favor the repeal of the 
disqualification for the elective franchise 
by a conviction of petty larceny, and of 
the infamous laws which place it in the 
power of a single justice of the peace (oft- 
times being more corrupt than the criminal 
before him) to disfranchise his fellow-man. 

Seventh. Finally, that wc urge the repeal 
of the barbarous law permitting the im- 
position of stripes as degrading and inhu- 
man, contrary to the genius of a true and 
enlightened people, and a relic of bar- 
barism. 

[The Convention considered it inexpe- 
dient to nominate candidates for State 
officers.] 



Virginia Rcatljuster. 

[Adopted Jnne 2.] 

First. We recognize our obligation to 
support the institution for the deaf, dumb 
and blind, the lunatic asylum, the public 
free schools and the Government out of 
the revenues of the State ; and we depre- 
cate and denounce that policy of ring rule 
and subordinated sovereignty which for 
years borrowed money out of banks at high 
rates of interest for the discharge of these 
paramount trusts, while our revenues were 
left the prev of commercial exchanges, 
available to th3 State only at the option 
of speculators and syndicates. 

Second. We reassert our purpose to settle 
and adjust our State obligations on the 
])rinciples of the " Bill to re-establish pub- 
lic credit," known as the "Riddleberger 
bill," passed by the last General Assembly 
and vetoed by the Governor. We main- 
tain that this measure recognizes the just 
debt of Virginia, in this, that it assumes 
two-thirds of all the money Virginia bor- 
rowed, and sets aside the other third to 
West Virginia to be dealt with by her in 
her own way and at her own pleasure ; that 
it places those of her creditors who have 
received but 6 per cent, instalments of in- 
terest in nine years upon an exact equality 
with those who by corrupt agencies were 
enabled to absorb and monopolize our 
means of payment ; that it agrees to pay 
such rate of interest on our securities as 
can with certainty be met out of the rev- 
enues of the State, and that it contains all 
the essential features of finality. 

Third. We reassert our adherence to the 
Constitutional requirements for the " equal 
and uniform" taxation of property, ex- 
empting none except that specified by the 
Constitution and used exclusively for "re- 
ligious, charitable and educational pur- 
poses." 



G8 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



Fourth. We reassert that the paramount 
obligation of the various works ut' internal 
improvement is to the people of the State, 
by whose authority they were created, by 
whose money they were constructed and 
by whose grace they live ; and it is enjoin- 
ed upon our representative and executive 
officers to enforce the discharge of that 
duty ; to insure to our people ^uch rates, 
facilities and connections as will protect 
every industry and interest against dis- 
crimination, tend to the development, of 
our agricultural and mineral resources, en- 
courage the investment of active capital in 
manufactures and the profitable employ- 
ment of labor in industrial enterprises, 
grasp for our city and our whole State those 
advantages to which by their geographical 
position they are entitled, and fulfil all the 
great public ends for which they were de- 
signed. 

Fifth. The Eeadjusters hold the right to 
a free ballot to be the right preservative of 
all rights, and that it should be maintained 
in every State in the Union. "We believe 
the capitation tax restriction upon the suf- 
frage in Virginia to be in conflict with the 
XlVth Amendment to the Constitution of 
the United States. We believe that it is a 
violation of that condition of reconstruc- 
tion wherein the pledge was given not so 
to amend our State Constitution as to de- 
prive any citizen or class of citizens of a 
right to vote, except as punishment for 
such crimes as are felony at common law. 
We believe such a prerequisite to voting to 
be contrary to the genius of our institu- 
tions, the veiy foundation of which is re- 
presentation as antecedent to taxation. 
We know that it has been a failure as a 
measure for the collection of revenue, the 
pretended reason for its invention in 1876, 
and we know the base, demoralizing and 
dangei-ous uses to which it has been jsros- 
tituted. We know it contributes to the 
increase of monopoly power, and to cor- 
rupting the voter. For these and other 
reasons we adhere to the purpose hitherto 
expressed to provide more effectual legisla- 
tion for the collection of this tax, dedicated 
by the Constitution to the public free 
schools, and to abolish it as a qualification 
for and restriction upon suffrage. 

Sixth. The Readjusters congratulate the 
whole people of Virginia on the progress 
of the last few years in developing mineral 
resources and promoting manufacturing 
enterprises in the State, and they declare 
their purpose to aid these great and grow- 
ing industries by all proper and essential 
legislation, State and Federal. To this end 
they will continue their eft'orts in behalf 
of more cordial and fraternal relations be- 
tween the sections and States, and espe- 
cially for that concord and harmony which 
will make the country to know how earn- 
estly and sincerely Virginia invites all men 



into her borders as visitors or to become 
citizens without fear of social or ijolitical 
ostracism ; that every man, from whatever 
section of country, shall enjoy the fullest 
freedom of tliought, speech, jiolitics and 
religion, and that the State which first 
formulated these principles as fundamental 
in free government is yet the citadel for 
their exercise and protection. 



Virginia Democratic. 

[Adopted August 4.j 

The Conservative Democratic party of 
Virginia — Democratic in its Federal rela- 
tions and Conservative in its State policy — 
assembled in convention, in view of the 
present condition of the Union and of this 
Commonwealth, for the clear and distinct 
assertion of its political principles, doth 
declare that we adopt the following articles 
of political faith : 

First. Equality of right and exact jus- 
tice to all men, special privileges to none ; 
freedom of religion, freedom of the press, 
and freedom of the person under the pro- 
tection of the habeas corpus ; of trial by 
juries impartially selected, and of a pure, 
upright and non-partisan judiciary ; elec- 
tions by the people, free from force or fraud 
of citizens or of the military and civil of- 
ficers of Government ; and the selection 
for public offices of those who are honest 
and best fitted to fill them ; the support of 
the State governments in all their rights as 
the most competent administrations of our 
domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks 
against anti-republican tendencies ; and 
the preservation of the General Govern- 
ment in its whole constitutional vigor as 
the best sheet-anchor of our peace at home 
and our safety abroad. 

Second. That the maintenance of the 
public credit of Virginia is an essential 
means to fjhe promotion of her prosperity. 
We condemn repudiation in every shape 
and form as a blot upon her honor, a blow 
at her permanent welfare, and an obstacle 
to her progress in wealth, influence and 
power ; and that we will make every effort 
to secure a settlement of the public debt, 
with the consent of her creditors, which is 
consistent with her honor and dictated by 
justice and sound public policy; that it is 
eminently desirable and proper that the 
several classes of the debt now existing 
should be unified, so that equality, which 
is equity, may control in the annual pay- 
ment of interest and the ultimate redemp- 
tion of principal ; that, with a view of se- 
curing such equality, we pledge our party 
to use all lawful authority to secure a settle- 
ment of the State debt so that there shall 
be but one class of the public debt ; that 
we will use all lawful and constitutional 
means iu our power to secure a settlement 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



69 



of the State debt upon the basis of a 3 per 
cent, bond, and that the Conservative- 
Democratic party pledges itself, as a part 
of its policy, not to increase the ijreseut 
rate of taxation. 

Third. That we will uphold, in its full 
constitutional integrity and efficieucj% our 
public-school system for the education of 
both white and colored children — a system 
inaugurated by the Constitution of the 
State and established by the action of the 
Conservative party years before it was re- 
quired by the Constitution ; and will take 
the most effectual means for the faithful 
execution of the same by applying to its 
support all the revenues set apart for that 
object by the Constitution or otherwise. 

Fourth. Upon this declaration of prin- 
ciples we cordially invite the co-operation 
of all Conservative Democrats, whatever 
may have been or now are their views 
upon the public debt, in the election of the 
nominees of this Convention and in the 
maintenance of the supremacy of the 
Democratic party in this State. 

Resolved, farther, That any intimation, 
coming from any quarter, that the Con- 
servative- D^>mocratic party of Virginia has 
been, is now, or proposes to be, opposed to 
an honest ballot and a fair count, is a 
calumny upon the State of Virginia as un- 
founded in fact as it is dishonorable to its 
autliors. 

That special efr)rts be made to foster and 
the agricultural, mechanical, 
manufacturing and other indus- 
trial interests of the State. 

That, in common with all good citizens 
of the Union, we reflect with deep abhor- 
rence upon the crime of the man who 
aimed a blow at the life of the eminent 
citizen who was called by the constitutional 
voice of fifty millions of people to be the 
President of the United States ; and we 
tender to him and to his friends the sym- 
pathy and respect of this Convention and 
of those we represent, in this great calam- 
ity, and our hearty desire for his complete 
restoration to health and return to the dis- 
charge of his important duties, for the wel- 
fare and honor of our common country. 



encourage 



COMPARISON OF PLATFORM PLANKS ON GREAT 

POLITICAL aUESTIONS. 

General Party Doctrines. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1856— That the 
liberal principles 
embodied by Jeffer- 
son in the Declara- 
tion of Independ- 
ence, and sanctioned 
in the Constitution, 
which makes ours 



REPUBLICAN. 

1856— That the 

maintenance of the 
principles promul- 
gated in the Decla- 
ration of Independ- 
ence and embodied 
in the Federal Con- 
stitution, is essential 



DEMOCRATIC. 

tlie land of liberty 
and the asylum of 
the oppressed o f 
every nation, have 
ever been cardinal 
principles in the 
Democratic faith; 
and every attempt to 
abridge the present 
privilege of becom- 
ing citizens and the 
owners of soil among 
us ought to be re- 
sisted with the same 
spirit which swept 
the alien and sedi- 
tion laws from our 
statute books. 

[Plank 8. 



1860— Reaffirm- 



ed. 



1864— 

1868— 

1872— We recog- 
nize the equality of 
all men before the 
law, and hold that 



REPUBLICAN. 

to the preservation 
of our Republican 
institutions, and 
that the Federal 
Constitution, the 
rights of tlie States, 
and the union of the 
States shall be pre- 
served; that with our 
Republican fathers, 
we hold it to be a 
self-evident truth 
that all men are en- 
dowed with the in- 
alienable rights to 
;ife, liberty, and the 
pursuit o f happi- 
ness, and that the 
primary object and 
ulterior design of 
our Federal Govern- 
ment were to secure 
these rights to all 
persons within its 
exclusive jurisdic- 
tion. [Plank 1. 

1860— That the 
maintenance of the 
principles promul- 
gated in the Decla- 
ration of Independ- 
ence and embodied 
in the Federal Con- 
stitution. "That all 
men are created 
equal ; that they are 
endowed by their 
Creator with certain 
inalienable rights ; 
that among these 
are life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of hap- 
piness ; that to se- 
c u r e these rights 
governments are in- 
stituted among men, 
deriving their just 
powers from the 
consent of the gov- 
erned," is Cosential 
to the preservation 
of our Republican 
institutions ; and 
that the Federal 
Constitution, the 
rights of the States, 
and the Union of 
the States must and 
shall be preserved. 
[Plank 2. 

1864— 

1868— 

1872— Complete 
liberty and exact 
equality in the en- 
joyment of all civil, 



70 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

it is the duty of Gov- 
ernment in its deal- 
ings with the peo- 
ple to mete out 
equal and exact jus- 
tice to all, of what- 
ever nativity, race, 
color, or persuasion, 
religious or politi- 
cal, [riauk 1. 



1876— 



1880 — Opposi- 
tion to centraliza- 
tionism, and to that 
dangerous spirit of 
encroachment 
which tends to con- 
solidate the powers 
of all the depart- 
ments in one, and 
thus to create, what- 
ever be the form of 
Government, a real 
despotism. 

[Plank 2. 



REPUBLICAN. 

political and public 
rights should be es- 
tablished and eliec- 
tually maintained 
throughout the Un- 
ion by efficient and 
appropriate State 
and Federal Legis- 
lation. Neiiherthe 
law nor its adminis- 
tration should ad- 
mit any discrimina- 
tion in respect of 
citizens by reasons 
of race, creed, color 
or previous condi- 
tion of servitude. 

I Plank 3. 
1876— TAe United 
States of America in 
a Na tio n not a 
league. By the com- 
bined workings oi 
the National and 
IState Governments, 
under their respec- 
tive constitutions, 
the rights of every 
citizen are secured 
at home or abroad, 
and the common 
welfare promoted. 

1880— 27ie consti- 
tution of the United 
States is a sttpreme 
law and not a mere 
contract. Out of 
confederate States it 
made a sovereign 
nation. Some pow- 
ers are denied to the 
nation, while others 
are denied to the 
States, but the 
boundary between 
the powers dele- 
gated and those re 
served is to be de 
termined by the Na 
tional, and not b) 
the State tribunal. 
[Cheers.^ 
[Plank 2. 



The RebeUlon. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1864— That this 
convention does ex- 
plicithj declare, as 
the sense of the 
American people, 
that after four years 
of failure to restore 
the Union by the ex- 



REPUBLICAN. 

1864— That it is 
the highest duty oi 
every American cit- 
i z e n to maintain 
against all their 
enemies the integ- 
rity of the Union 
and the paramount 



DEMOCRATIC. 
periment of war, 
during which, un- 
der the pretense of 
a military necessity 
or war-power higher 
than the Constitu- 
tion, the Constitu- 
tion itself has been 
disregarded in every 
part, and public lib- 
erty and private 
right alike trodden 
down, and the ma- 
terial prosperity of 
the country essen- 
tially impaired, jus- 
tice, humanity, lib- 
erty, and the public 
welfare demand that 
immediate efforts be 
made for a cessation 
of hostilities, with a 
view to the ultimate 
convention of the 
States, or other 
peaceable means, 
to the end that, at 
the earliest practi- 
cable moment peace 
may be restored on 
the basis of the Fed- 
eral Union of the 
States. 

[1st resolution. 



REPUBLICAN. 

authority of the 
Constitution and 
laws of the United 
States ; and that lay- 
ing aside all differ- 
e n c e s of political 
opinions, Ave pledge 
ourselves as Union 
men, animated by 
a common s e n t i- 
ment, and aiming at 
a common object, to 
d o everything i n 
our power to aid the 
Government, in 
quelling by force of 
arms the rebellion 
now raging against 
its authority, and in 
bringing to the pun- 
ishment due to their 
crimes the rebels 
and traitors arrayed 
against it. 

That we approve 
the determination 
of the Government 
of the LTnited States 
not to compromise 
with rebels, or to 
offer them any terms 
of peace, except 
such as may be 
based upon an un- 
conditional sur- 
render of their hos- 
tility and a return 
to their just allegi- 
ance to the Constitu- 
tion and laws of the 
United States ; and 
that we call upon 
the Government to 
maintain this posi- 
tion and to prose- 
cute the war with 
the utmost possible 
vigor to the com- 
plete suppression of 
the rebellion, in full 
reliance upon the 
self-sacrificing p a- 
triotism, the heroic 
valor, and the un- 
dying devotion o f 
the American peo- 
ple to the country 
and its free institu- 
tions. 

[1st and 2d resolu- 
tions.] 



Home 

DEMOCRATIC. 

1856— That we 
recognize the right 



Rule. 

REPUBLICAN. 

1856— * * * 
The dearest consti- 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



71 



DEMOCRATIC. 

of the people in all 
the Territories, in- 
cluding Kansas and 
Nebraska, acting 
through the legally 
and fairly expressed 
will of a majority of 
actual residents, 
and wherever the 
number of their in- 
habitants justifies it, 
to form a constitu- 
tion * * * and 
be admitted into the 
Union upon terms 
of perfect equality 
with the other 
States. 



REPUBLICAN. 

tutional rights of 
the people of Kan- 
sas have been fraud- 
ulently and violent- 
ly taken from them ; 
their territory has 
been invaded bj'^ an 
armed force; spur- 
ious and pretended 
legislative, judicial, 
and executive of- 
ficers have been set 
over them, by whose 
usurped authority, 
sustained by tjae 
military power of 
the Government, 
tyrannical and un- 
constitutional laws 
have been enacted 
and enforced ; the 
right of the people 
to keep and bear 
arms has been in- 
fringed ; test-oaths 
of an extraordinary 
and entangling na- 
ture have been im- 
posed as a condition 
of exercising the 
right of suffrage 
and holding office ; 
the right of an ac- 
cused person to a 
speedy and public 
trial by an impartial 
jury has been de- 
nied ; the right of 
the people to be se- 
cure in their per- 
sons, houses, papers, 
and effects against 
unreasonable 
searches and seiz- 
ures, has been vio- 
lated ; they have 
been deprived of life, 
liberty, and prop- 
erty without d u e 
process of law ; that 
the freedom of 
speech and of the 
press has been 
abridged; the right 
to choose their rep- 
resentatives has 
been made of no 
effect ; murders, rob- 
beries, and arsons 
have been instigated 
and encouraged, 
and the offenders 
have been allowed 
to go unpunished ; 
that all these things 
have been done 



DEMOCRATia 



25 



1860— That when 
the settlers in a Ter- 
ritory, having an ad- 
equate population, 
form a State Consti- 
tution, the right of 
sovereignty com- 
mences, and, being 
consummated by ad- 
mission into the Un- 
ion, they stand on 
an equal footing with 
the people of other 
States; and the State 
thus organized ought 
to be admitted into 
the Federal Union, 
whether its consti- 
tution prohibits or 
recognizees the insti- 
tutionof slavery. 
[Plank 3, Breckin- 
ridge, Dem. 



1864— 

1868 — After the 
most solemn and 
unanimous pledge of. 
both Houses of Con- 
gress to prosecute the 
war exclusively for 
the maintenance of 
the Government and 
the preservation of 
the Union under the 
Constitution, it [the 
Republican party] 
has rep'^atedly vio- 



REPUBLICAN. 

with the knowledge, 
sanction, and pro- 
curement of the 
present Adminis- 
tration, and that for 
this high crime 
against the Consti- 
tution, the Union, 
and humanity, we 
arraign the Admin- 
istration, the Presi- 
dent, his advisers, 
agents, supporters, 
apologists, and ac- 
cessories, either be- 
fore or after the fact, 
before the country 
and before the 
world ; and that it 
is our fixed purpose 
to bring the actual 
perpetrators of these 
atrocious outrages 
and their accom- 
plices to a sure and 
condign punish- 
ment. [Plank 3. 

I860 — That the 
maintenance invio- 
late of the rights of 
the States, and espe- 
cially the right of 
each State to order 
and control its own 
domestic institutions 
according to its own 
judgment exclusive- 
ly, IS essential to that 
balance of power on 
which the perfection 
and pnduranceof our 
political fabric de- 
pends; and we de- 
nounce the lawless 
invasion by armed 
force of the soil of 
any State or Terri- 
torj', no matter un- 
der what pretext, aa 
among the gravest 
of crimes. 

[Plank 4. 

1864— 

1868 — We con- 
gratulate the coun- 
try on the assured 
success of the recon- 
struction policy of 
Congress, as evinced 
by the adoption, in 
the majority of the 
States lately in re- 
bellion, of constitu- 
tions securing equal 
civil and political 
rights to all ; and it 



72 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

lated that most sa- 
cred pledge under 
which alone was ral- 
lied that noble vol- 
unteer army which 
carried our flag to 
victory. Instead of 
restoring the Union, 
it has, so far as in its 
power, dissolved it, 
and subjected ten 
States, in time of 
profound peace, to 
military despotism 
and negro suprema- 
cy. It has nullified 
there the right of 
trial by jury ; it has 
abolished the habeas 
corpus, that most sa- 
cred writ of liberty ; 
it has overthrown the 
freedom of speech 
and the press ; it has 
substituted arbitrary 
seizures and arrests, 
and military trials 
and secret star-cham- 
ber inquisitions for 
the constitutional 
tribunals ; it has 
disregarded in time 
of peace the right of 
the people to be free 
from searches and 
seizures ; it has en- 
tered the post and 
telegraph offices, and 
even the private 
rooms of individuals, 
and seized their pri- 
vate papers and let- 
ters without any spe- 
cific charge or notice 
of affidavit, as re- 
quired by the or- 
ganic law ; it has 
converted the Amer- 
can Capitol into a 
bastile ; it has estab- 
lished a system of 
spies and official es- 
pionage to which no 
constitutional mon- 
archy of Europe 
would now dare to 
resort; it has abol- 
ished the right of 
appeal on important 
constitutional ques- 
tions to the supreme 
judicial tribunals, 
and threatens to cur- 
tail or destroy its 
original jurisdiction, 
which is irrevocably 



REPUBLICAN. 

is the duty of the 
Government to sus- 
tain those institu- 
tions and prevent 
the people of such 
States from being 
remitted to a state 
of anarchy. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

vested by the Con- 
stitution, while the 
learned Chief Jus- 
tice has been sub- 
jected to the most 
atrocious calumnies, 
merely because he 
would not prostitute 
his high office to the 
support of the false 
and partisan charges 
preferred against the 
President. * * * 
Under its repeated 
assaults the pillars 
of the Government 
are rocking on their 
base, and should it 
succeed in Novem- 
ber next and inaugu- 
rate its President, we 
will meet as a sub- 
jected and conquered 
people, amid the 
ruins of liberty and 
the scattered frag- 
ments of the Consti- 
tution. 

1872— Local self- 
government, with 
impartial suff'rage, 
will guard the rights 
of all citizens more 
securely than any 
centralized power. 
The public welfare 
requires the supre- 
macy of the civil 
over the military au- 
thority, and freedom 
of persons under the 
protection of the ha- 
beas corpus. We de- 
mand for the indi- 
vidual the largest 
liberty consistent 
with public order ; 
for the State self- 
government, and for 
the nation a return 
to the methods of 
peace and the con- 
stitutional limita- 
tions of power. 

[Plank 4. 

1880—* * " Home 
Rule." [Plank 3. 



BSPUBLICAir. 



1872 — We hold 
that Congress and 
the President have 
only fulfilled an im- 
perative duty in 
their measures for 
the suppression o f 
violent and treason- 
able organizations in 
certain lately rebel- 
lious regions, and for 
the protection of the 
ballot-box ; and, 
therefore, they are 
entitled to the thanks 
of the nation. 

[Plank 12. 



1880— 



Internal Improvements. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1856— That the 
Constitution does 
not confer upon the 
general Government 
the power to com- 



REPUBLICAU. 

1856— That ap- 
propriations by con- 
gress for the im- 
provement of riven* 
and harbors of a na- 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



73 



DEMOCRATIC. 

mence and carry on 
a general system of 
internal improve- 
ments. [Plank 2. 



1860— ReaflSrmed. 



1864— 
1868— 
1872— 
1876— 

1880— Plank 2 of 
1856 reaffirmed. 



REPUBLICAN. 

tional character, re- 
quired for the ac- 
commodation and 
security of our exist- 
ing commerce, are 
authorized by the 
Constitution and 
justified by the obli- 
gation o f Govern- 
ment to protect the 
lives and property 
of its citizens. 

fPlank 7. 

I860— That ap- 
propriations by Con- 
gress for river and 
harbor improve- 
ments of a national 
character, required 
for the accommoda- 
tion and security of 
an existing com- 
merce, are author- 
ized by the Constitu- 
tion and justified by 
the obligation of 
Government to pro- 
tect the lives and 
property of its citi- 
zens. [Plank 15. 

1864— 

1868— 

1872— 

1876— 

1880— * * * That 
we deem it the duty 
of Congress to de- 
velop and improve 
our seacoast and 
harbors, but insist 
that further subsi- 
dies to private per- 
sons or corporations 
must cease. 



The National Debt and Interest, tbe Public 
Credit) Repudiation, etc. 



DEMOCRATIC. 
1864— 



REPUBLICAN. 

1864— That the 
National faith, 
pledged for the re- 
demption of the 
public debt, must be 
kept inviolate, and 
that for this purpose 
we recommend eco- 
nomy and rigid re- 
sponsibility in the 
public expenditures, 
and a vigorous and 
just system of taxa- 
tion ; and that it is 
the duty of every 



DEMOCRATIC. 



1868— Payment of 
the public debt of 
the United States as 
rapidly as practica- 
ble ; all moneys 
drawn from the peo- 
ple by taxation, ex- 
cept so much as is 
requisite for the ne- 
cessities of the Gov- 
ernment, economi- 
cally administered, 
being honestly ap- 
plied to such pay- 
ment, and where the 
obligations of the 
Government do not 
expressly state upon 
their face, or the law 
under which they 
were issued does not 
provide that they 
shall be paid in coin, 
they ought, in right 
and in justice, to be 
paid in the lawful 
money of the United 
States. [Plank 3. 

Equal taxation of 
every species of pro- 
perty according to 
its real value, in- 
cluding Government 
bonds and other 
public securities. 

[Plank 4. 



1872 — We de- 
mand a system of 
Federal taxation 
which shall not un- 
necessarily interfere 
with the industries 
of the people, and 



REPUBLICAN. 

loyal State to sustain 
the credit and pro-- 
mote the use of the 
National currency. 
[Plank 10. 

1868 — We de- 
nounce all forms of 
repudiation as a Na- 
tional crime ; and 
the National honor 
requires the pay- 
ment of the public 
indebtedness in the 
uttermost good faith 
to all creditors at 
home and abroad, 
not only according 
to the letter, but the 
spirit of the laws 
under which it was 
contracted. 

[Plank 3, 

It is due to the 
labor of the nation 
that taxation should 
be equalized and re- 
duced as rapidly as 
the national faith 
will permit. 

[Plank 4. 

The national debt, 
contracted as it has 
been for the preser- 
vation of the Union 
for all time to come, 
should be extended 
over a fair period for 
redemption ; and it 
is the duty of Con- 
gress to reduce the 
rate of interest 
thereon whenever it 
can be honestly 
done. [Plank 5. 

That the best po- 
licy to diminish our 
burden of debt is to 
so improve our cred- 
it that capitalists 
will seek to loan us 
money at lower rates 
of interest than we 
now pay and must 
continue to pay so 
long as repudiation, 
partial or total, open 
or covert, is threat- 
ened or suspected. 
[Plank 6. 

1872— * * * A 
uniform national 
currency has been 
provided, repudia- 
tion frowned down, 
the national credit 
sustained under the 



74 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

Tvrhich shall provide 
the means necessa- 
ry to pay the expen- 
ses of the Govern- 
ment, economically 
administered, the 
pensions, the inter- 
est on the public 
debt, and a mode- 
rate reduction an- 
nually of the princi- 
pal thereof. * * * 

The i)ublic credit 
must be sacredly 
maintained, and we 
denounce repudia- 
tion in every form 
and guise. [Plank 7. 
1876— Reform is 
necessary to estab- 
lish a sound curren- 
cy, restore the pub- 
lic credit, and main- 
tain the national 
honor. 



REPUBLICAN. 

most extraordinary 
burdens, and new 
bonds negotiated at 
lower rates. * * 
[Plank 1. 
We denounce re- 
pudiation of the 
public debt, in any 
form of disguise, as 
a national crime. 
We witness with 
pride the reduction 
of the principal of 
the debt, and of the 
rates of interest upon 
the balance. 

[Plank 13. 



DEMOCRATIC. 



REPUBLICAN. 

cent, bonds are 
eagerly sought at a 
premium. 

[Preamble. 



Resumptiou. 



1880— *** Hon- 
est m o n e y — t h e 
strict maintenance 
of the public faith 
— consisting of gold 
and silver, and pa- 
per convertible into 
coin on demand ; 
the strict mainte- 
nance of the public 
faith. State and na- 
tional. [Plank 3. 



1876— In the first 
act of Congress 
signed by President 
Grant, the National 
G o V e r n m e n t as- 
sumed to remove 
any doubts of its 
purpose to discharge 
all just obligations 
to the public credi- 
tors, and " solemnly 
pledged its faith to 
make provision at 
the earliest practica- 
ble period for the 
redemption of the 
United States notes 
in coin." Commer- 
cial prosperity, pub- 
lic morals, and na- 
tional credit demand 
that this promise be 
fulfilled by a con- 
tinuance and steady 
progress to specie 
payment. [Plank 4. 
1880— It [the Re- 
publican party] h^ 
raised the value of 
our paper currency 
from 38 per cent, to 
the par of gold [ap- 
plause] ; it has re- 
stored, upon a solid 
basis, payment in 
coin of ail national 
obligations, and has 
given us a currency 
absolutely good and 
equal in every part 
of our extended 
country [applause] ; 
it has lifted the 
credit of the nation 
from the point of 
where 6 per cent, 
bonds sold at 86, to 
that where 4 per 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1872 — A speedy 
return to specie pay- 
ment is demanded 
alike by the highest 
c o n s i d e rations of 
commercial morali- 
ty and honest gov- 
ernment. 

[Plank 8. 
1876 — We de- 
nounce the financial 
imbecility and im- 
morality of that 
party, which, during 
eleven years of 
peace, has made no ' 
advance toward re- 
sumption, no prepa- 
ration for resump- 
tion, but instead has 
obstructed resump- 
tion, by wasting our 
resources and ex- 
hausting all our sur- 
plus income; and, 
while annually pro- 
fessing to intend a 
speedy return to 
specie payments, 
has annually enac- 
ted fresh hindrances 
thereto. As such 
hindrance we de- 
nounce the resump- 
tion clause of the act 
of 1875, and we here 
demand its repeal. 

1880—* * * Hon- 
est money, * * * 
consisting of gold, 
and silver, and pa- 
per convertible into 
coin on demand. 



REPUBLICAN. 

1872—* * * Our 
excellent national 
currency will be 
perfected by a spee- 
dy resumption of 
specie payment. 
[Plank 13. 



1876— In the first 
act of Congress 
signed by President 
Grant, the National 
Government as- 
sumed to remove 
any doubts of its 
purpose to discharge 
all just obligations 
to the public credi- 
tors, and solemnly 
pledged its faith 
to make provision 
at the "earliest 
practicable period 
for the redemption 
of the United States 
notes in coin." Com- 
mercial prosperity, 
public morals and 
national credit de- 
mand that this pro- 
mise be fulfilled by 
a continuous and 
steady progress to 
specie payment. 

1880— * * * It 
[the Republican 
party] has restored, 
upon a solid basis, 
payment in coin of 
all National obli- 
g a t i o n s , and has 
given us a currency 
absolutely good and 
equal in every part 
of our extended 
country. 



Capital and Iiabor. 

DEMOCRATIC. REPUBLICAN. 



1868 — Resolved, 
That this conven- 
tion sympathize cor- 
d i a 1 1 y with the 
working men of the 
United States in 



1868— 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



•5 



DEMOCRATIC. 

their efforts to pro- 
tect the rights and 
interests of the la- 
boring classes of the 
country. 
1872— 



REPUBLICAN. 



1880— The Demo- 
cratic party is the 
friend of labor and 
the laboring man, 
and pledges itself to 
protect him alike 
against the cormo- 
rant and the com- 
mune. [Plank 13. 



1872— Among the 
questions which 
press for attention is 
that which concerns 
the relations of capi- 
tal and labor, and 
the Republican par- 
ty recognizes the du- 
ty of so shaping le- 
gislation as to secure 
rail protection and 
the amplest field for 
capital, and for labor, 
the creator of capital 
the largest opportu- 
nities and a just 
share of the mutual 
profits of these two 
great servants of ci- 
vilization. 

[Plank 11. 
1880— 



Tariff. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1856 — The time 
has come for the 
people of the United 
States to declare 
themselves in favor 



REPUBLICAN. 
1856— 



of 



*■)(•* 



progressive 



free trade through- 
out the world, by 
solemn manifesta- 
tions, to place their 
moral influence at 
the side of their suc- 
cessful example. 
[Resolve i. 
That justice and 
sound policy forbid 
the Federal Govern- 
ment to foster one 
branch of industry 
to the detriment of 
any other, or to 
cherish the interests 
of one portion to 
the injury of another 
portion of our com- 
mon country. 

[Plank 4. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

I860— Reafirmed. 



1864— 

1868— * * * A 
tariff for revenue 
upon foreign im- 
ports, and such equal 
taxation under the 
Internal Revenue 
laws as will afford 
incidental protec- 
tion to domestic 
manufactures, and 
as will, without im- 
pairing the revenue, 
impose the least 
burden upon and 
best promote and 
encourage the great 
industrial interests 
of the country. 

[Plank 6. 

1872— * * * -^ Re- 
cognizing that there 
are in our midst 
honest but irrecon- 
cilable differences of 
opinion with regard 
to the respective 
systems of protection 
and free trade, we 
remit the discussion 
of the subject to the 
people in their Con- 
gressional districts, 
and to the decision 
of the Congress 
thereon, wholly free 
from executive in- 



REPUBLICAX. 

1860— That, while 
providing revenue 
for the support of 
the general Govern- 
ment by duties upon 
imports, sound poli- 
cy requires such an 
adjustment of these 
imposts as to encour- 
age the development 
of the industrial in- 
terests of the whole 
country ; and we 
commend that poli- 
cy of national ex- 
changes which se- 
cures to the work- 
ingmen liberal wa- 
ges, to agriculture re- 
munerative prices, 
to mechanics and 
manufacturers an 
adequate reward for 
their skill, labor, and 
enterprise, and to 
the nation commer- 
cial prosperity and 
independence. 

[Plank 12. 

1864— 

1868— 



1872— * * * * 
Revenue except 
so much as may 
be derived from a 
tax upon tobacco 
and liquors, should 
be raised by duties 
upon importations, 
the details of which 
should be so adjusted 
as to aid in securing 
remunerative wages 
to labor, and pro- 
mote the industries, 
prosperity, and 

growth of the whole 
country. [Plank 7. 



76 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

terference or dicta- 
tion. [Plank 6. 

1876— **** We 
demand that all 
custom-house taxa- 
tion shall be only for 
revenue. 

[Plank 11. 



1880— * * * * A 
tariff for revenue on- 
ly. [Plank 3. 



REPUBLICAN. 



1876— The reve- 
nue necessary for 
current expendi- 
tures and the obliga- 
tions of the public 
debt must be largely 
derived from duties 
upon importations, 
which so far as pos- 
sible, should be ad- 
justed to promote 
the interests of 
American labor and 
advance the prosper- 
ity of the whole 
country. [Plank 8. 

1880— Reaffirmed. 



Kducatlon. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1876— The false 
issue with which 
they [the Republi- 
cans] would enkindle 
sectarian strife in re- 
spect to the public 
schools, of which 
the establishment 
and support belong 
exclusively to the 
several States, and 
which the Democra- 
tic party has cherish- 
ed from their foun- 
dation, and is resolv- 
ed to maintain with- 
out prejudice or 
preference for any 
class, sect, or creed, 
and without larges- 
ses from the Trea- 
sury to any. 

1880— * * * Com- 
mon Schools foster- 
ed and protected. 
[Plank 2. 



REPUBLICAN. 

1876— The public 
school system of the 
several States is the 
bulwark of the 
American Republic, 
and with a view to 
its security and per- 
manence we recom- 
mend an Amend- 
ment to the Consti- 
tution of the United 
States, forbidding 
the application of 
any public funds or 
property for the ben- 
efit of any schools or 
institutions under 
sectarian control. 
[Plank 4. 



1880— The work 
of popular education 
is one left to the 
care of the several 
States, but it is the 
duty of the National 
Government to aid 
that work to the ex- 
tent of its constitu- 
tional ability. The 
intelligence of the 
natiion is but the 
aggregate of the in- 
telligence in the 
several States, and 
the destiny of the 
Nation must be 



DEMOCRATIC. 



REPUBLICAN. 

guided, not by the 
genius of any one 
State, but by the 
average genius of 
all. [Plank 3. 



Duty to Union Soldiers and Sailors. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1864 — That the 
sympathy of the De- 
mocratic party is 
heartily and earnest- 
ly extended to the 
soldiery of our army 
and sailors of our 
navy, who are and 
have been in the field 
and on the sea under 
the flag of our coun- 
try, and, in the event 
of its attaining pow- 
er, they will receive 
all the care, protec- 
tion, and regard that 
the brave soldiers 
and sailors of the 
Republic so nobly 
earned. [Plank 6. 



jggg ******* 

That our soldiers 
and sailors, who car- 
ried the flag of our 
country to victory, 
against a most gal- 
lant and determined 
foe, must ever be 
gratefully remem- 
bered, and air the 
guarantees given in 
their favor must be 
faithfully carried 
into execution. 



REPUBLICAN. 

1864— That the 
thanks of the Ameri- 
can people are due 
to the soldiers and 
sailors of the army 
and navy, who have 
periled their lives in 
defense of the coun- 
try and in vindica- 
tion of the honor of 
its flag; that the na- 
tion owes to them 
some permanent re- 
cognition of their pa- 
triotism and their 
valor, and ample and 
permanent provi- 
sion for those of their 
survivors who have 
received disabling 
and honorable 

wounds in the serv- 
ice of the country ; 
and that the memor- 
ies of those who have 
fallen in its defence 
shall be held in 
grateful and ever- 
lasting remem- 
brance. [Plank 4. 

1868— Of all who 
were faithful in the 
trials of the late war, 
there were none en- 
titled to more espe- 
cial honor than the 
brave soldiers and 
seamen who endured 
the hardships of 
campaign and cruise 
and imperiled their 
lives in the service 
of their country ; 
the bounties and 
pensions provided 
by the laws for these 
brave defenders of 
the nation are obli- 
gations never to be 
forgotten ; the wi- 
dows and orphans of 
the gallant dead are 
the wards of the peo- 
ple — a sacred legacy 
bequeathed to the 
nation's care. 

[Plank 10. 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



77 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1872—* We re- 
member with grati- 
tude the heroism 
and sacrifices of the 
soldiers and sailors 
of the Republic, and 
no act of ours shall 
ever detract from 
their justly earned 
fame for the full re- 
ward of their patriot- 
isir [Plank 9. 



1876—*** The 
soldiers and sailors 
of the Republic, and 
the widows and or- 
phans of those who 
nave fallen in battle, 
have a just claim 
upon the care, pro- 
tection, and grati- 
tude of their fellow- 
citizens. 
[Last resolution, 

1880— 



REPUBLICAN. 

1872— We hold in 
undying honor the 
soldiers and sailors 
whose valor saved 
the Union. Their 
pensions are a sacred 
debt of the nation, 
and the widows and 
orphans of those 
who died for their 
country are entitled 
to the care of a gen- 
erous and grateful 
people. We favor 
such additional le- 
gislation as will ex- 
tend the bounty of 
the Government to 
all our soldiers and 
sailors who were 
honorably discharg- 
ed, and who in the 
line of duty became 
disabled, without re- 
gard to the length of 
service or the cause 
of such discharge. 
[Plank 8. 
1876— The pledges 
which the nation 
has given to her 
soldiers and sailors 
must be fulfilled, 
and a grateful people 
will always hold 
those who imperiled 
their lives for the 
country's preserva- 
tion, in the kindest 
remembrance. 

[Plank 14. 

1880— That the 
obligations of the 
Republic to the men 
who preserved its in- 
tegrity in the day of 
battle are undimin- 
ished by the lapse 
of fifteen years since 
their final victory. 
To do them honor 
is and shall forever 
be the grateful pri- 
vilege and sacred 
duty of the Ameri- 
can people. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

duty of this Govern- 
ment to protect the 
naturalized citizen 
in all his rights, 
whether at home or 
in foreign lands, to 
the same extent as 
its native-born ci- 
tizens. [Plank 6. 



Naturalization and Allegiance. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1860— That the De- 
mocracy of the Uni- 
ted States recognize 
it as the imperative 



REPUBLICAN. 

1860 — The Re- 
publican party is 
opposed to any 
change in our na- 



1864— 

1868 — Equal 
rights and protec- 
tion for naturalized 
and native-born citi- 
zens at home and 
abroad, the assertion 
of American nation- 
ality which shall 
command the re- 
spect of foreign 
powers, and furnish 
an example and en- 
couragement to peo- 
ple struggling for 
national integrity, 
constitutional liber- 
ty, and individual 
rights and the main- 
tenance of the rights 
of naturalized citi- 
zens against the ab- 
solute doctrine of 
immutable allegi- 
ance, and the claims 
of foreign powers to 
punish them for al- 
leged crime com- 
mitted beyond their 
jurisdiction. 

[Plank 8. 



1872— 



REPUBLICAN, 
turalization laws, or 
any State legislation 
by which the rights 
of citizenship hith- 
erto accorded to im- 
migrants from for- 
eign lands shall be 
abridged or impair- 
ed ; and in favor of 
giving a full and ef- 
ficient protection to 
the right of all clas- 
ses of citizens, 
whether native or 
naturalized, both 
home and abroad. 
[Plank 14. 

1864— 

1868— The doc- 
trine of Great Bri- 
tain and other Euro- 
pean Powers, that 
because a man is 
once a subject he is 
always so, must be 
resisted at every 
hazard by the Uni- 
ted States, as a re- 
lic of feudal times, 
not authorized by 
the laws of nations, 
and at war with our 
national honor and 
independence. Na- 
turalized citizens are 
entitled to protec- 
tion in all their 
rights of citizenship 
as though they were 
native-born ; and no 
citizen of the United 
States, native or na- 
turalized, must be 
liable to arrest and 
imprisonment by 
any foreign power 
for acts done or 
words spoken in this 
country ; and, if so 
arrested and im- 
prisoned, it is the 
duty of the Govern- 
ment to interfere in 
his behalf. 

[Plank 9. 

1872 — The doc- 
trine of Great Bri- 
tain and other Eu- 
ropean Powers con- 
cerning allegiance 
— " once a subject 
always a subject " — 
having at last, 
through the efforts 
of the Republican 
party, been aban- 



78 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



DEMOCRATIC. 



1876— 



1880— 



REPUBLICAN. 

doned, and the Ame- 
rican idea of the in- 
dividual's right to 
transfer allegiance 
having been accep- 
ted by European 
nations, it is the 
duty of our Govern- 
ment to guard with 
jealous care the 
rights of adopted 
citizens against the 
assumption of unau- 
thorised claims by 
their former Gov- 
ernments, and we 
urge continued care- 
ful encouragement 
and protection of 
voluntary immigra- 
tion. [Plank 9. 

1876— It is the im- 
perative duty of the 
Government so to 
modify existing trea- 
ties with European 
governments, that 
the same protection 
shall be afforded to 
the adopted Ameri- 
can citizen that is 
given to the native- 
born, and that all 
necessary laws 
should be passed to 
protect emigrants in 
the absence of pow- 
er in the State for 
that purpose. 

[Plank 10. 
1880— * * * * 
Everywhere the pro- 
tection accorded to a 
citizen of American 
birth must be se- 
cured to citizens by 
American adoption. 
[Plank 5. 



The Chinese. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1876 — Reform is 
necessary to correct 
the omissions of a 
Republican C o n - 
gress, and the errors 
of our treaties and 
our diplomacy, 
which have stripped 
our fellow-citizens 
of foreign birth and 
kindred race re- 
crossing the Atlan- 
tic, of the shield of 
American citizen- 



REPUBLICAN. 

1876— It is the 
immediate duty of 
Congress to fully in- 
vestigate the eflect 
of the immigration 
and importation 
of Mongolians upon 
the moral and ma- 
terial interests of the 
country. 

[Plank 11. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

ship, and have ex- 
posed our brethren 
of the Pacific coast 
to the incursions of 
a race not sprung 
from the same great 
jjarent stock, and in 
fact now by law de- 
nied citiz-enship 
through naturaliza- 
tion as being neither 
accustomed to the 
traditions of a pro- 
gressive civili- 
zation nor ex- 
ercised in liberty 
under equal laws. 
We denounce the 
policy which thus 
discards the liberty- 
loving German and 
tolerates a revival of 
the coolie trade in 
]\Iongolian women 
imported for im- 
moral purposes, and 
Mongolian men held 
to perform servile 
labor contracts, and 
demand such modi- 
fication of the trea- 
ty with the Chinese 
Empire, or such le- 
gislation within con- 
stitutional limita- 
tions, as shall pre- 
vent further impor- 
tation or immigra- 
tion of the Mongo- 
lian race. 

1880 — Amend- 
ment of the Burlin- 
game Treaty. No 
more Chinese immi- 
gration, except for 
travel, education, 
and foreign com- 
merce, and therein 
carefully guarded. 
[Plank 11. 



REPUBLICAN. 



1880— Since the 
authority to regu- 
1 a t e immigration 
and intercourse be- 
tween the United 
States and foreign 
nations rests with 
the Congress of the 
United States and 
the treaty-making 
power, the Republi- 
can party, regarding 
the unrestricted im- 
migration of Chinese 
as a matter of grave 
concernment under 
the exercise of both 
these powers, would 
limit and restrict 
that immigration by 
the enactment of 
such just, humane, 
and reasonable laws 
and treaties as will 
produce that result. 
[Plank 6. 



POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 



79 



civil Service. 



DEMOCRATIC. 

1872 — The civil 
service of the gov- 
eriment has become 
a nere instrument 
of partisan tyranny 
and personal ambi- 
tion and an object of 
selfish greed. It is 
a scaadal and re- 
proach upon free in- 
stitutions and breeds 
a d e m o r a 1 iza- 
tion dangerous to 
the perpetuity of 
Republican Govern- 
ment. We therefore 
regard a thorough 
reform of the civil 
service as one of the 
most pressing neces- 
sities of the hour; 
that honesty, ca- 
pacity and fideli- 
ty constitute the 
only valid claim to 
public employment ; 
and the offices of the 
Government cease 
to be a matter of ar- 
bitrary favoritism 
and patronage, and 
public station be- 
come again a post 
of honor. To this 
end it is imperative- 
ly required that no 
President shall be a 
candidate for re- 
election. 

1876— Reform is 
necessary in the 
civil service. Ex- 
perience that proves 
efficient, economical 
conduct of Govern- 
mental business is 
not possible if the 
civil service be sub- 
ject to change at 
every election, be a 
prize fought for at 
the ballot-box, be a 
brief reward of party 
zeal, instead of posts 
of honor assigned for 
proved competency, 
and held for fidelity 
in the public «m- 



REPUBLICAN. 

1872 — Any system 
of the civil service, 
under which the 
subordinate p o s i - 
tions of the Govern- 
ment are considered 
rewards for mere 
party zeal is fatally 
demoralizing, and 
we therefore favor a 
reform of the system 
by laws which shall 
abolish the evils of 
patronage and make 
honesty, efficiency 
and fidelity the es- 
sential qualifications 
for public positions, 
without practically 
creating a life ten- 
ure of office. 

[Plank 5. 



1876— Under the 
Constitu t i o n the 
President and heads 
of Departments are 
to make nomina- 
tions for office ; the 
Senate is to advise 
and consent to ap- 
pointments, and the 
House of Represen- 
tatives to accuse and 
prosecute faithless 
officers. The best 
interest of the pub- 
lic service demands 
that these distinc- 
tions be respected ; 
that Senators and 
Representa tives 



DEMOCRATIC. 

ploy ; that the dis- 
pensing of patron- 
age should neither 
be a tax upon the 
time of all our pub- 
lic men, nor the in- 
strument of their 
ambition. 



1880— * * Tho- 
rough reform in the 
civil service. 



REPUBLICAN. 

who may be judges 
and accusers should 
not dictate appoint- 
ments to office. The 
invariable rule in 
appointments 
should have refer- 
ence to the honesty, 
fidelity and capacity 
of the appointees, 
giving to the party 
in power those 
places where harmo- 
ny and vigor of ad- 
ministration require 
its policy to be re- 
presented, but per- 
mitting all others to 
be filled by persons 
selected with sole 
reference to the effi- 
ciency of the public 
service, and the 
right of all citizens 
to share in the honor 
of rendering faith- 
ful service to the 
country. 

[Plank 5. 

1880 — The Re- 
publican party, ad- 
hering to the prin- 
ciples affirmed by 
its last National 
Convention of re- 
spect for the Consti- 
tutional rules gov- 
erning appoint- 
ments to office, 
adopts the declara- 
tion of President 
Hayes, that the re- 
form of the civil ser- 
vice should be tho- 
rough, radical and 
complete. To this 
end it demands the 
co-operation of the 
legislative with the 
executive depart- 
ments of the Gov- 
ernment, and that 
Congress shall so 
legislate that fitness, 
ascertained by pro- 
per practical tests, 
shall admit to the 
public service. 



80 



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228 


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128 


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618 


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818 


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818 


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218 


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118 


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018 


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t-CScOOOCSO-<KOO 
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608 


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908 


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662 



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862 



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TABULATED HISTORY— AMERICAN TARIFFS. 



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86 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



STATUTES OP LIMITATIONS. 

State Laws with reference to limitations of actions, shott- 
ing the limit of time on which action may be brought. 



States and 

TEaBITOBlES, 



Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

JDaliota 

Delaware 

Dist. of Columbia. 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New Hampshire.. 

New Jersey 

New Mexico 

New York 

North Carolina.... 

Ohio 

Ontario (U. Canada) 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania.. 
Quebec (L. Canada) 
Rhode Island.. 
South Carolina. 

Tennessee 

Te-xas 

Utah 

Vermont , 

Virginia 

Washington Tertry 
West Virginia.. 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 



Assault, 
ander, re- 
evin, etc. 


ga 
og 


m 

o 


5 
a 
o 

s 

T3 










m a 






1-5 


Yrs 


Yrs. 


Yrs. 


Yrs. 


1 


3 


6 


20 


1 


3 


5 


10 


3 


2 


4 


5 


1 


2 


2 


3 


1 


6 


6 


6 


2 


6 


6 


20 


1 


3 


6 


20 


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3 


12 


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20 


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4 


6 


7 


3 


2 


4 


5 


1 


6 


10 


20 


2 


6 


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20 


2 


5 


10 


20 


1 


3 


5 


5 


1 


5 


5 


15 


1 


3 


5 


10 


2 


6 


20 


20 


3 


3 


3 


12 


2 


6 


20 


20 


2 


6 


6 


10 


2 


6 


6 


10 


1 


3 


6 


7 


1 


4 


5 


6 


2 


2 


4 


6 


2 


6 


20 


20 


2,6 


6 


20 


20 


1 





— 


10 


2 


6 


6 


20 


1 


3 


10 


10 


1 


6 


15 


15 


1 


3 


10 


10 


1 


6 


15 


15 


1 


5 


5 


.30 


2 


1 


6 


10 


1 


6 


6 


20 


1,2 


5 


5 


30 


1 


6 


6 


20 


2 


6 


6 


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6 


6 


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1 


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4 


10 


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2 


4 


5 


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6 


14 


8 


5 


5 


5 


10 


2 


3 


6 


9 


5 


5 


6 


10 


2 


6 


6 


20 


1 


6 


15 


10 



— c S 
"rt *^ X3 

03 > a 



Yrs. 
10 
10 

5 

3 
17 
20 
20 
12 
20 
20 

5 
10 
20 
10 
15 
15 
20 
20 
12 
20 
10 
20 

7 
10 

4 
10 
20 
10 
20 
10 
15 
10 
15 
30 
20 
20 
30 
20 
20 

10 

7 

8 
20 
20 
10 
20 
21 



The Recent American Tariffs, under Re- 
-vlsed Statutes, Sec. ^24:91, et seq. 

CUMMODITIES. RATE 01" DUTY. 

Ale, porter, and beer— in bottles.... 35 c. per gall. 

" " " in casks 25 c. per gall. 

Aniline dyes or colors {and^^p. c.'} 

Animals, living — cattle, hogs, 

horses, sheep, etc 20 per cent. 

Barley 15 c. per bush. 

Books and other printed matter.... 25 per cent. 

Braids of straw 30 per cent. 

Brushes 40 per cent. 

Buttons 30 per cent. 

Chee«e 4 c. per lb. 

China, porcelain and parian ware, 
plain, white, and not decorated 

in any manner 45 per cent. 

Do. gilded, ornamented or deco- 
rated in any manner 50 per cent. 

Do. other earthen, stone, or crock- 
ery ware, white, glazed, edged, 
printed, or dipped, or cream 

colored 40 per cent. 

Coal, bitumen, and shale 75 c. per ton. 

Corsets and corset-cloth, valued at 

$6 per dozen, or less 82 per doz. 

Do. valued over $fi per dozen 35 per cent. 

Cotton, manufactures of — plain 
bleached, value 20 cents or less 
per square yard 6>^ c. per sq. yd. 



COMMODITIES. 

Do. printed or colored, value 25 
cents or less per square yard 

Do. Hosiery 

Do. Lac»8, cords, braids, gimps, 
galloons and cotton laces, colored 
and insertings 

Do. Thread-yarn, warps, or warp- 
yarn not wound on spools, valued 
at over 60 and not exceeding 80 
cents per pound 

Cotton, valued at over 80 cents per 
pound 

Do. Velvet, velveteens, velvet bind- 
ings, ribbons, and vestings 

Currants, Zante, or other 

Diamonds (cut), cameos, mosaics, 
gems, pearls, rubies, and other 
precious stones, not set 

Dolls 

Embroideries, of cotton or wool.... 

Fans 

Feathers, ostrich, cock, and other 
ornamental 

Feathers and flowers, artificial and 
ornamental, not otherwise pro- 
vided for 

Figs 

Fire-crackers, in boxes of 40 packs, 
not exceeding 80 to the pack 

Flax linens, valued at 30 cents or 
less per square yard 

Do. valued at above 30 cents per 
square yard 

Do. Burlaps, and like manufac- 
tures of flax, jute, or hemp, of 
which either shall be the com- 
ponent of chief value (except 
bagging for cotton 

Do. Duck, canvas, paddings, cotton 
bottoms, diapers, crash, hucka- 
backs, handkerchiefs (not hem- 
med), lawns, or other manufac- 
tures of flax, jute, or hemp, 
valued at .30 cents or less per 
square yard 

Do. valued at above 30 cents per 
gqnare yard 

Do. Thread, twine and pack-thread 

Do. all other manufacture^ of flax 
not otherwise provided for 

Fruits and nuts : — 

Almonds, not shelled 

" shelled 

Filberts and walnuts 

Prunes 

Raisins 

Furs, and manufactures of 

Glass-ware : — 
Porcelain, Bohemian, cut, en- 
graved, painted, colored, printed, 
stained, silvered, or gilded, not 
including plate-glass silvered, or 

looking-glass plates 

Plate-glass, cast, polished, not 
silvered, iibove 24 by 30, and not 

above 24 by 60 

Above 24 by 60 

Window-glass, cylinder, crown, 
or common, unpolished, above 10 

by 15 and not above 16 by 24 

Above 16 by 24 and not above 24 

bv30 

Above 24 by 30 

Manufactures of, not otherwise 
specified 

Hats, bonnets, and hoods, straw.... 

Hemp, jute, and other fibre:— 
Bags, cotton-bags, and bagging 

(except bagging for cotton) 

Jute and sunn-hemp 

Jute butts •" 

Manila, India, and other like sub- 
stitutes for hemp 

India Rubber, manufactures of :— 
Braces, vyebbing, etc 

Iron and steel, manufactures of: — 

In slabs, blooms, loops, etc 

Pig-iron 

Scrap-iron, old, wrought 

Manufactures of iron, not other- 
wise provided for 



BATE OF DtTTT. 

J5l4e. per sq. ) 

(yd. 4 20 p. C.J 

35 per cent. 



35 per cent. 



(30c. per lb.) 
( and 20 p. c. J 
( 40 c. per lb. 1 
( and 20 p. c. J 

35 per cent. 
1 c. per lb. 

10 per cent, 
35 per cent. 
35 per cent. 
35 per cent. 

25 per cent. 

50 per cent. 
2]4 c. per lb. 

$1 per box. 

35 per cent. 

40 per cent. 



30 per cent 



35 per cent. 

40 per cent. 
40 per cent. 

40 per cent. 

6 c. per lb. 
10 c. per lb. 

3 c. per lb. 

1 c. per lb. 

2}4 c. per lb. 

20 per cent. 



40 per cent. 



25 c. per sq. ft. 
60 c per sq. ft 



2 c. per lb. 

2}4 c. per lb. 

3 c. per lb. 

40 per cen'. 
40 per cent. 

40 per cent. 

$15 per ton. 

$6 per ton. 

825 per ton. 

35 per cent. 

35 per cent. 
S7 per ton. 
$8 per ton. 

35 per cent 



TABULATED HISTORY— AMERICAN TARIFFS. 



87 



COMMODITIES. BATE Of DCTT. 

Iron and steel, manufactures of: — 
Steel, and manufactures of pen- 
knives, jack-knives and pocket- 

kniTe.x 50 per cent. 

All other cutlery.including sword 

blades 35 per cent. 

In ingots, bars, coils, sheets, and 
steel-wire, not less than ^ inch 
diameter, valued at 7 cents per 

pound or less 2% c. per lb. 

Valued at above 7 cents and not 

over 11 cents per pound 3 c. per lb. 

Muskets, rifles, and other fire- 
arms 35 per cent. 

Railway bar, or rails, wholly of 

steel 114 c. per lb. 

Manufaclures of steel, not other- 
wise provided for 45 per cent. 

Jewelry of gold, silver, or other 

metal, or imitations of. 25 per cant. 

Lead, and manufactures of: — 

Pigs and bars, and molten 2 c. per lb. 

Leather, and manufactures of: — 
Calf-skins, tanned, or tanned and 

dressed 25 per cent. 

Gloves, of kid or leather, of all 

descriptions 60 per cent. 

Upper leather of all kinds, and 
skins, dressed and finished, of all 
kinds, not otherwise provided for 20 per cent. 
Manufactures of, and articles of 
leather, or of which leather shall 
be a component part, not other- 
wise provided for 35 per cent. 

Lemons and oranges 20 per cent. 

Marble, and manufactures of: 
Veined and all other, in block, f50 c. per cu.) 
roughed or squared, not other- -; ft. & 20 p. c. S- 

wise specified ( per cu. ft. j 

Mats of cocoa-nut, china, and all 
other floor-matting, of flags, jute, 

or grass 30 per cent. 

Metal, manufactures of, not other- 
wise provided for 35 per cent. 

Musical instruments .30 per cent. 

Oils, olive, salad, in bottles or flasks $1 per gall. 

Opium 81 per lb. 

OJDium prepared for smoking $6 per lb. 

Paintings and statuary, not by 

American artists 10 per cent. 

Papier-mache, manufactures, arti- 
cles, and wares of 35 per cent. 

Pickles, sauces, and capers 35 per cent. 

Rice, cleaned 23^ c. per lb. 

Salt, in bags, sacks, barrels, or 

other packages 12 c. per 100 lbs. 

Salt, in bulk 8 c. per 100 lbs. 

Sardines and anchovies, packed in 

oil or otherwise 4 c. per box. 

Seed!, flaxs. or lius. (56 lbs. to bush.) 20 c. per bush. 
Silk : — 
Braids, laces, fringes, galloons, 
buttons, and ornaments, dress 

and piece goods 60 per cent. 

Velvets 60 per cent. 

Ribbons 60 per cent. 

Ribbons (edge of cotton) 50 per cent. 

Silk manufactures not otherwise 
provided for, made of silk, or of 
which silk is the component or 

chief value 60 per cent 

Manufactures of, which have as 
a component thereof 25 percent., 
or over, In value of cotton, flax, 

wool, or worsted 60 per cent. 

Soda caustic 1\^ c per lb. 

Soda ash I4 c. per lb. 

Spices : 

Cassia, and Cassia Vera 10 c. per lb. 

Nutmegs 20 c. per lb. 

Pepper, black and white grain ... 5 c. per lb. 
Spirits and wines : — 

Brandy, proof $2 per gall. 

Cordials, liqueurs, arrack, ab- 
sinthe, kirschwasser, ratafia 82 per gall. 

Spirits, other, manufactured or 

distilled from grain 82 per gall. 

Spirits, other (except brandy), 
manufactured or distilled from 

other materials 82 per gall. 

Cologne-water and other per- ( 83 per gall, 'i 
fumery, of which alcohol forms < and 50 per c. > 
the principal ingredient I. per gall. J 

26 



COMMODITIES. 

Sugar and molasses : — 

Molasses 

Molasses concentrated, tank-bot- 
toms, sirup of sugar-cane, and 



RATB OF DUTT. 

5 c. plus 
per cent, 
per lb. 
l}4 c. plus 



25 ) 



Boelado 1 25 c. per lb. 

Sugar: • / 1% c. phis 

All notabove No. 7 Butch standard ( 25 p. c. p. lb. 

Above No. 7 and not above No. j 2 c. plus 25 

10 (p. c. per 111. I 

Above No. 7 and not above No. 10 2 c per lb. 

Above No. 13 and not above No. f 2^^ c. plus 25) 

16 \ p. c. per lb. J 

Tartar, cream of 10 c. per lb. 

Tartar, argols, other than crude 6 c. per lb. 

Tin, plates or sheets 1 1-10 c. per lb. 

Tobacco, and manufactures of:— 

Leaf, unmanufactured and not 

stemmed .35 c. per lb. 

(82.50 per lb.) 

Cigars, cigarettes, and cheroots.. ■< and 25 p. 0. > 

( per lb. J 

Toys, wooden and other 50 per cent. 

Watches, of gold or silver 25 per cent. 

Wines, Champagne, and all other 

sparkling, in bottles, containing 

not more than 1 pint each and 

more than ]/^ pint $3 per dozen. 

Wines, Champagne, and all other 

sparkling, in bottles, containing 

not more than 1 quart and more 

than 1 pint dozens 

" Still wines, in casks galls. 

" in bottles, containing each not 

more than 1 quart and not more 

than 1 pint doz. bots. 

Wood : Boards, planks, deals, and 

other lumber M. ft. 

" Manufactures of, not otherwise 

provided for 36 per cent. 

Wools, hair of the alpaca, goat, 

etc. : Raw and manufactured. 

Class No. 1. clothing wool, value 

32 cents or less per lb lbs. 

" Value 32 cents or less per 
pound lbs. 



86 per doz. 
40 c. per gall. 



81.60 i>er doz. 
82 per M. ft. 



flO c. per lb.) 
I & 11 p. c. / 



10 c. p. lb. &) 

11 p. c, less y 
10 per c. ) 



f 



" Value over 32 cents per /12 c. per lb. ) 

pound lbs. ( A 10 p. c. 1 

" Class No. 2, value over 32 cents ( 12 c. per lb. I 

per pound lbs. ( & 10 p. c. / 

" Class No. 3, carpet and other 

similar wools, valued at 12 cents 

or less per lb lbs. 

" Value over 12 cents per 

pound lbs. 

" Carpets and carpetings of all 

kinds, .\ubus8on and Axminster, 

and carpets woven whole for 

rooms sq.yds. 

" Brussels carpet wrought by Jac- 

quard machine sq. yd. 

" Brussels tapestry, printed on 

the warp or otherwise sq. yds. 

" Patent velvet and tapestry vel- 
vet, printed on the warp or 

otherwise sq. yds. 

" Dress goods, women and chil- 
dren's, and real or imitation 
Italian cloths, valued at not ex- 
ceeding 20 cents per sq. 
yd sq. yds. 

" Valued at above 20 cents per 
square yd sq- yds. 

" Dress goods, women and chil- 
dren's, and real or imitation 
Italian cloths, weighing 4 ounces 
and over per square yard lbs. 

" Hosiery, valued at above 80 
cents per pound lbs. 

"Manufactures not otherwise (^^ 
specified, valued at above J80 -< 435^.0. 

'50 c. per lb, 
& 35 p. c 



r 



3 c. per lb. 
6 c. per lb. 

50 per cent. 

^44 c. per sq. 1 
yd. 4 35 p. c. I 
f 28 c. per sq. 
I yd. &35p.c. i 

I 40 c. per sq. | 
|yd.&35p.c. 



6 c. per iq. 
yd. & 35 p. c. 

rs c. per sq. 
[yd. ife40p. c. 

50 c. per lb. 
& 35 p. c. 



f 50 c. per lb. 
I <k 35 p. c. 



per lb. 



cents per pound lbs 

Wool cloths lbs. 



Cloths lbs. 

Clothing— articles of wear lbs. 

Clothing— ready-made lbs. 



("50 c. per lb.] 
4 <fe 35 p. c, 
(less 10 p. c.^ 

150 c. per Ib.^ 
4 40 p. c. 
50 c. per lb. 
A 40 p. c. 



88 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



COMMOBITIM. KATE OF DUTY. 

Wool, manufactures wholly or in (50 „ „„_ lu ") 

part of, not otherwise provided < . .^jc'^^ „ ' V 

for lbs. t * ■^'' P- '^- j 

"Shawls, woolen lbs. {^&%^p|"c^"} 

" Worsted, etc., not otherwise pro- (50 c. per lb. ) 

vided for .lbs. ( & 40 p. c. j 



COMMODITtES. RATK OF DUTT. 

" Webbings beltings, bindings, (sopoerlhl 

braids, galloons, fringes, cord.a, -i °V=rP >■ 

buttons,etc lb». I *50p. c. f 

" Yarns, valued at above 80 cents fSO e. per lb.) 

per pound lbs. ( & 50 p. c. / 

Zinc, in sheets 2% c. per lb. 



THE CUSTOMS TARIFF OF GREAT BRITAIN. 

No protective duties are now levied on goods imported. Customs duties being charged solely for the sak« 
of revenue. Formerly the articles subject to duty numbered nearly a thousand; now they are only twen- 
ty-two, the chief being tobacco, spirits, tea, and wine. The following is a complete list: 



Articles. Duty. 

£ s. d. 

Ale pr beer, spec, gravity not exceeding 

10G5°perbbl 8 

Ale or beer, spec, gravity not exceeding 

1090°, per bbl 11 

Ale or beer, spec, gravity exceeding 1090°, 

per bbl 16 

Beer, Mum, per bbl 110 

Beer, spruce, spec, gravity not exceeding 

1190°, per bbl 110 

Beer, spruce, exceeding 1190°, per barrel.. 14 

Cards, playing, per doz. packs 3 9 

Chickory (raw or kiln-dried), cwt- 13 3 

Chicory (roasted or ground), lb 2 

Chloral hydrate, pound 13 

Chloroform, pound 3 

Cocoa, pound 1 

Cocoa, cwt., husks and shells 2 

Cocoa paste and chocolate, pound 2 

Coffee, raw, cwt 014 

Coffee, kiln-dried, roasted or ground, per 

pound 2 

Collodion, gallon 14 

Essence of spruce, 10 per cent, ad valorem 

Ethyl, iodide of, gallon 13 

Ether, gallon 15 

Fruit, dried, cwt 7 



Abticlbs. Duty. 

£ 8. s. 

Malt, per quarter 14 9 

Naphtha, purified, gallon 10 5 

Pickles, in vinegar, gallon 1 

Plate, gold, ounce 17 

Plate, silver, ounce 0.1 6 

Spirits, brandy, Geneva, rum, etc., gallon. 10 5 

Spirits, rum, from British Colonies, gallon 10 2 

Spirits, cologne water, gallon 16 6 

Tea, pound 6 

Tobacco, unmanufactured, lb 3 1% 

Tobacco, containing less than ten per ct. 

of moisture, lb 3 6 

Cavendish or Negro-head 4 6 

Other manufactured tobacco 4 

Snuff, containing more than 13 per cent. 

of moisture, lb 3 9 

Snuff, less than 13 per cent, of moisture, lb. 4 6 

Tobacco, cigars, pound 5 

Varnish, containing alcohol, gallon 12 

Vinegar, gallon 3 

Wine, containing leas than 26° proof spi- 
rit, gallon 10 

Wine, containing more than 26° and less 

than 42 spirit, gallon 2 6 

Wine, for each additional degree of 

strength beyond 42°, gallon 3 



PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 



PRESIDENTS. 
Terra Name. Qualified. 

*1 George Washington April 30, 1789 

2 " " March 4, 1793 

3 John Adams March 4,1797 

4 Thomas Jefferson March 4, 1801 

5 " " March 4, 1805 

■6 James Madison March 4,1809 

7 " " March 4, 1813 

8 James Monroe March 4, 1817 

9 " " March 5, 1821 

10 John Q. Adams March 4,1825 

11 Andrew Jackson March 4, 1829 

12 " " March 4, 1833 

13 Martin Van Buren March 4,1837 

14 Wm. H. Harrison March 4,1841 

14a John Tyler April 6,1841 

15 James K. Polk March 4, 1845 

16 Zachary Taylor Marek 5, 1849 

'a Millard Fillmore July 10, 1850 

Franklin Pierce March 4, 1853 

18 James Buchanan March 4,1857 

19 Abraham Lincoln March 4,1861 

20 " " March 4, 1865 

aoa Andrew Johnson April 16, 1865 

21 Ulysses S. Grant March 4,1869 

22 " " March 4, 1873 

2S Ruthsrford B. Hayes March 5, 1877 

24 James A. Garfield March 4, 1881 

24a Chester A. Arthur Oct. 20,1881 



VICE-PRESIDEETS. 

Name. Qualified. 

John Adams - June 3, 1789 

" Dec. 2, 1793 

Thomas Jefferson March 4, 1797 

Aaron Burr March 4, 1801 

George Clinton March 4, 1805 

" " March 4, 1809 

Elbridge Gerry March 4, 1813 

John Gaillard Nov. 25, 1814 

Daniel D. Tompkins March 4,1817 

" " March 5,1821 

John C. Calhoun March 4, 1825 

" " March 4, 1829 

Martin Van Buren March 4,1833 

Richard M.Johnson March 4,1837 

John Tyler March 4, 1841 

fSamuel L. Southard April 6,1841 

fWillie P. Mangum May 31,1842 

George M. Dallas March 4,1845 

Millard Fillmore March 5,1849 

tWilliam R. King July 11, 1850 

William R. King March 4,1853 

tDavid R. Atchison April 18,1853 

fJesse D. Bright Dec. .5, 18,54 

John C. Breckinridge March 4,1857 

Hannibal Hamlin March 4, 1861 

Andrew Johnson March 4,1865 

tLafayette S. Foster April 15. 1865 

iBenjamin F. Wade March 2, 1867 

Schuyler Colfax March 4,1869 

Henry Wilson March 4, 1S73 

tThomas W. Ferry Nov. 22,1875 

William .'V,. Wheeler March 5,1877 

Chester A. Arthur March 4' 1881 

tThomas F. Bayard Oct. 12, 1881 

tDavid Davis Oct. 13,1881 



*The figures in this column mark the terms held by the Presidents, 
t Acting Vice-President and President pro tern, of the Senate 



TABULATED HISTORY— POPULAR VOTE. 



89 



SUMMARY OF POPULAR AND ELECTORAL. VOTES IN PRESIDENTIAL 

ELECTIONS, 1789-1880. 



a 


c 


Total 
Elect. Vote. 


Party. 


Candidates. 


-2 

02 


Popular Vote. 


1 

> 

4) 

s 


1789 


10 

15 
16 

16 


73 

135 
138 

138 




George Washington 






GS 




John Adams 






••4 






John Jay 






9 






R. R. Harrison 






a 






John Rutledge 






6 






John Hancock 






4 






George Clinton 






3 






Samuel Huntington 






2 






John Milton 






2 






Benjamin Lincoln 






1 






James Armstrong 






1 






Eilward Telfair 






1 






Vacancies 






4 


1792 


fTpHprnli^t 


George Washincton 






132 




.Tohn Adams 






77 






Georere Clinton 






50 












4 






\ftron Biirr 






1 






Vacancies 






3 




Federalist 








71 


1796 


Thomas Jeflferson 






68 






Thomas Pinoknev 






59 




Republican..., 








30 




Samuel Adams 






15 






Oliver Ellsworth. ^ 






11 






Georcre Clinton 






7 












5 






.Tames Iredoll 






3 






Georce Washington 






2 












2 






S Johnson 






2 






Charles C. Pincknev 






1 


1800 




Thomas .Tetterson 






73 










73 






John Adams 




65 










64 




Federalist 


John Jay 




1 





v.. 

O 

SOD 
Z 

21 
17 

18 
19 

24 

24 


_ o 

s> 

a 

3 

176 
176 

218 
221 

235 

261 


Party. 


For President. 


s 
s 

tn 

15 
2 

12 


Popular 

Vote. 


£ 
o 
> 

© 


For Vice-President.J 


o 

> 

o 

(D 

K 


1804 




Thomas Jefferson 

Chas. C. Pinckney 




162 
14 

122 

6 

47 

" " "i 

128 
89 

1 

183 
34 


George Clinton 

Rufus King 

George Clinton 


162 






14 








113 


1808 








James Madison 


3 








fi 




Rufus King 


47 






. .., 




John Langdon 


9 













James Monroe 


3 






Vapanov 








1 




Republican 




11 

7 




Elbridge Gerry 


1,31 


1812 


D« Witt Clint^on 




Jared Ingersoll 


86 












1 




Republican 

Federalist 




16 
3 




D. D.Tompkins 


183 


U16 


Rnfus Kinir 




John E. Howard 

.lames Ross 


22 








5 




1 








John Marshall 


4 




1 








Robt. G. Harper 


3 




\'iLOftncies 






4 

231 
1 


4 


1820 


1 


24 




D. D. Tompkins 


218 




.Tohn Ci Adams 




Rich. Stoc cton 


8 












Daniel Rodney 


4 














Robt. G. Harper 


1 














Richard Rush 


1 












3 

99 




3 


1824 






10 
8 
3 
3 


155,872 
105.321 


.Tohn C. Calhoun 


182 






Tohn O Adams 


84 


jNathan Sanford 


30 




Reoublican 


Wm H Crawford 


144,282 41 


Nathaniel Macon 


24 




Republican 




46,587 


2" Andrew Jackson ... 






.i 

Vacancy 




M Van Buren 


9 




Henry Clay ~— 


2 
1 



90 



AMERICAN POLITICS, 



SUMMARY OP POPULAR AND KIiECTORAIi VOTES.— [Continued. 








u 

as 


is 

-co 






182'< 


24 


1832 


24 


1836 


26 


1840 


26 


1844 


26 


1848 


30 


1852 


31 


1856 


31 


1860 


33 


1864 


36 


1868 


37 


1872 


37 


1876 


38 


1880 


38 



IS 

_ o 

s 



261 



288 



294 



294 



275 



290 



296 



296 



303 



314 



317 



366 



369 



369 



Party. 



Democratic 

Nat. Republican. 



Democratic 

Nat. Republican., 

Anti-Mason 

e. 



Democratic . 
Whig 



Whig 

Democratic . 
Liberty 



Democratic. 

Whig ,. 

Liberty 



Whig 

Democratic, 
Free Soil 



Democratic 

Whig 

Free Democracy.. 



Democratic, 
Republican- 
American.... 



Republican 

Democratic 

Democratic 

"Const. Union " 



Republican.' 
Democratic. 



Republican.. 
Democratic. 



Republican.... 
Dem.and Lib. 
Democratic... 
Temperance.. 



Rep. 



Republican.... 
Democratic... 
"Greenback" 
"Prohibition' 



Republican... 
Democratic... 
" Greenback ' 



For President. 



Andrew Jackson. 
John Q. Adams... 



Andrew Jackon. 

Henry Clay 

William Wirt.... 
John Floyd 



Vacancies. 



Martin Van Buren. 
Wm. H. Harrison... 

Hugh L. White 

Daniel Webster 

W. P. Mangum 



Wm. H. Harrison... 
Martin Van Buren. 
James G. Birney.... 



James K. Polk.,,. 

Henry Clay 

James G. Birney. 



Zachary Taylor 

Lewis Cass 

Martin Van Buren. 



Franklin Pierce., 
Winfield Scott.... 
John P. Hale 



James Buchanan., 
John C. Fremont., 
Millard Fillmore.., 



Abraham Lincoln... 
J. C. Breckinridge. 

S. A. Douglas 

John Bell , 



Abraham Lincoln., 

Geo. B. McClellan.. 

Vacancies* 



Ulysses S. Grant... 

Horatio Seymour. 

Vacancies-f 



Ulysses S. Grant.. 
Horace Greeley... 

Chas. O'Conor 

James Biack 

T. A. Hendricks.. 
B. Gratz Brown... 
Chas. J. Jenkins.. 
David Davis 



Not counted J. 



R. B. Hayes 

S. J. Tilden 

Peter Cooper 

Green C, Smith. 



James A. Garfield., 

W. S. Hancock, 

James B. Weaver.. 
Scattering 



27 

4 



19 

11 

1 

17 

11 

2 

3 

22 

3 

11 

26 
8 
3 

31 

6 



Popular 
Vote. 



647,231 
509,097 



687,502 

530,189 

33,108 



761,549 
736,656 



1,275,017 

1,128,702 

7,069 



1,337,243 

1,299,068 

62,300 

1.360,101 

1,220,544 

291,263 

1,601,474 

1,386,578 

156,149 

1,838,169 

1,341,264 

874,534 

1,866,352 
845,763 

1,375,157 
589,581 

2,216,067 
1,808,725 



3,015,071 
2,709,613 



3,597,070 

2.834,079 

29,408 

5,608 



4,033,950 

4,284.885 

81,740 

9,522 

4,442,950 

4,442,035 

306,867 

12,576 



W 



178 
83 



219 

49 

7 

11 



170 
73 
26 
14 
11 

234 
60 



170 
105 



163 
127 



254 
42 



174 
114 



180 
72 
12 
39 

212 
21 
81 

214 
80 
23 

286 



42 

IS 
2 
1 



17 

185 
184 



214 
155 



For Vice-President. 



John C. Calhonn. 

Richard Rush 

William Smith.... 



M. Van Buren 

John Sergeant 

Amos Ellmaker... 

Henry Lee 

William Wilkins., 



R. M. Johnson 

Francis Granger. 

John Tyler 

William Smith.... 



John Tyler 

R. M. Johnson., 



L. W. Tazewell.. 
James K. Polk. 



Geo. M. Dallas 

T. Frelinghuysen.. 



Millard Fillmore. 

Wm. O. Butler 

Chas. F. Adams... 



Wm. R. King 

Wm. A. Graham., 
Geo. W. Julian.... 



J. C. Breckinridge.. 

Wm. L. Dayton 

A. J. Donelson 



Hannibal Hamlin. 

Jo.^eph Lane 

H. V. Johnson 

Edward Everett.., 



Andrew Johnson,., 
Geo. H. Pendleton.. 



Schuyler Colfax. 
F. P. Blair, Jr 



Henry Wilson 

B. Gratz Brown.... 
John Q. Adams.... 

A. H. Colquite 

lohn M. Palmer... 

Geo. W. Juiian 

T. E. Bramlette.... 
W. 8. Groesbeck.. 
Willis B. Machen. 
N. P. Banks 



Wm. A. Wheeler.. 
T. A. Hendricks.. 

8. F. Cary 

R. T. Stewart 



Chester A. Arthur.. 
Wm. H. English..., 
B, J. Chambers 



o 
> 



to 

171 

83 
7 

189 
49 

7 
11 
30 

2 

147 
77 
47 
23 



234 
48 



11 
1 

170 
105 



163 
127 



254 
42 



174 

114 

8 

180 
72 
12 
39 

212 
2l 

81 

214 
80 
23 

286 
47 



1 
1 

14 

185 
184 



214 

155 



* Not voting— Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia. Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. 

t Not voting— Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia. 

t Seventeen votes rejected, viz.: 3 from Georgia for Horace Greeley (dead), and 8 from Louisiana, and 
6 from Arkansas for U, S, Grant, 



TABULATED HISTORY— CABINET OFFICERS. 



^1 



CABINET OFFICERS OF THE ADMIIVISTRATIONS. 



Geobge Washington, President. 

I. and II.; 1789-1797. 

Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, 
September 26th, 17S9 ; Edmund Randolph, Virginia, 
January 2d, 1794; Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, 
December lOtn, 179.5. Secretary of Treasury, Alex- 
ivuder Hamilton, New York, September 11th, 1789; 
Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, February 2d, 1795. 
Secretary uf War, Henry Knox, Massachusetts, 
S'ptember 12th, 1789; Timothy Pickering, Penn- 
sylvania, January 2d, 179.5 ; James McHenry, Mary- 
land, January 27th, 1796. Attorney Oeneral, Edmund 
Randolph, Virginia, September 26th, 1789; William 
Bradford, Pennsylvania, January 27th, 1794; Charles 
Lee, Virginia, December 10th, 1795. Postmaster- 
Oenei'al,* Samuel Osgood, Maisachusetts, Septem- 
ber 26th, 1789; Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, 
August 12th, 1791 ; Joseph Habersham, Georgia, 
February 25th, 1795. 

John Adams, President. 

III.; 1797-1801. 

Secretary of State, Timothy Pickering, oonlinHed; 
John Marshall, Virginia, May 13th, 1800. Secretary 
of Treasury, Oliver Wolcott, continued ; Samuel 
Dexter, Massachusetts, January 1st, 1801. Secretary 
of War, James McHenry, continued; Samuel De.x- 
ter, Massachusetts, May 13th, 1800; Roger Griswold, 
Connecticut, February 3d, 1801. Secretary of Navy, f 
George Cabot, Massachusetts, May 3d, 1798 ; Benja- 
min Stoddert, Maryland, May 21st, 1798. Attorney- 
General, Charles Lee, continued ; Theophilus Par- 
eons, Massachusetts, February 20th, 1801. Post- 
master-General, Joseph Habersham, continued. 

Thomas Jefferson, President. 
IV. and V. ; 1801-1809. 

Secretary ef State, James Madison, Virginia, March 
5th, 1801. Secretary of Treasury, Samuel Dexter, 
continued; Albert Gallatin, Pennsylvania, May 14th, 
1801. Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, Massaciiu- 
setts. March 5th, 1801. Secretary of Navy, Benjamin 
Stoddart, continued; Robert Smith, Maryland, July 
15th, 1801 ; Jacob Crowninshield, Massachusetts, May, 
3d, 1805. Attorney-General. Levi Lincoln, Massa- 
chusetts, March 5th, 1801; Robert Smith, Maryland, 
March 3d, 1805; John Breckinridge, Kentucky, 
-August 7th, 1805; Csesar A. Rodney, Pennsylvania, 
January 20th, 1807. Postmaster-General, Joseph 
Habersham, continued ; Gideon Granger, Connecti- 
cut, November 28th, 1801. 

James Madison, President. 

VI. and VII. ; 1809-1817. 

Secretary of State, Robert Smith, Maryland, March 
6th, 1809;" James Monroe, Virginia, April 2d, 1811. 
Secretary of Treasury, Albert Gallatin, continued; 
George W. Campbell, Tennessee, February 9th, 
1814; A. J. Dallas, Penn.sylvania, October 6th, 1814; 
William H. Crawford, Georgia, October 22d, 1816. 
Secretary of War, William Eustis, Massachusetts, 
March 7th, 1809: John Arm.strong, New York, Janu- 
ary 13th. 1813; James Monroe, Virginia, September 
'.47th, 1814; VVilli.am H. Crawford, (Georgia, August 
1st, 1815. Secretary of Navy, Paul Hamilton, South 
Carolina, March 7th, 1809; William Jones, Pennsyl- 
,vania, January 12th, 1813; B. W. Crowninshield. 
Massachusetts, December 19th, 1814. Attorney-Gen- 
eral, C. A. Rodney, continued; William Pinckney, 
Maryland, December 11th, 1811; Richard Rush, 
Pennsylvania, February 10th, 1814. Postmaster-Gen- 
eral. Gideon Granger, continued ; Return J. Meigs, 
Ohio, March 17th, 1814. 



♦Not a Cabinet officer, but a subordinate of the 
Treasury Department until 1829. 

■f Naval affairs were under the control of the Sec- 
retary of War until a separate Navy Department was 
organized by Act of April .30th, 1798. The Acts 
organizing the other Departments were of the fol- 
lowing dates : State, September 15th, 1789; Trcasurij, 
September 2d, 1789; War, August 7th, 1789. The 
Attorney-General's duties were regulated by tlie 
Judiciary Act of September 24th. 1789. 



James Monboe, President. 

VIII. and IX. ; 1817-1825. 

Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, Massachu- 
setts, March 5<h, 1817. Secretary of Treasury, Wil- 
liam U. Crawford, continued. Secretary of War, 
George Graham, Virginia, April 7th, 1817; John C. 
Calhoun, South Carohna, October 8th, 1817. Secretary 
of Navy, B. W. Crowninshield, continued; Smith 
Thompson, New York, November 9i.h, 1818; John 
Rogers, Massachusetts, September 1st, 1823; Samuel 
L. Southard, New Jersey, September Kith, 1823. 
Attorney-General, Richard Rush, continued ; William 
Wirt, Virginia, November 13tn, 1817. Postmaster- 
General, R. J. Meigs, continued ; John McLean, 
Ohio, June 26th, 1823. 

John Quincy Adams, President. 
X.; 1825-1829. 

Secretary of State, Henry Clay, Kentucky, March 
7th, 1825. Secretary of Trgasury, Richard Rush, 
Pennsylvania, March 7th, 1825. Secretary of War, 
James Barbour, Virginia, March 7th, 1825; Peter B. 
Porter, New York, May 26th. 1828. Secretary of Navy, 
S.L. Southard, continued. Attorney-General, William 
Wirt, continued. Postmaster-General, John McLean, 
continued. 

Andrew Jackson, President. 
XI. and XII. ; 1829-1837. 

Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, New York, 
March 6th, 1829; Edward Livingston, Louisiana, 
May 24th, 1831 ; Louis McLane, Delaware, May 29th, 
1833; John Forsyth, Georgia, June 27th, 1834. Secre- 
tary of Treasury, Sa,m\.\e\ D. Ingham, Pennsylvania, 
March 6th, 1829 ; Louis McLane, Delaware, August 
8th, 1831; William J. Duane, Pennsylvania, May 
29th, 1833; Roger B. Taney, Maryland, September 
23d, 1833; Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire, June 
27th, 1834. Secretary of War, John H. Eaton, Ten- 
nessee, March 9th, 1829; Lewis Cass, Michigan, 
August 1st, 1831 ; Benjamin F Butler, New York, 
March 3d,' 1837. Secretary of Navy, John Branch, 
North Carolina, March 9th, 1829 ; Levi Woodbury, 
New Hampshire, May 23d, 1831 ; Mahlon Dickerson, 
New Jersey, June 30th, 1834. Attorney-General, John 
M. Berrien, Georgia, March 9th, 1829; Roger B. 
Taney, Maryland, July 20th, 1831 ; Benjamin F. 
Butler, New York, November 15th, 1833. Postmaster- 
General, William T. Barry, Kentucky, March 9th, 
1829 ; Amos Kendall, Kentucky, May 1st, 1835. 

Maetin Van Buren, President. 

XIIL; 1837-1841. 

Secretary of State, John Forsyth, continued. Secre- 
tary of Treasury, Levi Woodbury, continued. Secre- 
tary of War, Joe\ R. Poinsett, South Carolina, March 
7th, 1837. Secretary of Navy, Mahlon Dickenson, 
continued ; James K. Paulding, New York, June 
25th, 1838. Attorney-Genera!, Benjamin F. Butler; 
Felix Grundy, Tennessee, July 5tn, 1838 ; Henry D. 
Gilpin, Pennsylvania, January 11th, 1840. Post- 
master-General, Amos Kendall, continued ; John M. 
Niles, Connecticut, May 19th, 1840. 

Wm. H. Harrison and John Tyler, Presidents. 

XIV. ; 1841-1845. 
Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, Massachusetts, 
March 5th, 1841; Hugh S. Legare, South Carolina. 
May 9th, 1843; A. P Upshur, Virginia, July 24th. 
1843; John C. Calhoun, South Carolina, March 6th. 
1844. Secretary of Treasury, Thomas Ewing, Ohio, 
March 5th, 18+1; Waller Forward, Pennsylvania, 
September 13th, 1841 ; John C. Spencer, New York, 
March ,3d. 1843; George M. Bibb, Kentucky, June 
15th, 1844. Secretary of War, John Bell, Tennessee, 
March 5th, 1841 ; John McLean, Ohio, September 
13th, 1841 ; John C. Spencer, New York, October 
12th, 1841; James M. Porter, Pennsylvania, March 
8th, 1843; William Wilkins, Pennsylvania, Feb- 
ruary 15th, 1844. Secretary of Navy, G. E. Badger, 
North Carolina, March 5th, 1841 ; A. P. Upshur, Vir- 
ginia, September 13th, 1841 ; David Henshaw, Mas- 
sachusetts, July 24th, 1843; T. W. Gilmer, Virginia. 
February 1.5th, 1844; John Y. Mason, Virgini*. 
March Hth, 1844. Attorney-General, John J. Critten- 
den, Kentucky, March 5th, 1841 ; Hugh S. Legare, 
South Carolina, September 13th, 1841; John NeLson, 
Maryland, July 1st, 1843. Postmaster-General, Fran- 
cis Granger. New York, March 6th, 1841 ; Charles A. 
Wickliffe, Kentucky, September 13th, 1841. 



92 



AMERICAN POLITICS. 



James K. Polk, President. 

XV.; 1845-1849. 

Secretary of f>tate,f J a,mes Buchanan, Pennsylvania, 
March 6th, 1845. Secretnru of Treasury, Robert ,1. 
Walker, Missi,ssippi, March (ith, 1845. Sccretnrij of 
War, William L. Marcy, New York, March 6th, 184.5. 
Secretary of Navy, George Bancroft, Massachusetts, 
March 10th, 1846; John Y. Mason, September 9th, 
1846. Attorneii-Oeneral, John Y Mason, Virginia, 
March 5th, 1845: Nathau Clifford, .M.iine, October 
nth, 1846. Postmaster- General, Cave Johnson, Ten- 
nessee, March 6th, 1845. 

Z.^CHARY Taylor and Millard Fillmore, Presidents. 
XVI. ; 1849-1853. 
Secretary of State, .lohn M. Clayton, Delaware, 
March 7th, 1840; Daniel Webster, Massachusetts, 
July 22d, 1850; Edward Everett, Massachusetts, 
December Cth, 1».52. Secretary of Tre/Kiiry, W. M. 
Meredith, Pennsylvania, March 8th, 1849 ; Thomas 
Corwin, Ohio, July 23d, 1850. Secretary of War, 
George W. Crawford, Georgia, March ' 8th, 1849 ; 
Winfield Scott {ad interim), Ju\y 23d, ISM ; Charles 
M. Conrad, Louisiana, .\ugust 15th, 1850. Secretary 
of Navv, William B. Preston, Virginia, March 8th, 
1849; William A. Graham, North Carolina, July 22d, 
1850; J. P. Kennedy, Maryland, July 22d, 1852. Sec- 
retary of Interior, Thomas H. Ewing, Ohio, March 
8th, 1849; A. H. H. Stuart, Virginia, September 12th, 
1850. Attorney- General, Reverdy Johnson, Mary- 
land, March 8th, 1849 ; John J. Crittenden, Kentucky, 
July 22d, 1850. Postmaster-General, Jacob Collamer, 
Vermont, March 8th, 1849; Nathan K. Hall, New 
York, July 23d, 1850; S. D Hubbard, Connecticut, 
August 31st, 1852. 

Fbanklin Pierce, President. 

XVII.; 185.3-1857. 

Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, New York, 
March 7th, 1853. Secretary of Treasury, James 
Guthrie, Keniucky, March 7th, 1853. Secretary 
of War, Jefferson Davis, Mississippi, March 7th, 
1853. Secretary of Navy, James C. Dobbin, 
North Carolina, March 7th, 1853. Secretary of 
Interior, Robert McClelland, Michigan, March 7th, 
1853; Jacob Thompson, Mississippi, March 6th,185G. 
Attorney-General, Caleb Gushing, Massachusetts, 
March 7th, 1853. Postmaster-General, James Camp- 
bell, Pennsylvania, March 7th, 1853. 

James Buchanan, President. 

XVIII.; 1857-1861. 

Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, Michigan, March 
6th, 1857; J. S. Black, Pennsylvania, December 17th, 
1860. Secretary of Treasury, Howell Cobb, Georgia, 
March 6th, 1857 ; Philip F. Thomas, Maryland, 
December 12th, 1860; John A. Dix, New York, Janu- 
ary 11th, 1861. Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, Vir- 
finia, March 6th, 1857; Joseph Holt, Kentucky, 
anuary 18th, 1861. Secretary of A^avj/, Isaac Toucey, 
Connecticut, March 6th, 1857. Secretary of Interior 
Jacob Thompson, continued. Attorney-General, J. S. 
Black, Pennsylvania, March 6th, 1857 ; E. M. Stan- 
ton, Pennsylvania, December 20th, 1860. Postmaster- 
Oeneraf, Aaron V. Brown, Tennpssee, March 6th, 
1857; Joseph Holt, Kentucky, March 14th, 1859; 
Horatio King, Maine, February 12th, 1861. 

Abraham Lincoi n and Andrew Johnson, Presidents. 
XIX. and XX.; 1861-1869. 
Secretary of State, William H. Seward, New Yorki 
March 5th, 1861. Secrttary of Trea.mry, S. P. Chase, 
Ohio, March 5th, 1861; VV. P. Fessenden, Maine, 
July 1st, 1864; Hugh McCuUoch, Indiana, March 
7th, 1865. Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, Penn- 
sylvania, March 5th, 1861 ; Edwin M. Stanton, Penn- 



sylvaoia, January 15th, 1862; U.S Grant (ad intei-im), 
August 12th, 1807; Edwin M. Stanton (reinstated), 
January 14th, 1868; J. M. Schotield ; Illiaois, May 
28th, 1808. Secretary of Navy, Gideon Welles, Con- 
necticut, March 5th. 1861. Secretary of Interior, 
Caleb P. Smith, March 5th, 1861 ; John P. Usher, In- 
diana. January 8th, 1863; James Harlan, Iowa, May 
15th, 1805; O. H. Browning, Illinois, July 27th, 1866. 
Attorney-General, Edward Bates, Missouri, March 
.•ilh, isci ; Titian J. Coffee, June 22d, 1803; James 
Speed, Kentucky, December 2d, 1864; Henry Stan 
hery, Ohio, July 23d, 1806; William M. Evarts, New 
York, July 15th, 1808. Postmastcr-General, Mont- 

Somery Blair, .Maryland, March 5th, 1861 ; William 
lennison, Ohio, September 24th, 1864; Alexander 
W. Randall, Wisconsin, July 25th, 1836. 

Ulysses S. Grant, President. 

XXI. and XXII.; 1869-1877. 
Secretary of State, E. B. Washburne, Illinois, 
March 5th, 1869; Hamilton Fish, New York, March 
11th, 1809. Secretary of T/-f'r.surv, George S. Boutwell, 
Massachusetts, March litli, 1809; William .\. Rich- 
ardson, Massachusetts, March 17th. 1873; Benjamin 
H. Bristow, Kentucky, June 2d, 1874; Lot M. Mor- 
rill, Maine, June 21st, 1876. Secretary of War, John 
A. Rawlins, Illinois. March 11th, 1869; William T. 
Sherman, Ohio, September 9th, 1869 ; William W. 
Belknap, Iowa, October 25th, 1869 ; Alphonso Taft, 
Ohio, March 8th, 1876; J. D. Cameron, Pennsylvania, 
May 22d, 1876. Secretary of Navy, Adolph E. Borie, 
Pennsylvania. March 5tn, 1809; George M. Robeson, 
New Jersey, June 25th, 1869. Secretary of Interior, 
Jacob D. Cox, Ohio, March 5th, 1869; Columbus 
Delano, Ohio, November 1st, 1870 ; Zachariah Chan- 
dler, Michigan,October 19th, 1875. Attorney-General, 
E. R. Hoar, Massachusetts, March 5th, 1869; Amos 
T. Akerman, Georgia, June 23d, 1870; George H. 
Williams, Oregon, December, 14th, 1871 ; Edwards 
Pierrepont, New York, April 26th, 1875; Alphonso 
Taft, Ohio, May 22d, 1876. Postmaster-General, J. A. 
J. Creswell, Maryland, March 5th, 1869; Marfhall 
Jewell, Connecticut, Auguj-t 24th. 1874; James M. 
Tyner, Indiana, July 12ih, 1876. 

Rutherford B. Hayes, President. 
XXIII. ; 1877-1881. 
Secretary of State, William M. Evarts, New York, 
March 12tn,"l877. Secretary of TVeasury, John Sher- 
man, Ohio, March 8th, 1877. Secretary of FTar, George 
W. McCrary, Iowa, March 12th, 1877; Alexander 
Ramsey, Minnesota. December 12th, 1879. Secretary 
of Navy, Richard W. Thompson, Indiana, March 
12th, 1877; Nathan Goff, Jr., West Virginia, January 
6th, 1881. Secretary of Interior, Carl Schurz, Mis- 
souri, March 12th, 1877. Attorney-General, Charles 
Devens, Massachusetts, March "l2th, 1877. Post- 
master-General, David M. Key, Tennessee, March 
12th, 1877; Horace Maynard, Tennessee, August 
25th, 1880. 

James A. Garfisld and Chester A. .\rthub. 

Presidents. 

XXIV.; 1881-1885. 

Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, Maine, March 
5th, 1881 ; Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, New Jersey, 
December 12th, 1881. Secretary of Treasury, William 
H. Windom, Minnesota, March 5th, 1881 ; Charles J. 
Folger, New York, October '27th, 1881. Secretary of 
War, Robert T. Lincoln, Illinois, March 5th, 1881. 
Secretary of Navy, W. H. Hunt, Louisiana, March 
5th, J881. Secretary of Interior, S. J. Kirkwood, 
Iowa, March 5th, 1881. Attorney-General, Wayne 
MacVeagh, Pennsylvania, March 5th, 1881 ; Bcnja. 
min H. Brewster, Pennsylvania, I>ecemiier 16th, 
1881. Postmaster-General, Thoma- L. James. New 
York, March 5th, 1881; Timothy O. Howe, Wiscon- 
sin, December 20th, 1881, 



FOREIGN IMMIGRATION SINCE 1870, BY FISCAL YKARS.— Official. 



Years. 



1870.. 
1871.. 
1872. 
1873., 



Number. 



387,203 
321,350 
404,806 
459,803 



Years. 



1874.. 
1875. 

1876. 
1877., 



Number. 



313,339 

227,498 
169,986 
141,857 



Years. 



1878., 
1879., 
1880., 
1881. 



Number. 



138,469 
177,826 
457,257 
669,431 



Of the arrivals in 1881, 410,729 were males and 2.58,702 females. There were 153,718 from Great Britain 
and Ireland; 210,485 from Germany; 21.109 from Austria; 11,890 from China; 102,922 from Quebec and 
Ontario ; 14,437 from Nova Scotia ; 49,760 from Sweden ; 22,705 from Norway; 15,387 from Italy ; 5,227 Irom 
France ; 9,117 from Denmark, and 11,293 from Switzerland. 



TABULATED HISTO RY— PATENT FEES. 



93 



SIONEIRS OF THE DECLARATIOIV OF INDEPEIVDEIVCE. IN CONGRESS ASSEM- 
BLED JULY 4th, 1776. 

The following list of members of the Continental Congress, who signed the Declaration of Independenoa 
{although the names are included in the general list of that Congress, from 1774 to 1778), is given separately 
for the purpose of showing the places and dates of their birth, and the times of their respective deaths, for 
convenient reference : 



Names or the Signers. 


BOBN AT 

• 


Delegated Fbom 


Died. 


Adams John 


Braintree, Mass., 1!) Oct. 1735 

Boston, Mass., 27 Si^pt 1722 


Massachusetts 


4 July, 1826. 
2 Oct. 180:5. 


Adams, Samuel , 


Massachusetts 


Bartlett Josiah 


Amesburv, Mass., in Nov. 1729 

Newington, Va, 10 Sept. 1730 

Annapolis, Md., 20 Sept. 1737 

Somerset Co., Md., 17 Apr. 1741.... 
Elizabethtown, N. J., 15 Feb. 1726 
Philadelphia, Pa., in 1739 


New Hampshire 


19 May 1795. 
10 Oct. 1797. 




Virginia 


Carroll, Chas. of CarroUton.. 


Maryland 

Maryland 


14 November, 1832. 
19 June, 1811. 


Clark, Abraham 


New Jersey 


— September, 1794. 
23 Jan. 1813. 


Clymer, George 


Pennsylvania 


Ellerv William 


Newport, R. I., 22 Dec. 1727 

Suffolk Co., N.Y., 17 Dec. 1734 

Boston, Mass., 17 Jan. 1706 


R. I. & Prov. PI 


15 Feb. 1820 


Floyd, William 


New York 


4 Aug. 1821. 
17 April, 1790. 
23 November 1814. 


Franklin, Benjamin 


Pennsylvania., 


Gerry, Elbridge 

Gwinnet Button 


Marblehead, Mass., 1 July 1744.. . 
Encland. in 1732 


Massachusetts 


Georgia 


27 May, 1777. 
— Feb. 1790. 


Hall, Lyman 

Hancock, John 




Georgia 


Braintree, Mass., in 1737 


Massachusetts 


8 Oct. 1793. 






Virginia 


— April, 1791. 
1880. 


Hart John 


Hooewell N.J. in 1715 


New Jersey 


Heyward, Thomas, Jr 

Hewes, Joseph 

Hoooer Wil iam .. . 


St. Luke's, S, C, in 1746 

Kineston N J. in 1730 


South Carolina 


— March, 180a 


North Carolina 


10 Oct. 1779 


Boston, Mass., 17 June, 1742 


North Carolina 


— Oct. 1790. 




Scituate, Mass., 7 Mar., 1707 


R. L & Prov. PI 


13 July, 1785. 
5 Jan. 1796 


Huntinerton Samuel 


Windham, Conn., 3 July 1732 

Philadelphia, Pa., in 17.37 


Connecticut 




New Jersey 


9 May, 1790. 

4 July, 1826. 

19 June, 1794. 


Jefferson Thomas 


Shadwel , Va., 13 Apr. 1734 


Virginia 




Stratford, Va.. 20 Jan. 1732 
Stratford, Va., 14 Oct. 1734 


Virginia 


Lee, Francis Lightfoot 


Virginia 


— April, 1797. 
30 Dec. 1803. 


Landaff, Wales, in Mar. 1713 

Albany N. Y.. 15 Jan. 1716 


New York 


Livinirston Philin 


New York 


12 June, 1778. 


Lynch, Thomas, Jr . , 


St. George's, S. C, 5 Aug. 1749 

Chester Co., Pa., 19 Mar 1734 

Middleton Place, S.C, in 1743 

Morrissianna. N. Y. in 1726 


South Carolina 


Lost at sea, 1779 


McKean Thomas 


Delaware 


24 June, 1817 


Middleton Arthur, 


South Carolina 


1 Jan. 1787. 


Morris Lewis 


New York 


22 Jan. 1798. 


Morris, Robert 


Lancashire, Eng., Jan. 1733-4 

Ridley Pa iu 1724 


Pennsylvania 


8 May, 1806. 


Morton John ..... 


Pennsylvania 


— April, 1777. 
4 Jan. 1789. 




York, Va , 26 Dec. 1738 


Virginia 




Wye-Hill Md 31 Oct. 1740 




1799 


Paine Robert Treat 


Boston Masfl.. in 1731 


Massachusetts 


11 May, 1804. 
26 Oct. 1809. 


Penn John 


Caroline Co., Va., 17 May 1741 

Cecil Co., Md., in 1734 

Dover Del in 17.30 


North Carolina 




Delaware 


1798 


Rodnev (IfpSAr 


Delaware 


1783. 




New Castle, Del. in 1730 


Pennsylvania 


— July, 1779. 
19 April, 1813. 
23 Jan. 1800. 


Rush, Benjamin, M.D 


Byberry, Pa., 24 Dec. 1745 


Pennsylvania 


Charleston, S.C, in Nov. 1749 

Newton, Mass., 19 Apr. 1721 


South Carolina 


Sherman Roeer 


Connecticut 


23 July, 1793. 
11 July, 1806. 
28 Feb. 1781. 






Pennsylvania 




Princeton N. J., 1 Oct. 1730 


New Jersey 


Stone Thomas . . 


Charles Co., Md., in 1742 

- Irrlind in 1716 


Maryland 


5 Oct. 1787. 


Tavlor fi-Aore'e 


Pennsylvania 


23 Feb 1781 


Thornton Matthew 




New Efampshire 


24 June, 1803. 


Walton Georsre 


Frederick Co Va. in 1740 


Georgia 


2 Feb. 1804 


WhioDle Wm 


Kittery Maine, in 1730 


New Hampshire 


28 Nov. 1785. 


Williams, Wm 


Lebanon, Conn., 8 Apr. 1731 


Connecticut 


2 Aug. 1811. 


Wilson James 


Scotland, about 1742 


Pennsylvania 


28 Aug. 1798. 


WitheriDoon tlohn 


Yester, Scotland, 5 Feb. 1722 

Windsor, Conn., 26 Nov. 1726 

Elizabeth City Co., Va., in 1726... 


New Jersey 


15 Nov. 1794. 


Woloott Oliver 


Connecticut 


1 Dec. 1797. 


Wythe, George 




8 June, 1806. 







ANTE-"WAR DEBTS OF THE SEVERAL. STATES. 

Table showing the Debts of the several States before the war (1860-61). 



8TATB8. 



Maine 

New Hampshire. 

Vermont 

Massachusetts.... 

Rhode Island 

Connecticut 

New York 

New Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Ohio 

Indiana 

Michigan 

Illinois , 

Wisconsin 

Minnesota 



In 1860-61. 



$699,500 
31,669 
none. 
7,132,627 
none, 
none. 

34,182,976 
104,000 

37,964,602 
none. 



14.250,173 

7,770,233 

2,388,843 

10,277,161 

100,000 

250,000 



STATES. 



Iowa 

Missouri 

Kansas 

Kentucky < 

California 

Oregon 

Virginia 

North Carolina. 
South Carolina.. 

Georgia 

Florida 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Te.\as 

Arkansas" 

Tennessee 



In 1860-6L 



200,00C 

24,734,000 

loO.OOff 

4,729,234 



55,372 

33,248,141 

9,129,505 

3,691,674 

2,670,750 

383,000 

5.048,000 

none. 

10,023,903 



3,092,622 
16,643,666 



94 AMERICAN POLITICS. 

CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT, 

Since the adoption of the Faieral ConKtitiUion, March 1st, 1789. 

The following is a list of the Presidents and Vice-Prenid-ents of the United States, as well as those who 
wcr* candidates for each office, since the organization of the Government: (vide pp. 21-25, 62.) 

Harrison died one month after his inauguration 
and John Tyler* became President for the rest of 
the term. 

1845— James K. Polk* and George M. Dallas ; beat- 
ing Henry Clay* and Theodore Fr«ilinKhuy~en. 

1849— Zachary Taylor* and Millard Fillmore; b at- 
ing Lewis Cass and Martin Van Buren for Pre.«idint ' 
and William O. Butler* and C. F. Adams, for Vice 
President. 

1853— Franklin Pierce and William R. King*; 
beating Winfield Scott and William A. Graham.* 

1857— James Buchanan and John C. Breckin- 
ridge*; beating John C. Fremont and Millard Fill- 
more for President, and William L. Dayton and A. 
J. Donaldson* for Vice President. 

1861— Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin ; 
beating John Bell, Stephen A. Douglas, and J. C. 
Breckinridge* for President. 

1865 — Abraham Lincoln and j ndrew Johnson * 
Union candidates; beating G. B. McClellan and G. 
H. Pendleton. 

18C9— Ulysses S. Grant and Schuyler Colfax; beat- 
ing Horatio Seymour and Frank P. Blair, jr. 

1873— LTlysses S. Grant and Henry Wilson ; beating 
Horace Greeley and B. Grata Brown, for President 
and Vice President. 

1877— Rutherford B. Hayes and Wm. A. Wheeler ; 
beating Samuel Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks. 

1881 — James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur; 
beating General W. S. Hancock and W. H. English. 
.\rthur succeeded Garfield, after his death from as- 
sassination, Sept. 19, 1881, and David Davis is now 
Acting Vice President. 
Southern States. 



1789— George Washington* and John Adams, two 
terms, no opposition. 

1797— John Adams, opposed by Thomas Jefferson,* 
wlio, having the next highest electoral vote, became 
Vice President. 

1801— Thomas Jefferson* and Aaron Burr ; beating 
John Adams and Charles C. Pinckney.* 

1805— Thomas Jefferson* and George Clinton ; 
beating Charles C. Pinckney* and Rufus King. 

1809— James Madison* and George Clinton ; beatr 
ing Charles C. Pinckney.* 

1813 — .Tanies Madison* and Eldridge Gerry ; beat- 
ing DeWitt Clinton. 

1817— James Monroe* and Daniel D. Tompkins ; 
beating Rufus King. 

1821— James Monroe* and Daniel D. Tompkins ; 
beating John Quincy Adams. 

1825 — John Quincy Adams and John C. Calhoun ;* 
beating Andrew Jackson,* Henry Clay,* and Wil- 
liam IL Crawford ;* there being four candidates for 
President, and Albert Gallatin for Vice President. 

1829— Andrew Jackson* and John C. Calhoun*; 
beating John Quincy Adams and Richard Ruah. 

1833— Andrew Jackson* and Martin Van Buren ; 
beating Henry Clay,* John Floyd,* and William Wirt 
for President; and William Wilkins, John Sergeant, 
and Henry Lee* for Vice President. 

1837— Martin Van Buren and Richard M. John- 
son* ; beating William H. Harrison, Hugh L. White, 
and Daniel Webster for President, and John Tyler* 
for Vice President. 

1841— William H. Harrison and John Tyler* ; beat- 
ing Martin Van Buren and Littleton W. Tazewell.* 

* Candidates from 






\ 



NUMBER OF ELECTORAL VOTES TO WHICH EACH STATE HAS BEEN ENTI- 
TLED. AT EACH ELECTION, IT89-1876. 



States. 


00 

Ir- 
r-l 




I-H 


r^ 


o 

00 

l-l 


00 

o 

00 

1-t 


2 


to 

00 

1-1 


00 

l-H 


00 

l-H 


00 

rH 




00 


00 

l-l 


00 


00 

00 
rH 


g 

00 

rH 


CD 

>o 

00 
rH 

9 
4 
4 


00 

9 
4 
4 


s 

8 
5 
5 


00 

rH 

t 
5 


t^ 
00 

IM 

10 
6 
6 


to 

l-H 

10 

6 

6 

3 

6 

3 

4 

11 

21 

15 

11 

.1 
8 
7 
8 

13 

11 
5 
8 

15 
3 
3 
5 
9 

35 

10 

22 
3 

29 
4 
7 

12 
8 
5 

11 
6 

10 

369 
38 


o 

00 

00 




















3 


5 


5 


7 


7 
3 


7 
3 


9 
3 


9 
3 


9 
4 
4 


1? 




















7 


r'alifornia 


























8 






































fl 




7 
3 


9 
3 


9 
3 


9 
3 


9 
3 


9 
3 


9 
4 


9 
4 


9 
4 


8 
3 


8 
3 


8 
3 


8 
3 


8 
3 


6 
3 


6 
3 
3 

10 
9 

12 
4 


6 

3 

3 

10 

11 

13 

4 


6 

3 

3 

10 

11 

13 

4 


6 

3 

3 

10 

11 

13 

4 


6 
3 
3 

9 

16 

13 

S 

3 

11 

7 

7 

7 

12 

8 

4 

7 

11 


6 
3 
3 
9 

16 

13 
8 
3 

11 
7 
7 
7 

12 
8 
4 
7 

11 
3 
3 
5 
7 

33 
9 

21 
3 

26 
4 
6 

10 
6 
5 

10 
5 
8 

317 

37 


6 

3 

4 

11 

21 

15 

11 

5 

12 

8 

7 

8 

13 

11 

5 

8 

15 

3 

3 

5 

9 

35 

10 

22 

3 

29 

4 

7 

12 

8 

5 

11 

5 

10 

366 

37 


6 




3 




4 


Georeia 


5 


4 


4 


4 


6 


6 


8 


8 


8 
3 
3 


9 
3 
5 


9 
3 
5 


11 
5 
9 


11 
6 
9 


11 

5 
9 


10 

9 

12 


1? 




'>?, 


















3 


15 


Iowa. 
















13 


































q 


Kentucky 




4 


4 


4 


8 


8 


12 
3 


12 
3 


12 
3 
9 

11 

15 


14 

6 

9 

11 

15 


14 

5 

9 

11 

15 


15 
5 
10 
10 
14 


15 
5 
10 
10 
14 
3 


15 
5 
10 
10 
14 
3 


12 
6 
9 
8 

12 
5 


12 
6 
9 
8 

12 
5 


12 
6 
8 
8 

13 
6 


12 

6 
8 
8 
13 
6 


12 
6 
8 
8 

13 
6 
4 
7 
9 


IS 






R 
















6 




8 
10 


10 
16 


10 
16 


10 
16 


11 

19 


11 

19 


11 

22 


11 

22 


R 




14 


IVIiohieran . .... 


13 




























7 




















3 
3 


3 

3 


3 
3 


4 
4 


4 
4 


4 
4 


6 

7 


6 

7 


7 
9 


7 
9 


<» 


IVfi^ioiiri .. . 


















16 




















a 










































3 

5 
7 

33 
9 

21 
3 

26 
4 
6 

10 
6 
5 

10 
5 
8 

36 


3 


New Hampshire 


5 
6 

8 
7 


6 

7 

12 

12 


6 

7 

12 

12 


6 

7 

12 

12 


7 

8 

19 

14 

3 


7 

8 

19 

14 

3 


8 

8 

29 

15 

8 


8 

8 

29 

15 

8 


8 

8 

29 

15 

8 


8 

8 

36 

15 

16 


8 

8 

36 

15 

16 


7 

8 

42 

15 

21 


7 

8 

42 

15 

21 


7 

8 

42 

15 

21 


6 

7 

36 

11 

23 


6 

7 

36 

11 

23 


5 

7 

35 

10 

23 


5 

i 
10 
23 


5 

7 

35 

10 

23 

3 

27 

4 

8 

12 

4 

5 

15 


4 

9 




36 


North Carolina 

Ohio 


11 

23 


Orecon 










3 


Pennsvlvania 


10 
3 

7 


15 
4 
8 


15 
4 
8 
3 


15 
4 
8 
3 


20 
4 

10 
5 


20 
4 

10 
5 


25 
4 

11 
8 


25 

4 

11 

8 


25 

4 

11 

8 


28 

4 

11 

11 


28 

4 

11 

11 


30 

4 

11 

15 


30 

4 

11 

15 


30 

4 

11 

15 


26 
4 
9 

13 


26 
4 
9 

13 
4 
6 

17 


27 
4 
8 

12 
4 
5 

15 


27 
4 
8 

12 
4 
6 

15 


.30 


Rhode Island 


4 


South Carolina 


9 


Tt^nnossee 


12 


Tf xa** 






13 


Vermont 




4 

21 


4 
21 


4 
21 


6 
24 


6 
24 


8 
25 


8 
25 


8 
25 


7 
24 


7 
24 


7 
23 


7 
23 


7 
23 


6 
17 


4 


Virerinia 


12 


12 




6 


































4 

290 
30 


■ 5 

296 

31 


6 

296 

31 


5 

303 

33 


11 


Total 


91 
13 


135 
15 


138 
16 


138 
16 


176 
17 


176 
17 


218 
18 


221 
19 


235 
24 


261 
24 


261 
24 


288 
24 


294 
26 


294 
26 


276 
26 


401 


Number of States.... 


38 



LRBJL"i6 



